Robertson - The Two Processions of Eleusis and the Program of the Mysteries

7/30/2019 Robertson - The Two Processions of Eleusis and the Program of the Mysteries

1/30

The Two Processions to Eleusis and the Program of the Mysteries

Author(s): Noel D. RobertsonSource: The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 119, No. 4 (Winter, 1998), pp. 547-575Published by: The Johns Hopkins University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1561917 .

Accessed: 10/05/2013 07:40

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

The Johns Hopkins University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The

American Journal of Philology.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 147.96.166.160 on Fri, 10 May 2013 07:40:59 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=jhuphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/1561917?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/1561917?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=jhup


2/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSISAND THE PROGRAM OF THE MYSTERIES

NOEL D. ROBERTSON

A PERSISTENT DIFFICULTY IN OUR UNDERSTANDING of the EleusinianMysteries has been the date and composition of the great parade fromAthens to Eleusis, near the midpoint of the celebration. The handbooksadopt a desperate remedy, an ad hoc doctrine about the festival cal-endar. But the evidence of Athenian inscriptions, which has grownsteadily without being properly analyzed, now imposes an unlooked-for solution. There were two processions on successive days, and onlythe first was integral to the worship. In this new light we can see betterhow the festival took shape around the original procession of initiates.

A CALENDAR PROBLEMAn Athenian decree of ca. a.d. 220 lays it down that on 19 Boedromionthe hiera, previously brought from Eleusis to Athens, shall be escortedfrom Athens to Eleusis by the company of ephebes.1 Admittedly, this isvery late, and it is also a time of danger and disorder, as reflected in thedecree. Yet the sole concern is to maintain the old ways (the very styleof the decree is archaizing). The calendar day cannot be questioned.

Plutarch, however, says repeatedly that on 20 Boedromion thestatue of Iacchus is escorted from Athens to Eleusis.2 He must have

HG II2 1078 (SIG3 885; LSCG 8) lines 18-22; cf. 1079, another copy. For the date,which depends on prosopography, see Follet 1976, 75-76. Notopoulos (1949, 37-39) doesnot succeed in fixing the year as a.d. 221/2. It is in any case the last surviving Atheniandecree.2Phoc. 28.2-3, Cam. 19.10;so too schol. Ar. Ran. 324. Cf. Them. 15.1,Alc. 34.3-6,other notices of the procession without the day. During the period when the processionwas in abeyance, Euripides gives "the 20th" as the time for honoring Iacchus at Eleusis(lon 1074-77). The plural eixddec;used by Euripides (as by Plutarch, Cam. 19.6, aproposof Salamis) is not a vague or compendious term, as if to say the 20th and the days aroundit or after it. Singular and plural are used indifferently for the 20th day of the month; seeMeritt 1969,105-9, on the several ways of naming the 20th. Now Plutarch knows the taleAmericanournalfPhilology191998)47-5751998yThe ohnsopkinsniversityress

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


3/30

548 NOEL D. ROBERTSONknown the occasion at first hand, and is moreover an expert on the cal-endar?on the character of each day of the month, treated in his worknegj f||i8Q(bv and in his commentary on Hesiod, and on all commemo-rative days in the year, many of which are noted in the Lives and theEssays. And this day, 20 Boedromion, was redolent of history as noother?of Salamis, of Alcibiades, of Phocion. Again, the calendar daycannot be questioned.The usual recourse has been to say that a single procession, withboth the hiera and Iacchus, spanned two calendar days: the processionleft Athens in the daytime, which was counted as 19 Boedromion, andarrived at Eleusis in the evening (and led into a nighttime celebration),which was counted as 20 Boedromion.3 Varro is cited in support. For inthe book De Diebus of his great work Res Humanae, in discussing thepossible limits for a calendar day (an interesting question before we set-tled on the midnight epoch), Varro stated that the Athenians reckonedthe day from sunset to sunset.4 A daytime departure would then fall onone day, and an evening arrival on the next.On general grounds, this is not implausible. The day was so reck?oned by the peoples of Mesopotamia, Assyrians and Babylonians andothers, for both astronomical and ritual purposes, over thousands ofyears. Theirs is by far the largest body of ritual texts in the ancientworld, and the entry for a given day often runs through evening, night,

of the phantom procession of 480 B.c. (Them. 15.1,Phoc. 28.3, after Hdt. 8.65), and surelyit was this that led him to argue suo Marte for 20 Boedromion as the anniversary ofSalamis (Cam. 19.6 = fr. 142 Sandbach, dx;f|ulv ev xcoijieoi f|[A?Q(dvjiodedeixxai). Else?where he assigns the battle without ado to 16 Munichion, the festival of Artemis Mu-nichia, when the goddess's favor was remembered. There is no need to suppose thatPlutarch confused two battles, at Attic and Cyprian Salamis respectively, as argued by Ba?dian and Buckler (1975).3E.g., Mommsen 1898, 222; Foucart 1914,324-25, 338; Kern 1914,616 s.v. Iakchos 1,and 1935, 1228 s.v. Mysterien; J. Kirchner, n. 10 to SIG3 885; Deubner 1932, 72 n. 7; Dow1937, 113-15 (with some reserve); Nilsson 1962, 17;Mikalson 1975, 59. Owen on Ion 1076(1939, 140) has a version I have not seen elsewhere: the Iacchus procession began on 19Boedromion during the night, and continued on 20 Boedromion during the day. ButOwen's sally was inadvertent, for he cites an authority, Farnell, who subscribed to theusual view. In any case, the procession would not be marshaled and dispatched at night; in407 (if that was the year) Alcibiades is described as setting out early in the day (Plut. Alc.34.6). 4The fullest report, with the source citation, is Gell. 3.2.1-11, whence Macr. Sat.1.3.2-8. Other writers add little; they are all listed by Sallmann on Cens. De Die Nat.23.1-5 (1983, 57-58).



4/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 549and daytime as successive stages.5 But our faith in Varro receives ashock when he declares that the "Babylonians" reckon the day fromsunrise to sunrise, in just the opposite way from the Athenians.6In fact the evidence proves, and it is now granted by all authori-ties, that the Greeks at large, and the Athenians among them, reck-oned the day from sunrise to sunrise. Homer says "dawn," not "day," tomark the passage of time ("When the twelfth dawn had come ..."). TheAthenian idiom evt\ xai vea, "old and new," shows that the last day ofthe month, the day following the night of the lunar conjunction, was it?self counted together with the night of the first new moon.7 It is nodoubt conceivable that beside ordinary usage there was also a techni?cal definition of a day for special purposes.8 Yet no trace of such a daysurvives.

Greek astronomy reckons the day from sunrise to sunrise.9 Ritualtexts scarcely ever disclose a full-day sequence, but when they do, theorder is the reverse of Mesopotamian texts: from day to night.10 Apart

5Cohen 1993 supplies abundant illustration. E.g., days 1, 4, and 5 of the akitu festi?val at Ur (pp. 409-10); days 4 and 5 of the new year's festival at Babylon (pp. 441-47).6Varro is also wrong about the Egyptians, whose day ran not from midnight tomidnight, as he says, but from sunrise to sunrise.7The omitted noun is surely fiuioa. West (1978) on Hesiod Op. 770 makes itoeXr\vj], o that "the reference is to the common sight of 'the old moon in the new moon'sarms,'" i.e., a dim orb and a bright crescent. If so, "the new moon was actually givingnames to both days,"the last of one month and the first of the next, called voufxnvia.Thisline of argument also seems to presuppose the morning epoch.8So Nilsson 1962, 13-19. He first restricts it to Athens, which is said to have "einedoppelte Rechnung"; this one "ist kalendertechnisch, sakral und zivil" (15). But after-ward, as a means of explaining discrepant dates, he ascribes it to such as Aristocles ofRhodes and Aristobulus of Cassandreia (17). I pass over recent discussion which uncon-versantly assumes that ordinary usage is at issue.9Gem. Elem. 6, p. 68 Manitius. Rehm (1949, 1331 s.v. Parapegma) remarks thatmorning and evening phases of seasonal constellations are recorded in this order whenthey fall on the same day.10I cannot find a clear instance at Athens. In "the sacred calendar of Eleusis" adaytime rite for Apollo, almost certainly the Pyanopsia, is followed by apannychis: LSCG7, A8-19. But between the two sections a line has been erased (A14); it may well havecontained a new date, though this is not the usual interpretation. Another line, with a to?tal expenditure, has been erased at the end of the pannychis section (A20), as if to cancelit entirely, without the labor and unsightliness of erasing all the lines between. Nor is itlikely on other grounds that the Pyanopsia included a pannychis. We are better served onCos, in the regulations for the cult of Zeus Polieus, perhaps the most elaborate we have.They first describe a wide range of daytime activities and then, in the evening (xaijxav xdv



5/30

550 NOEL D. ROBERTSONfrom the matter at hand, two other Athenian festivals present some dif?ficulty with successive days, and the supposed evening epoch is again in-voked by the handbooks.u Yet in the one case, the festival of Bendisassigned to both 19 and 20 Thargelion, no detail of the rite is handeddown with either date, so that we are free to envisage different events,different groups, different settings, or else shorter and longer celebra-tions in alternate years, as with the festival Synoecia of (15-)16 He-catombaeon. In the other case, the Anthesteria, it is sheer confusionwhen a scholium asserts that Choes "Jugs" and Chytri "Bowls" fall onthe same day, since these are popular names whose whole point is todistinguish the related business of successive days (days of ordinary us-age), drinking wine neat from "jugs" and fresh-mixed from "bowls."In short, Varro does not help us. Somewhere in his vast reading hecame upon a writer who claimed the evening epoch for Athens; but theclaim was eccentric, and has no bearing on the transmitted dates forAthenian festivals.

Furthermore, the activity which Plutarch assigns to the 20th is thewhole Iacchus procession, from beginning to end: tov (iuotixov "Iaxxove|dyouoiv, "they bring forth the mystic Iacchus" (Cam. 19.6); tov"Iaxxov e| aoxeog 3EXeuoivd6e jrejutouoiv, "they conduct Iacchus fromthe city to Eleusis" (Phoc. 28.2). He could not speak thus if the proces?sion had set out on the 19th and merely reached its destination on the20th.12

Accordingly, we must recognize that the inscription and Plutarchrefer to two different ceremonies: to the conveyance of the hiera on the

vuxxa), a gathering of officiants who make further preparations: SIG3 1025 lines 1-45(LSCG 151Al-44). Nilsson (1962,18) cites a part of the Coan calendar which he takes toillustrate a sequence from night to day, namely, a holocaust and a regular sacrifice forHeracles: SIG31027 (LSCG 151C) 8-15. Yet it is quite gratuitous to suppose that the holo?caust takes place at night; and unless the two rites belong to the same sanctuary (this re?quires an unlikely restoration), there is nothing to show the temporal sequence.nBendideia, either 19 or 20 Thargelion: Mommsen 1898, 488; Deubner 1932, 219;F. Bomer (1952, 1929 s.v. Pompa); Nilsson 1962, 17;Mikalson 1975, 158. The date 19 Thar?gelion is supported by the Erchia calendar, BCH 87 (1963) 606-10 (LSCG 18) A 52-55,however we deal with the puzzling form "Menedeius." Choes and Chytri, "on one day":Mommsen 1898, 384-85; Deubner 1932, 93, 100;Nilsson 1962, 17.The confusion in Aris?tophanes' scholia is exposed in Robertson 1993,199-203.^Only Mommsen (1898, 222) and Dow (1937, 115) face this objection squarely.Mommsen pleads that the dating to the second of two days is still "begreiflich";Dow, thatboth of Plutarch's passages "are carelessly expressed."



6/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 551

19th, and to the Iacchus procession on the 20th. This fundamental stephas now been taken by J. M. Mansfield and K. Clinton.13 Clinton alsoadduces ephebic decrees of the Hellenistic period which typically saythat the ephebes met and escorted the hiera, and then did the same forIacchus: the hiera and Iacchus are obviously not escorted at the sametime in a procession of 19/20 Boedromion, as the handbooks assure us.He infers that the conveyance of the hiera on 19 Boedromion was amuch smaller affair, entrusted to a few officiants, and that the great pro?cession of initiates was reserved for 20 Boedromion, when they all es?corted Iacchus. But this reconstruction cannot stand either. The hieratoo were conveyed in procession. The rest of the evidence needs tobe examined in detail; but let me mention briefly the points againstClinton.

When the ephebes are twice commended in the same terms forserving as escort, the assumption must be that these were both large-scale processions, since ephebic participation in the festivals is alwaysmeant for show, at least in the Hellenistic period. The decree of ca. a.d.220, while omitting the Iacchus procession, indicates that the con?veyance of the hiera was part of a general procession, for in the sequelit speaks of festivities along the road and also of a grand reception atEleusis. In another inscription, about building a footbridge at one ofthe Rheiti, processioners follow the hiera over the bridge. And in yetanother, a sad remnant from a long regulatory decree of the first cen?tury B.c, the procession of new initiates is seen to precede the Iacchusprocession.

Rather, we shall conclude that 19 and 20 Boedromion saw twogroups parading in succession, the new initiates and the epoptai, andthat only the first of these events belongs to the original scheme. Thedetailed argument is as follows.

^Clinton (1988, 70), citing Mansfield's unpublished dissertation, and again later(1993, 116).Graf (1996, 61-64), in a structuralist interpretation (the procession or proces-sions are "centrifugal," with Eleusis marking a point "outside the polis and its organiza?tion"), only half agrees. Different groups, he says, paraded with the hiera and with Iac-chus respectively, but on the same day, at the same time: it is only that the former startedfrom the Eleusinium, the latter from the Pompeium, where both "merged."This recon-struction creates new difficulties while ignoring the old ones. In an earlier work (1974,54-55) Graf dated the Iacchus procession to the 19th, without ado (and cited the literarysources which specify the 20th).



7/30

552 NOEL D. ROBERTSONTHE EPHEBIC INSCRIPTIONS

We should begin with the ephebes, whose role in the processions is soclearly documented. Year by year in the late second century b.c. theyjoined and escorted two processions, one with the hiera and anotherwith Iacchus. In the longer form of commendation, which is also muchcommoner, "They met up with the hiera and escorted them; and like?wise Iacchus."14 In the shorter form, variatio is preferred to symmetry:"They met up with the hiera, and they escorted Iacchus."15It used to be thought that these two processions were several daysapart and went in opposite directions: on 14 Boedromion the ephebesescorted the hiera from Eleusis to Athens, and on 19/20 Boedromionthey escorted Iacchus from Athens to Eleusis.16 But the fuller style ofcommendation implies that the ephebes went the same way with bothprocessions. In one case (IG II2 1011) it is said that "they met up withthe hiera" at a certain place, |iexQi rfjg Tfyotig, "at the Clamor"?"andlikewise Iacchus." It was also puzzling that the decrees should ignorethe return of the hiera to Eleusis, which was thought to coincide withthe Iacchus procession. These and other difficulties are now removed.The ephebes escorted the hiera on the 19th, and Iacchus on the 20th.17

14IGII2 1006 line 9, djirivxnoav de xai xolc; eoolc;xai jiQoejieu^[av] ai>xd,ouoiooc;de xai xov "Iax/ov; 1006 line 74, sim.; 1008 lines 7-8, Jioir|o[a]vxo de xai xf]v [i>]jia[jidv]/[x]no[i]v xolc;ieoolc; e[v ojtloic; xai Jiooejieuâv auxd, xai x]6v "Iax/ov cboauxooc;;011lines 7-8, i>Jiajir|vxT]oave xai xolc; ieoolc;ev ojiXoic; xexQi f]c;Hxouc;xai jiQoejieuA{)a[vai>]xd, ofxoicogde xai xov "Iax/ov; 1028 (SIG3 717) lines 6-7, ejioir|oavxo de xai xf]vijjiajidvxnaiv xolc;ieoolc; ev ojiXoic;xai Jiooejieuâv / aijxd, xai xov "Iax/ov cbaauxooc;;1030 lines 5-6, sim.15Hesperia 24 (1955) 228-32.10-11, ejioir|oavxo de] xai xf]v djid[v] / xnoiv xolgieoolg, xai ji[Qoejie[xi|)avxov "Iax/ov (Robertson: this restoration is dictated by the nextinstance, which was already in front of Meritt and Reinmuth when they wrongly restoredJifeoejieâv auxd); Hesperia 16 (1947) 170-72 no. 67 (+ IG II2 1009) 3-14, ejioir|oavxode xai xf]v djidvxnaiv xolc; eoolc;,xai Jiooejieuâv xov "Iax/ov.16So,e.g., Mommsen 1898, 206-7, 211-14, 222; Pfuhl 1900, 36-37, 39-40; Foucart1914, 300-304, 324-25; Deubner 1932, 72; Bomer 1952, 1931 s.v. Pompa; Pelekidis 1962,220-23. Clinton (1988, 70; 1993,116) now has the ephebes performing thrice:escorting thehiera on 14 and 19 Boedromion, and escorting Iacchus on 20 Boedromion. This cannot bereconciled with the inscriptions.17Note that a much earlier decree, Hesperia 45 (1976) 297-99.9-10, a. 204/3, hasbeen wrongly restored by Reinmuth and by Traill so that the Iacchus procession alone isnamed: eji6[XJieuo]avde xai xdc; ioujidc;xrjvxe xcovSejxvcov0[e] / [covxai xoi) 'Idx/ou?but xai xr]vx. "I. would be required. Read xai xdc;aXkaz,.



8/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 553The place on the road at which they joined the two processions isonce mentioned, f| 'Hxcb, "the Clamor," otherwise unknown; it must al?

ways have been the same.18 The processions came from Athens, four?teen miles away. So the ephebes had been posted to Eleusis duringthese two days in order to provide an escort for the last stage only.Their disciplined march in armor was far more taxing than the easystyle of the processioners, who mostly rode in wagons.19 If we ask how apoint on the road was chosen to mark the final stage with its heightenedceremony, conjecture supplies a ready answer. The Mysteries were oncea local festival of Eleusis; any procession started nearby, and not atAthens. "The Clamor" would be a good name for the starting point of ahopeful or joyous procession.In ca. a.d. 220 the road between Athens and Eleusis was so unsafethat the authorities took steps to protect the hiera, not only during thefestival, when they were carried from Athens to Eleusis in the cere?mony of 19 Boedromion, but even beforehand, in the preliminary busi-ness of 14 Boedromion, when they were carried from Eleusis to Ath?ens.20 The ephebes are summoned to provide a military escort bothways for the whole distance, marching in order and wearing full armor.And of course they must first go in a body from Athens to Eleusis on13 Boedromion, so that they will make the journey three times in all.These are extraordinary measures. Presumably the hiera had alwaysbeen carried to Athens on 14 Boedromion or thereabouts; but this was

18Pelekidis(1962, 221-22) makes it a question whether this detail holds for just thegiven year, or for every year. Undoubtedly the latter, for the sonorous language of theephebic decrees harps on old custom and would not deign to notice some passing novelty.At IG I3 5 line 5, ca. a. 500, where most editors print [IIXoi3xo]viA[oXi]xoi after Ziehenand Prott respectively, Ziehen (apud Bomer 1952,1931 s.v.Pompa) suggests [ev 5EXeuoi]vi6' [eji' 5E]xoi.Whatever the merits of the usual reading, this one does not commend itself.19Thefavorite term for their manner of going is eXavveiv, "drive."The processionof the 19th (as distinguished below): Oliver 1941 (Sokolowski 1962, no. 15) lines 34,[e]Xda[coaiv;36, e[X]auvet(oaav; 37, e]Xai3ve[iv];39, eXa[i3veiv];41, eX[aaiv];and also 35,6xr|fx[aai;38, [6x]T]fxdx(ov.he procession of the 20th: Philicus fr. 680 line 36 LJP {Suppl.Heli), 'EXeuorvdde\xvoTr\kaoiaic,Idxxcov;Oliver 1941,line 42, auveiaeXauveiv;Plut. Alc.34.4, oxav e^eXauvcoaixov "Iaxxov. Women especially are mentioned, with their procliv-ity to insolent display: Ar. Plut. 1013-14;schol. ibid.; Dem. 21 Meid. 158; [Plut.] Vit.X Or.842 A-B (cf. note 28 below). But we shall see that at a certain point on the road, on 19Boedromion, everyone was made to dismount.20IG II2 1078 (cf. note 1 above). The inscription dwells on xoajxog, "order,"and(j)QOUQd,security":lines 7, 15, 30. Wilamowitz (1932, 479-80) emphasizes the symptomsof decline but goes too far in suggesting that the ritual has been greatly changed.



9/30

554 NOEL D. ROBERTSONoutside the festival program, which began in Athens on the next day. Innormal times the ephebes did not escort the hiera on 14 Boedromion,not even for a part of the way.21Behind the extraordinary measures, we can glimpse the standardpractice. The ephebes are repeatedly enjoined to march in due order; atthe outset this is said to be |i8td xov ei0io|ievou oxr||iaTog xfjg ajiaiepoig JTO|ijrfjg, "with the accustomed order of the procession with thehiera" (lines 12-13). That is, throughout all the arduous journeys theyare to march as smartly as they did before on that one last stage of theconveyance of the hiera on 19 Boedromion. The reward will be com-mensurate. "Since we require them to journey over so long a road, it isright for them to share in the sacrifices and libations and paeans alongthe road" (27-30). These are the regular festivities of processioners andbystanders on 19 Boedromion.22 At Eleusis the archon of the Eumolpi-dae welcomes the processioners with some refreshment and a largess;the ephebes will now share in these too (33-36).

Happily, the inscription is complete. So, then, are the arrange-ments for festival security on the road between Athens and Eleusis. Asthere is no mention of the Iacchus procession on 20 Boedromion, thiselement of the festival had been discontinued at an earlier date.23 Per?haps it was because the road was unsafe. Or perhaps the number ofworshipers had so dwindled that two processions were not worthwhile.Whatever the reason, it is significant that the procession which wasretained, and which is now carefully provided for, is the one on 19Boedromion.

21n the usual reconstruction, as exemplified in all the works cited in note 16 above,the ephebic escort of 14 Boedromion is taken as standard practice in the Roman period,and this in turn as an extension of Hellenistic practice, when the ephebes went only partway. The inscriptions cannot be so interpreted.22Plutarch(Alc. 34.4) associates such festivities with the Iacchus procession, whichby all accounts was exuberant. Yet they could not be dispensed with on the previous dayeither. 23Plutarchspeaks as if the Iacchus procession was still going in his time. The latestmention on stone is in a fragment of a dedicatory epigram at Eleusis, IG II2 4788 line 5(second century?), daijfxovi jtiu^av 5Idxxco[i],"they paraded for the god Iacchus."



10/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 555THE DECREE ABOUT THE FOOTBRIDGE

Turning from the ephebes to the other processioners, we find that on 19Boedromion, but not, as it appears, on 20 Boedromion, the procession?ers were obliged to go on foot at a certain point, and perhaps for therest of the way, for the final stage. Such is the purport of a decree ofearly 422/1 b.c, a couple of months before the Mysteries, which callsfor the construction of a footbridge over one of the Rheiti near Eleu?sis.24 The Rheiti were two spring-fed ponds pinching the coastal road atthe eastern edge of the Eleusinian plain, a strategic as weil as a hieraticfeature.25

The bridge, says the decree, is needed hog av ra hiepd (f>8QOOivhai hieQeai docfKxXeotata, "so that the priestesses may carry the hieraas safely as possible" (lines 9-11). The hiera are doubtless in baskets,which the priestesses can take upon their heads (women bearing roundbaskets are rendered as Caryatids in the Lesser Propylaea of the sanc-tuary). The bridge is to be made narrow "so that wagons may not driveacross," dXXd totg looiv el pa5i^ev em td hiepd, "but it may be possiblefor the processioners to go on foot for the purpose of the hiera" (lines12-14). The last phrase requires a word of explanation. The term hierawill mean the same in both passages, about the priestesses and aboutthe processioners; these hiera were much spoken of in the planning ofthe bridge. It is not simply that the processioners are going "to therites" at Eleusis, that is, to the sanctuary, for that notion would be ex?pressed as usual by 3EXeuoivd5e.26 We might expect to hear of wor-

24IGI379. Clinton (1974, 14) thinks that the bridge was built to replace an earlierone destroyed in the Archidamian War, "without which the Sacred Way was virtually im-passable." But the main road served for wheeled traffic, and that would be the first con?sideration in bridging or skirting water. The local Cephisus, right beside the town, alwaysrequired a substantial bridge; new construction is attested in the early Hellenistic periodand again by Hadrian (who gives us the existing remains). As we might expect, the recordshows that processioners as well as others used this bridge. The footbridge at the Rheituswas a bypass off the main road. The five-foot width prescribed by the decree agrees withthe evidence of wheel ruts on Greek roads, which are upward of five feet apart (see West1978, on Hes. Op. 424).25Thuc.2.19.2, etc; Travlos 1988,177-79,181,188.26Shear (1982, 131) translates the term differently in the two passages: "in orderthat the priestesses may carry the sacred relics"; "but those going to the sacred rites maycross on foot" (em xd hieod goes with padi^ev, not looiv, but let that pass). Shear, itshould be noted, has shown that the building material reused in the bridge, part of a large



11/30

556 NOEL D. ROBERTSON

shipers who go |i8td td hiepd, "after the hiera." Instead, em is em-ployed, denoting purpose. So totg iooiv, "the processioners," includesthe whole group of both officiants and worshipers. It is the most explicitway of saying that everyone, starting with the priestesses, must go onfoot.

How then did the procession make its way with the hiera? Nowoman would be expected to walk for fourteen miles with a basket onher head. In the third century b.c, a wagon is used elg xr\v xo|il5tiv tcdvL8Q(bv, "for the conveyance of the hiera" and the epimeletai of the Mys-teries are praised for attending to the matter.27 It is unlikely that such acustom ever changed. But it was also traditional that at the Rheiti theprocessioners should go on foot. The footbridge is a means of ensuringthat they do. Before this, we may infer, processioners who followed thenormal route for wheeled traffic did not always respect the rule aboutalighting.28 Whether they were allowed to remount on the other sidedoes not appear. In either case, this point on the road is sacrosanct. Itmay be the same as the place called "the Clamor," the original startingpoint in the local celebration of the Mysteries.In sum, the inscription shows that the hiera are conveyed in a pub?lic procession requiring a public facility, the footbridge. Since the Iac?chus procession is not referred to (the inscription is not complete, butturns to other matters before it breaks off), the bridge was not neededthen. It is another sign that the procession of 19 Boedromion was para-mount.

THE DECREE ABOUT MYSTAI AND MYSTAGOGOIAn Athenian decree dated by the letter-forms to the first century b.c.lays down strict rules for the behavior of mystai and mystagogoi as theyparade to Eleusis, and also for the prosecution of offenders in the law

stockpile at Eleusis, came from a temple that was dismantled before the Persian Wars,and not from the one burnt by the Persians.21IG II2847 {SIG* 540) lines 17-20, a. 215/14 (archon Diocles).28Perhapsthe rule was enforced once more by Lycurgus.Among the laws ascribedto him in the Plutarchan Vita is one that has the look of anecdote, "that a woman shall notgo off to Eleusis on a wagon," with a penalty of a whole talent, for which Lycurgus him?self was immediately liable when his wife offended {Vit.X Or. 842A-B). A law of suchscope is impossible to credit, in the light of all that we have seen; but the story may havestarted from some authentic legislation similar to that of 422 b.c.



12/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 557courts.29 If this inscription were preserved entire, it would throw a floodof light on Athenian institutions in a troubled period. Alas, the surfaceis badly worn and much is lost; with the remaining lines, 16-43, even thelength cannot be exactly determined. In quoting a few bits I shall alsoquote some helpful supplements by J. H. Oliver and F. Sokolowski,30 butthe points that I shall make do not depend on any restoration.The question arises in lines 23-24 of keeping "order" during"the journey" to Eleusis: hXav] I [veiv 5e xaxd] xd^iv xai xryv jcopeiave[iw6o|ia)c; jtoi]ei[v] cooxe, xxL The first requirement, in lines 25-27, isthat the mystai shall be accompanied by the mystagogoi: ed]v 5e oiliDOxaycoyoi \ir\ gvYJc[oQe]v(pyxai T9^ [p/uoraic;, and again oxov] 5edycooi xoijg \xvoxac,, xxL Next, a section about the procedure for pun-ishing offenders (28-34). We then return to the procession, and it is laiddown in full detail by what transport, and in what order, and up to whatpoint, people shall proceed (34-40). There are two very tempting sup?plements, both by Oliver: e[jti 5e] xo[I]g 6%r)\i[aoi |iexpi] / [tov Teixov]e[^]


13/30

558 NOEL D. ROBERTSONThe last two lines that are preserved, 42-43, associate the mystaiwith the procession of 20 Boedromion, and must be quoted in full: xgtl

ev 5EX,8u[aivi t]coi xe 'lan%mt ouveioeXauveiv (bg dv 6 paoiXeug xai oiem|i[eX,riTo:i xd] / [^cooi xat Jtaoeivai] vuxtooq xao[jcoig eo]xe(|>o:va)|ie-voug ejcdvayxeg ev xa>i [djto5]e5eiY(Ji[eva)i xêioai, "And at Eleusis it iscompulsory for them both to join the incoming procession with Iacchusin the manner that the basileus and the epimeletai prescribe, and to pre?sent themselves at night crowned with sprays at the designated place."The restorations here are minimal and certain, except that a longerword or phrase than xdôooi may have stood at the end of the one lineand the beginning of the next. The unexpressed subject of the infinitivesis the mystai, who in the previous section were told how to go in pro?cession to Eleusis. Now that they have got there, they are told how tobehave at two other large public events with a potential for disorder:the incoming Iacchus procession, and a nighttime gathering that fol?lows. It is therefore the day after the procession of the mystai, and otherprocessioners are arriving with Iacchus: it would be said of them, x(biIdxxcoi eioeXouvouoi. The mystai join the arriving party, ouveioeXou-vouoi.

The nighttime gathering, wherein participants are crowned withsprays (that is, of myrtle), is doubtless a revel, in some area outside thesanctuary proper (it shall be "at the designated place," says the decree).Literature and art give other indications, most of which have long beennoted, that the Iacchus processioners went on to dance the night away.32We now learn that they were joined, at least for a time, by the pro?cessioners of the day before, the new initiates. The poet Philicus in hisHymn to Demeter puts it the other way round, saying that when Iac?chus had been brought to Eleusis, "many a processioner joined many afaster by the sea," that is, that the Iacchus processioners joined the newinitiates.33

32Eur.Ion 1074-77; Ar. Ran. 154-59, 316-53, 369-415, 440-59; Philicus fr. 680 lines36-37 LJP {Suppl. Hell.); IG II2 847 line 21, xfjg 'Eêuglvi xov Tadxxou xjJioSoxfjg.Ac?cording to Clinton (1992, 67-71) Iacchus is consistently shown on vases as a youth with hi-mation and torch or torches. It has sometimes been objected that the Iacchus procession?ers would be too tired for dancing. But as we saw, they rode at ease in wagons and did noteven dismount at the Rheiti, like the processioners of the day before.33'E^?i)oTvd6eivoTi]kaoiai(; Idxxoov [-]xe jroM.[f]] eySeâpivr] xb\i JiaQakv\icl vrigTrjv,cil. jioujit| (LJP). The sequence shows that the second line is not concernedwith "the second day of the festival, 'Mystai, to the sea,' " as LJP suggests.



14/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 559The upshot is that new initiates go in procession with the hiera on19 Boedromion, and another group goes in procession with Iacchus on

20 Boedromion. This is not the result of any reorganization of the Mys?teries at the time of our decree.34 It is clear that both processions aretraditional. But they could be turbulent unless tightly controlled. Weshould consider contemporary circumstances, as commentators havenot done so far.35They are illustrated for us by one notorious occasion. In 88 b.c,on the eve of the Mithradatic War, all public gatherings were banned atAthens. Rome is blamed for this in the incendiary speech which Posei-donius puts in the mouth of Athenion; yet any effective action wastaken by the Athenian authorities. Now it was not only the secular as?

sembly places that were closed: theater, Pnyx, law courts, gymnasia,philosophie schools. The authorities shut up the most frequentedshrines, and in particular the hall of the Mysteries: "and the holy cry ofIacchus was silenced."36 It must be that the celebration of the Mysteriesin autumn 89 was either canceled altogether or greatly curtailed. Theprocessions, and no doubt that nighttime gathering, lent themselves topublic disturbance. The present decree aims to forestall such mischief.

THE IACCHUS PROCESSIONIt remains to identify the group who parade with Iacchus on 20 Boe?dromion. This procession is a famous spectacle on which our sourceslove to dwell, with no thought for the dreaded rule of secrecy. Both theprocession and the nighttime revel that followed are extremely merry,

34Ourdecree is compared by Oliver (1941,65, 70), and by everyone since, with theregulations for the Mysteries of Andania, of 92/1 b.c. Insofar as these very extensive regu-lations treat of keeping order (and at one point mystagogoi come into it), the comparisonis apt. But it is likely that the Mysteries here were now created for the first time: Robert-son 1988, 246-54.35Nock (1952, 180 n. 1) thinks of "a measure taken after the discovery of two un-authorized Acarnanians in the sanctuary in 200 B.c."If there is anything to the epigraphicdating (note 29 above), he is reaching very far.36Ath.5.51,213C-D (Pos. FGrH 87 F36, fr.247 Theiler, fr.253 Edelstein and Kidd)."Let us not endure to see" the various secular resorts closed and disused. And as a climax,"Let us not endure to see" xf]v ieodv xov 'Idxxou (j)0)vf]v axaaeaiyaafxevnv xai xo oe\i-vov dvdxxoQov xolv Oeolv xex^niuivov. It may be worth correcting an old mistake. Fer-guson (1911,443), in his lively rendering of Athenaeus, speaks of "the hallowed sanctuaryof Castor and Pollux,"as if it were not dvdxxooov but Avaxelov.



15/30


typified by shouts of I'axxe?which is either a Dionysiac cry to beginwith, or one that soon came to be equated with Dionysiac license.37 Yetthe procession and the revel have no discernible function in the festivalbusiness.38 The hiera were conveyed on the day before, and the con?veyance of the god Iacchus, as represented by a statue, is secondary tothe shouting; still more his "reception" at Eleusis. The processioners ofthe 20th are also dispensed from the ritual, whatever it may have been,that was performed on that day in the sanctuary: it was solely for theearlier processioners. If those were new initiates, these must be re-peaters, the category called epoptai. Aristophanes uses the term oi|ie|iur]|i8voi "the (complete) initiates" for the Iacchus revelers of theunderworld.39

The distinction between new initiates and repeaters is plainly aconsequence of the increasing number of worshipers. The Hall of theMysteries was enlarged several times until it reached its final dimen-sions in the later fifth century.40 The size of the hall limited the at-

37The Iacchus cry and the persons so called have often been discussed, most re?cently by Clinton (1992, 65-67). The question is whether they originate with our proces?sion or derive from a larger Dionysiac background. There are three elements. (1) The cryis directly attested only for this procession; it is personified as a minor deity whom wor-shipers "conduct"and "hymn" and "receive" at Eleusis, and who is visibly embodied in astatue and served by a priest. (2) The processional deity is described in literature as ayoung, exuberant, licentious master of the revels, similar to Dionysus; painting and sculp-ture likewise give him Dionysiac features?though Clinton (67-71) admits fewer of thesethan other experts. (3) Iacchus, like Bacchus, is another name for the god Dionysus, andnot only when he is associated with Eleusis. The answer will depend on how we envisagethe realities. If the order just given is the order of development, the procession of 20 Boe?dromion must have been, even among agrarian rites, remarkable for its license. Thisseems unlikely; it is easier to suppose that I'axxe was an age-old Dionysiac cry, like id>(3dxxe,that was put to new use.38Wfhen he hiera and Iacchus are thought to be conveyed together, it is the formeron which any explanation turns. For example, Nilsson (1916,313-14; 1951,38-39) suggeststhat in transferring the hiera to Athens at mid-month, and in returning them only later,the Athenians once attempted to transfer the whole festival. Eitrem (1920, 59-60) thinksthat the hiera had a power to bless that was exerted in procession. In Clinton's view theinitiates parade with Iacchus and not with the hiera: he accordingly suggests that theirpiglets were now carried in their pilgrim scrips (1988, 77).39Ran.158, 318. The general term \ivoxai is also used (335, 370).40Thecapacity of the Periclean hall is commonly estimated as 3,000 or 4,000 stand-ing persons. In his last contribution Travlos (1988, 95,142) argues that the earlier diagonalfoundations beneath the Stoa of Philo were the beginning of a further enlargement, avery substantial one, which was never carried through. Cf. Clinton 1994b, 169. IG I3 6("ante a. 460") C14-20 sets aside a constant 1,600 drachmas for expenses at both the



16/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 561tendance at any given celebration, as long as all the worshipers werecommitted to the session or sessions in the hall. The solution, we maysuppose, was to divide the worshipers into two grades, mystai andepoptai. The former, whose title is the usual one in fertility rites, gothrough the entire ritual. The latter, whose title means "witnesses," havealready witnessed the rites, and when they return they do not gothrough them all again. Even as the rites are being conducted in thehall, the epoptai come to Eleusis in a separate procession: as old hands,they parade with boisterous shouting. When the mystai emerge at eve-ning from the hall, the two groups are united for a torchlight revel.Thus the Iacchus procession is a relatively late development (wefirst hear of it as the phantom procession of 480 b.c). It was finally in-corporated in the aetiology of the Mysteries. Demeter bore Iacchus asKore's much younger brother, and was still nursing him when eventsbrought her to Eleusis, so that she found employment there as awet-nurse.41 Iacchus came with her, an image of the procession. The lit?tle babe was as merry as the processioners, for he fondled Baubo's bellyas she hitched up her skirt.42 Even Demeter could not keep fromsmiling.On the other hand, the procession of initiates on the 19th wasan essential part of the Mysteries. Similar processions are common tothe worship of Demeter everywhere, and go far back, as we shall soonsee.

Lesser and the Greater Mysteries, out of the total fees paid each year by the initiates. Sotheir number was always in the thousands. Feaver (1957, 140) arrives at a number "muchgreater than"3,000, but as we do not know how much each initiate paid in total (the itemsin C5-14 are only part of it), there is no firm basis for calculation.41Lucr.4.1168,whence Arnob. Adv. Nat. 3.10 (Demeter nurses Iacchus); Phot. Sudas.v. "Iaxxog ("Dionysus at the breast"); Diod. 3.64.1;schol. Arist. 46.213, p. 648 Dindorf(Dionysus as son of Demeter). Kern (1914, 621-22 s.v. Iakchos 1) adds other more am-biguous references, chief among them H. Orph. 52.11,(Dionysus) vjioxotaiie.42l~Iaig ' fjev "Iaxxog, / %2\qie uxvQujttaaxeyeX(bvBauPovg viib xo?jtoig: Clem.Protr. 21.1 {Orph. fr.52), from a "poem of Orpheus."This part is rendered in Latin by Ar-nobius as quas cava succutiens Bacchi manus [Auratus:Baubo manu cod. Parisinus], nampuerilis / ollis vultus erat,plaudit, contrectat amice {Adv. Nat. 5.25). Auratus brilliantly re-stored both sense and meter; manus is scanned manu', an archaism widely paralleled atthis period (Foerster 1874, 284). Arnobius in his prior account of Baubo improved onClement by saying that she barbered her parts before exposing them (cf. Adv. Nat. 5.35,novatio et revelatio pudendorum); in the verses he includes this detail parenthetically, as"the childish look" that attracts the baby. Interpretation of the Baubo episode took awrong turn when Diels cited Ath. 3.54, 98D, for iaxxog = %oiqo


17/30

562 NOEL D. ROBERTSONTHE GENERAL PROGRAM

With the two processions thus distinguished, the general program of theMysteries becomes a little clearer. Let us recall, as briefly as we can, theattested sequence of days. There is no need to cite any evidence or ar?guments. It has all been done before, and up to a point the results areagreed.43The festival ran from the 15th of Boedromion through at least the21st, and perhaps for one or two days more. For the first four days, fromthe 15th through the 18th, all the business that we hear of is at Athens,and indeed it is only on the first two days, the 15th and 16th, that thebusiness is said to belong to the Mysteries. The 15th and 16th are re-spectively called dyuojiog, "Roundup" (?)?the meaning is discussedbelow?and fikx&e jiuoxai, "Mystai, to the Sea": names denoting theday's activity. Then the activities stop. Quite a different festival, the Epi-dauria honoring Asclepius, fails on one of the next two days, the 17th or18th, more likely the former, since the 18th was sometimes chosen formeetings of the Assembly. We may safely say that during the latter twodays Athens city was not preoccupied with the Mysteries.

Next come the two processions of the 19th and 20th, examinedabove. On the following days the new initiates were fully engaged inrites within the sanctuary, especially in the great hall; the repeaters per?haps in part of it (of course all of them must have been lodged andboarded elsewhere, outside the sanctuary). What they did from day today is unknown. The calendar is necessarily ignored in modern re-constructions of the mysterious "doings" and "sayings" and "showings"(dromena, legomena, deiknumena).44

Even the festival duration is quite uncertain. A rite of spillingsome liquid into the earth, called plemochoai, is attested for "the last

pun of the tyrant Dionysius, which has no further bearing: see Marcovich 1986, 300-301.Worse still, Auratus' emendation dropped out of the discussion after Foerster (1874,282-88), though it is recorded by Marchesi ad loc. (Turin 1953). Clinton (1992, 91 n. 146)thinks that "Iacchus" is what Baubo disclosed to view, a la Diels. He also thinks that theBaubo episode "is not relevant to the Mysteries," since "it is another instance of the name"Iaxxog used poetically for Bdxxog." That makes little sense beside the Dielsian doctrine,and goes against our other evidence (note 41 above).43E.g.,Mommsen 1898, 205-8, 213-35, 244-45; Foucart 1914,308-39, 355-58, 371-75, 457; Deubner 1932, 72-75, 91;Kern 1935, 1225-31 s.v. Mysterien; Dow 1937;Mikalson1975, 54-60, 65; Clinton 1993,116,118-19.^Foucart 1914, 357, is an exception, and avowedly hypothetical.



18/30


day of the Mysteries," that is, a day after the 20th. Athens' Council be?gan to meet again on the 24th. Since officiants and worshipers wouldwelcome a full day's interval in which to return to Athens, it seems un-likely that the festival extended beyond the 22nd. The 23rd is also downfor a meeting of a "Sacred Council" at Eleusis. Admittedly, some au-thorities take the festival right through the 23rd. Perhaps they havebeen swayed by a wish to make the Eleusinian part last about as long asthe Athenian.

Such is the program in outline. Why did it take this form? Weshould start from the fact that the Mysteries were once a festival ofEleusis in which Athens had no share. It has not been determined atwhat date Athens took charge, still less by what stages the program wasextended. Yet the original sequence was surely left intact. It is of theessence of ritual that it must not change. Much might be added, butnothing would be taken away.Scholars have sometimes jumped to the conclusion that the origi?nal festival was the part beginning with the procession of 19 Boedro?mion (or 19/20 Boedromion, on the former reckoning), when the focusseems to shift from Athens to Eleusis.45 After all, we are not informedof any business at Eleusis before this, only of various doings at Athens.On this view, the festival fails into two halves of roughly equal length,an Athenian half from 15 to 18 Boedromion, and an Eleusinian halffrom 19 Boedromion to the end. There are, however, two objections.The Athenian ritual of 15-16 Boedromion seems at once too importantand too characteristic of Demeter to be wholly adventitious. And thehiatus of 17-18 Boedromion is inexplicable.On 16 Boedromion, called "Mystai, to the Sea," each initiate tookhis piglet down to the sea for a saltwater bath, obviously in preparationfor sacrifice.46 Where and how they were all sacrificed is unknown, but

45E.g.,Mommsen 1898, 27, 201-2, 275 (he also thinks that mysteries of "Bacchus"and Demeter are thus combined); Pfuhl 1900, 42-43; Nilsson 1916, 313-14; Deubner 1932,72; Kern 1935, 1225-26 s.v. Mysterien.46Weare usually told that the sea bath is intended for the initiate as weil, or for theinitiate in particular, as a means of purification: e.g., Foucart 1914, 293-95, 314-17; Deub?ner 1932, 75-76; Parker 1983, 283. It is true that according to Aeschines' scholiast (3 Ctes.130) "the initiates went down to the sea to be purified." Yet their main purpose was cer?tainly not the bath but the ensuing sacrifice as a means of individual expiation. If the scho?liast thought only of the bath, he was not weil informed. Plutarch {Phoc. 28.6), who pro?vides the sole description of the bath, says that a shark seized an initiate ta)i>ovxaXOiql6lov,"as he was washing his piglet." He does not say tayuojxevovovv xoiqiSiooi,"as



19/30

564 NOEL D. ROBERTSONit must have been done straightway, for otherwise the purpose of thecleansing would be defeated, with the piglet getting just as dirty onceagain.47 On this day, the second of the Mysteries, the crowd of initiateswere ready with their individual piglets. A large number of animals,probably in the thousands, were required.48 The matter of supplyand distribution would be seen to on the day before, the first of theMysteries.49The traditional name for this day, dyupiiog, has been taken tomean "Assembly," "Forgathering" (of the worshipers), as does the cog-nate noun dyopd in early use.50 This is an unlikely meaning, for tworeasons. First, it is not at all distinctive: people will come together at thebeginning of every festival. Second, dyupiiog (or dyep|i6g) as a nomenactionis normally keeps a more specific sense of dyeiQO). In a ritual con?text, it is often "collection," that is, of money.51 Here that does not fit,but another sense of dyeipoo does: to "herd" animals, especially swine;5215 Boedromion must be the "Roundup" of sacrificial pigs. Another tra?ditional name which designates the same day, though this has not been

he was bathing with his piglet." In Plutarch's view, the sea bath was intended simply tocleanse the animal. It is a reasonable view. In the Delian accounts which record the sev?eral kinds of sacrificial pig at the Thesmophoria, two of them are styled 6etaj)dxiov xa-6aoov, "purified porker" (Bruneau 1970, 286-87). This must be a proleptic term for apiglet cleansed in the ritual. Immersion in seawater is the most drastic cleansing or purify-ing, needed for a pig but not for any ordinary person. For a person or for a statue, wash-ing in the sea is an extraordinary measure and is never part of any festival (though the rit?ual of Athens' Palladium was once so interpreted).47Clinton (1988, 77-78) would reverse the argument: since the pigs must have gotdirty again, they must have been cleansed again, repeatedly, and "their final cleansing"must have been at Eleusis, "justbefore entering the sanctuary."This is unconvincing.48For he number of initiates see note 40 above. Jameson (1988, 98-99), in estimat-ing the scale of pig-rearing for sacrificial purposes, seems not to allow for these or otherpersonal offerings to Demeter, which would not appear in any sacrificial calendar.49At Athens' Anthesteria, another huge celebration, the new wine that was re?quired by individual worshipers on the second and third days was elaborately fetched anddistributed on the first, called "Opening the Jars":Robertson 1993, 212-18.50Hsch. s.v. dyuojiog' exx^rjoia- ODyxQoxnoLg*oxi de xai xo dyeioojievov xai xcovu.uaxr]QLtov||X8Qaiqcoxt).Hesychius alone gives the name of the first day, and he is alsotaken to warrant the meaning "Assembly."But in fact he distinguishes between this mean?ing and another one at the Mysteries: "what is collected."51Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.19.2 includes dyuojxoi among several large categories ofritual which the Romans have wisely eschewed.52Od. 14.25,16.3 (swine); //. 2.481 (cows), whence Hsch. s.v. dyoojievrjai.



20/30


generally recognized, is ieQeta 5ei)QO, "Victims Hither."53 It is a greatadvantage that the terms dyuQ^og and ieQeta bevQO can now beequated.The Athenians then, on 15-16 Boedromion, were engaged in animportant and characteristic rite. Surely the rite was part of the Myster?ies from of old. But if so, it was proper to Eleusis; it must also have con-tinued there after the festival was enlarged. The hiatus of 17-18 Boe?dromion is thus explained: these two days are the original roundup andsacrifice. Since this ritual takes place outside the sanctuary, it was trans-posed to Athens in the enlarged festival, but was scheduled for the twoprevious days, the 15th and 16th. The Athenian version could not bemade concurrent with the Eleusinian, inasmuch as the same officiants,members of hereditary gene, insisted on presiding throughout?andeven on fetching some of their own gear, the hiera, to Athens.The festival begins with this collective sacrifice of pigs, on the 15thand 16th at Athens and on the 17th and 18th at Eleusis. Afterward theworshipers withdraw to the Eleusinian sanctuary. In the celebration weknow, they go from Athens city in two great processions. But until theepoptai were created as a separate category, there was only one suchprocession, on the 19th. And it was once a local procession at Eleusis. Itwould start from some point nearby, which might be either "Echo,"where later the ephebes joined up, or the Rheiti, where the procession?ers from Athens dismounted: unless these two points are the same. Theduration of that local festival was perhaps five days, from the 17th tothe 21st (even in later times no definite evidence takes us beyond the21st). If so, the procession was on the middle day; in any case it marks a

53Philostr.V.Apoll. 4.18: xd de 'Emdavoia [xexd Jioooorjaiv xe xai ieoeia devoo[xuelvASrjvaioig Jidxoiov em Qvoiai deuxeoai, "At the Epidauria, in the sequel to 'Proc-lamation' and 'Victims Hither,' it is customary for the Athenians to conduct initiation onthe occasion of a second offering." "Proclamation" and "Victims Hither" are conjoined astwo events with traditional names that signal the beginning of the Mysteries, so that bothmust fall on the first day, 15 Boedromion; it is not that they are names for successive days,15-16 Boedromion. Thereafter comes "initiation,"in the first instance on 16 Boedromion,on the occasion of that mass offering by the new initiates: "Mystai, to the Sea." Philostra?tus takes this as understood, and informs us that other initiates might still come forwardwith an offering, "a second offering," on 17 Boedromion (unless it was the 18th), the dayof the Epidauria. Asclepius himself was first to do so, he goes on to say, because he ar?rived late. And so Apollonius and others do now. Clinton (1994a, 18) arrives at the samedates by somewhat different reasoning.



21/30

566 NOEL D. ROBERTSONtransition from the demonstrative public ritual with the pigs to the se-questered business in the sanctuary.

THE PROGRAM OF THE THESMOPHORIAIt is worth noting that the same pattern holds for Demeter's standardautumn festival, the Thesmophoria, or at least for the Athenian in?stance as recorded in the scholia to Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusaeand related notices. The festival runs for five days in the month Pyano-psion, each day but one with its own name, as follows: otr|via (of unde-termined meaning) on the 9th; a celebration at Halimus on the 10th;dvo5og, "Going Up," on the 11th; vrioteia, "Fasting," on the 12th; andxaMayeveia, "Fair Birth" (rites), on the 13th.54 The great procession, a"Going Up" to Demeter's hillside sanctuary, is again on the middle day,which now is labeled such: f| \ieor\, "The Middle" (Thesm. 80, 376). Thisday's activity was the most conspicuous of all, and is singled out forAristophanes' parody.55 Indeed both the festival and the sanctuary,Oeo[xoc()6Qia and Oeofxo(|)6Qiov, are named for the processional "carry?ing" of Oeofxoi. These were doubtless the large, round baskets that typ-ify the festival; each woman carried one with the necessities for hersanctuary sojourn.56

54Schol. Ar. Thesm. 80, 585, 834; Hsch. s.v. dvo6og; Phot. s.v. Oeauoc^ooicov |U?Qai6'; also Alciphr. 2.37.1-2. Admittedly, the Stenia have a separate tradition in the lexica:Hsch. s.w. axr|via, axnvicoaai;Phot. s.v. axr|via (Eubulus PCG V fr. 146). The reason isthat they are often separately mentioned, by Aristophanes and by other writers. As a con-sequence, the name "Thesmophoria"is reserved by the scholia and lexica, expressly or byimplication, for the next four days, 10-13 Pyanopsion?as if one Athenian festival ofDemeter was immediately followed by another. This transparent error has been com-pounded by scholars who also treat the second day, the visit to Halimus, as a separate oc?casion: e.g., Nilsson (1906, 317;1951,41); Deubner (1932, 52-57); Arbesmann (1937, 26-27s.v.Thesmophoria); and Mikalson (1975, 71-73).55Of course the parade itself cannot be part of the action on stage. It is observedfor a moment (lines 280-81) and then recalled at the sanctuary destination (584-85, 623,657, 893-94). The fasting of the 12th is only in prospect (948-49, 984). At Ath. 7.80, p.308 F, "fasting" is equated with "the middle" in the double accusative vnaxeiav dyo^iev0eauo


22/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 567The correspondence goes further. After the procession the

women, like the initiates, are secluded in Demeter's sanctuary for therest of the festival. Earlier, on the second day, the women, like the initi?ates, resort to the seashore. This was in the deme Halimus, more pre?cisely at Cape Colias (Ayios Kosmas), a low spit of land.57 The toponymAXifxoijg, i.e., AXi[xo-eig, is formed in the regular way from dXifxog, "bythe sea"; if this was the term for the stretch of shore frequented in thefestival, the nomenclature resembles akabe \ivoxai. The only clue towhat they did there is the legend of a seaborne attack by Megarianswho targeted the celebrants: a patent aetiology.58 Megarians are virtualpigs (Ar. Ach. 738-835) and in this story prove to be helpless victims,being slaughtered with knives by the women (or, to be exact, by femaleimpersonators).The Thesmophoria were very widely celebrated?and under justthis name?whereas other seasonal festivals, though also widespread,mostly have different names in different dialects or regions.59 What evi?dence we have for the ritual is conformable with the Athenian instance:women were active on the shore,60 and sojourned in the sanctuary fora three-day span.61 Above all, the unvarying descriptive name "Thes-

57ForHalimus and Cape Colias see Day 1932, 1-3; Travlos 1988, 6-7. The usualopinion (note 54 above) is that the second day of Athens' Thesmophoria incorporates alocal festival of separate origin;Nilsson even thinks of Halimus as a place that needed tobe reconciled with Athens city, like Eleusis or Brauron. This is completely out of scale.Halimus was a small deme, with three councilors, and bordered on the port of Phalerum.It is inconceivable that the people here had ever conducted a staple agrarian festival in-dependent of the city.58Plut.Sol. 8.4-6; Polyaen. 1.20.2. The same "stratagem" (the Athenians outwit theattackers) is also situated at Eleusis: Aen. Tact. Poliorc. 4.8-11; Just. 2.8.1-5; Front. Strat.2.9.9. This is taken as evidence for an Eleusinian celebration of the Thesmophoria byFoucart (1914, 64); Travlos (1988, 93); and Clinton (1992, 29 n. 72; 1993, 122 n. 18; 1996,114 n. 9,122). They are much too trusting. Eleusis is a plausible variant in strategic terms,being more exposed to Megarian attack. Plutarch, conversant with all the Attic chroni-clers, adopts the Halimus version as "the common" one, xd \iev ovv bv\\ibv\cov \z-youivcov (loc. cit). The other originates with Aeneas Tacticus, who has no authority insuch a matter.59It is also striking that Herodotus (2.171.3) speaks of our festival by name as ageneral custom brought from Egypt, like the principal Greek deities.^Alponus near Thermopylae: Str. 1.3.20, p. 60 (Demetrius of Callatis FGrH 85 F6).Ephesus: Hdt. 6.16.2, a tale of seaborne intruders comparable to the one just mentioned.61Hsch. xQirmeoog-0eo>iocj)6Qia mb fAaxcbveig. The term is better suited to de-note a subdivision of the festival than to serve as an alternate name. Democritus' women-folk were wholly absent for three days: Diog. Laert. 9.43 (Hermippus fr. 31 Wehrli); Ath.2.26, p. 46 D-F; cf. Anon. Lond. latrica 37.34-41 (VorSokr 68 A28).



23/30


mophoria" indicates that the custom so described, the procession ofwomen with their baskets, was everywhere the same.Although the Thesmophoria and the Mysteries show some broadexternal similarities, there is a difference no less obvious. Men as weil as

women worshiped in the Mysteries. That explains at once why the Mys?teries were not called "Thesmophoria." Only women carried baskets.Among the processioners of the Mysteries, there was no article of notethat could provide a contrasting term.

THE ORIGIN OF "ELEUSINIAN" RITUAL

MuoxriQia is another descriptive term, denoting the rites of a [xuoxrig,one who is initiated, [xuetoOai. But it was generic, being applied tomany rites, not only Demeter's, in which the worshiper received thiskind of treatment.62 Accordingly, it cannot be the original name for thefestival of Eleusis that is now invariably called "the Mysteries." On thecontrary, the name could not arise until our festival was so renownedthat other mysteria fell into shadow. At that point the original name wassuperseded, and soon forgotten.The name 'EXeuoig, -tvog, produces corresponding names for agoddess, a shrine, a festival, even a month: 'EXeuoivia, 'EXeuaiviov,'EXeuoivia, 'EXeuaiviog. There are personal names as weil, 'EXeuoiviogand shortened forms. At first glance, all such names are naturally takenas derived from the town in which the Mysteries were celebrated. Andsome of them are so derived. Sophocles evokes the town, beside manyanother cult site of Bacchus, by naming 'EXeuoiviag Arpijg (Ant.1120-21). Athens' 'EXeuoiviov is a filial shrine which on present showingdoes not antedate the fifth century (IG I3 6 C46, etc); another so namedat Phalerum appears to be filial too (IG I3 32.33-34). The 'EXeuoivia ofEleusis are an agonistic festival named, like most agonistic festivals(Pythia, Nemea, Isthmia, and so on), for the place where the competi-tors forgathered.63 So these are in effect ordinary ethnic adjectives tomatch the familiar place name. There is, however, a much wider rangeof evidence that has seldom been attended to and never satisfactorilyexplained.

62SeeWilamowitz 1932, 45 n. 4; Kern 1935,1209-10 s.v.Mysterien.63Parker1996, 97 n. 124, assembles the earliest indications of this festival, which donot include the name; IG I3 5 ("c. a. 500") is disallowed by Clinton (1992, 83 n. 109).



24/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 569It begins with rural Attica apart from Eleusis.64 Twice in the year,in summer and spring, the deme Marathon in its fertile plain sacrificesto 'EXeuoivia, seemingly a name rather than an epithet; the calendar ofMarathon is full of offerings to local agrarian deities with expressivenames. Either at Marathon or elsewhere in the Tetrapolis there was ashrine called 'EXeuoiviov. There was another so called at Brauron, on

the seaward side of the plain of eastern Attica. The deme Paeania on itswest side has an 'EXeuoiviov that is the setting for a whole cycle ofagrarian festivals named for the seasons or their labors; the calendardoes not say who receives the repeated offerings at the shrine, but anobvious guess is another 'EXeuoivia.65The rest of it comes from Ionia, Laconia and the Dorian islands,and Arcadia.66 Demeter 'EXeuoivia is attested at Erythrae, Teos, Ephe-sus, and Miletus and its colonies, and the personal names 'EXeuoiviog,'EXeuodg, 'EXeuoig occur at a further scattering of Ionian cities. Sparta,or more precisely Therae (Kalyvia Sokhas) a few miles to the south,has a notable shrine and festival, 'EXeuoiviov and (in the local spelling)'EXeuhuvia. A festival is also implied by the month 'EXeuouviog onThera and at Olus and Biannus on Crete. There is the personal name'EXeuoiag at Ialysus on Rhodes. Pausanias points to several Arcadiancults of Demeter 'EXeuoivia?at Pheneus, Thelpusa, and Basilis.

64Marathonand the Tetrapolis: IG II2 1358 {LSCG 20) B43-44, 48 {'EXevoivia),A17 CEXevoiviov).Paeania: IG P 250 A15-16, 17-18, 26, B9, 30 {'EXzvoiviov).Lex. Rhet.p. 242 Bekker, s.v. Aidxpia, records another 'EXzvoiviov at Brauron, where it is unlikelyto have been filial. In the Paeania inscription the overall principle of arrangement doesnot appear, but A15-32, partly repeated in B, seems to follow the calendar from autumnto spring in naming the festivals (or lesser rites) Prerosia, Chloaea, Antheia. Both Mara-thon and Paeania honor the goddess "Daira" {IG II2 1358 B12, IG P A16); in literarysources she has an Eleusinian east, but is now seen to be of more general occurrence.Only Nilsson (1944; 1951, 38 n. 45) has noticed the un-Eleusinian nature of these localshrines.65Yet another 'EXevoiviov in a deme inscription is not a local instance, as generallysaid, but the filial shrine in Athens: Hesperia 39 (1970) 48, lines 9,18, 23, rules for Deme?ter's cult in the deme Phrearrhii (mid-third cent.); see bibliography in Sfameni Gasparro1986, 94. For Iacchus (line 26) belongs nowhere but at Athens; the references to Pluto(lines 7,19), to Demeter and Kore (lines 12-13), to the collective "Phrearrhians"(line 12,as if their activity is outside the deme), are conformable.66Forreferences see, e.g., Sfameni Gasparro 1986, 298-302; Parker 1988,101-3. Ascentral and northern Greece can show no instance of Demeter 'EXevoivia save at Plataea,this is doubtless a borrowing from Athens. LGPN will add many derivative names, as al?ready at Ialysus and also Naples, where we cannot guess the background of 'EXevolvoc,.



25/30

570 NOEL D. ROBERTSONThis distribution of names must go far back, at a minimum to the

early Dark Age.67 But the consequences seem intolerable. It would beastonishing if the town of Eleusis was then so renowned. Furthermore,despite a few pale legends, these many shrines and festivals are not infact indebted to the Eleusinian Mysteries. They are ordinary cults of anagrarian goddess, as we know for a certainty from Marathon and Paea-nia and, happily, from Spartan Therae too, where the cult is well illus?trated by inscriptions and other remains. It would be doubly astonishingif the town of Eleusis sent forth its name in early days but only laterevolved the Mysteries for which we know it. Finally, for such a zealouspropagation of names from a single cult site no parallel is offered, andnone could be, unless it were the cults of Apollo named for Pytho andDelos: Pythios, Pythia, Pythion, and Delios, Delia, Delion. Yet the anal-ogy does not hold. Those cults express allegiance to Delphi and Delos;there was no allegiance to Eleusis.A different approach is needed. The many names that serve forepithets, shrines, and festivals mostly come from ritual; often they de?scribe some conspicuous activity (so, e.g., thesmophoros and all othernames in -phoros). But though originating as descriptive terms, theysoon become obscure, for holy words are always isolated from others,or differentiated in form.68 It is important to grasp this reason for ob-scurity; otherwise we shall suppose that such names were taken by thebushel from pre-Greek languages. In the present case, the word e\ev-olv- looks obscure only because it was exclusively reserved for ritual. Itis a normal form, a noun with the suffix -iv-; there are a dozen others inearly Greek: dxtlv-, yXwylv-, beXfylv-, etc.69 Three of these are propernames like 'EXevolv-: SaXajxtv-, Te^xtv-, TQa%lv-. All are readily ex-plained as native Greek.70 Some are formed from verbs: e.g., qt]ymJv-

67Fora sampling of opinion see the works cited in note 66 above (but the instancesin Attica have gone unremarked). Parker as the latest (1988) is also the most despairing,and leaves us with an aporia. Either Demeter of Eleusis was worshiped by the early Dori-ans, "a surprising conclusion indeed"; or Eleusunios and Eleusis are unrelated, and theformer is unexplained.68For this principle see Robertson 1996, 282-86. In the case before our eyes, 6ea-\x6z,s differentiated from 6r|xr],and then misunderstood.69The full series is dxttv-, yXu>xw-, beXtyiv-, eXzvolv-, eo\ilv-, jirjoTv-, qt]y^lv-,ZaXanTv-,oTapJv-, Te^xtv-, TpaxTv-, vo\ilv-, (bblv-.70So Heubeck (1972, 88-91), but omitting Te^xTv-and excepting XaXaiiiv- as asolitary alien intruder. Te^xtv- is generally connected with OeXyco,hough it is a curiousfact that the etymological dictionaries of Frisk and Chantraine both promise, s.v. OeXyw,a



26/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 571from Qiyyvufxi, otajxtv- from iotr]fw, Tek$v- from 6eXya). So it is here. Itis reasonable to believe that ekevolv- comes from eXeu6tv-, for suchassibilation is already evident in Mycenaean Greek. The stern eXeu6-means "go," "come"; the noun will mean "going," "coming":71 in a reli?gious context, a procession.This meaning meets the case exactly. Pausanias reports a remark-able custom at the 'EXeuoiviov of Therae, of conveying a xoanon ofCore all the way from Helos on the south coast (3.20.5, 7).72 The loca?tion of Helos is quite uncertain: if it lay on the right bank of the Euro-tas, like Therae, the distance was at least twenty-five miles, but if in theplain to the east, considerably more. In saying "they bring up," dvd-youoiv, Pausanias appears to mean a general procession of men as weilas women (the ensuing celebration included musical and equestriancontests).

separate discussion of TeXxlvec,?and then fail to deliver. SaXaulv- must be cognate withthe word for sea-salt, dXg, and with enlargements like ak\ir\, ak\ivo6q, aki\ioc, (or thismay be the extended suffix -ulv-, as in epulv-, pnyulv-, oxa\ilv-, vaulv-, or the suffix-aux)- + -Iv-, as in, e.g., Jiexetv/jioxauog, jiXoxog/jiXoxa^iog, jr/uoyog/neoyauog). Theplaces called ZaXauic;are tracts of low and level shore, virtual salt flats, on the Attic is?land and again on Cyprus;the title ZaXauivioc;as borne by two hieratic gene refers to stillother such places at Phalerum and Sunium; the genos at Sunium worships "the hero emxfjt dXfji."As everyone knows, not a few Greek words like crugand vc,may either keep ordrop a-; seldom is it so easy to suggest a reason for differentiation as with the place nameZataxuic;and the cluster round the common noun. See Robertson 1992, 127-28; againstthis, a reviewer (Phoenix 48 [1994] 367 n. 5) cites "the universal Greek change of that ini-tial s- to h-": a perfectly circular argument.^Heubeck (1972, after W. Schulze) argues for 'EXeuaic;as "coming,"but also for'HMaiov as the place where the lightning "has come" and for E'deiOiua and dialectalforms of this name as the goddess who "comes" propitiously. This rather spoils the dem-onstration. The association of Eleusis and Eileithyia, with whatever meaning, is an old butunfounded doctrine which is effectively refuted by Parker (1988,101-2, citing also A. M.Davies).72"Here too I know of the following rite_From this Helos, then, they bring up axoanon of Core on stated days to the Eleusinium." "On stated days" might mean that theprocession itself took longer than a single day; more likely, that the xoanon remained atits destination for several days, after which it was carried back with less ceremony. In ei?ther case there can be little doubt that this major festival at the Eleusinium is the epony-mous "Eleusinia" known from inscriptions and Hesychius, and that it also saw thewomen's feasting known from other inscriptions. In former days it was suggested that theprocession was only a means of assimilating the cult at Therae to the Eleusinian Myster?ies. That was never very plausible, and we know now that the cult had a definite characterof its own.



27/30

572 NOEL D. ROBERTSONIt is not then the town of Eleusis, but the ceremonial "going,"

ekevolv-, that gives its name to those many instances of the goddess,the shrine, the festival. With the town, the ritual term has become aplace name, as it may have done elsewhere, though not commonly, orwe would hear of it.73 We may still be surprised that going in processionshould be denoted by such a general word as eKevQ-.74 Many other pro?cessions have more particular names, the thesmophoria among them.Yet our general word is weil explained if it was adopted for a kind ofprocession that was indeed more general than before?for an expan-sion of the thesmophoria in which men and women paraded together.That step was taken very early, as we see from the distribution ofthe names; the phonetic change eXeu0-tv- > eXevo-iv- is early too.Demeter was honored by a general procession of men and women longbefore the Mysteries of Eleusis acquired a reputation. And when theydid, the procession was still the outstanding feature. And when Athensand the Mysteries were at their height, the procession was merely re-duplicated. Ritual is tenacious.Brock Universitye-mail: [email protected]

73Setting aside the deme Eleusis at Alexandria and a fabled city under Lake Co-pais, we are left with "'EXevoivfj 'EXevoic,"as a "polis"of Thera (Ptol. Geogr. 3.15.26).74The iterative verb ixdw, "go always," produces ritual terms in which the iterativesense is uppermost. Each individual who holds a given office celebrates eloixr\xr\QiaandeE,ixr\xr\Qia,(rites of) going in" and "going out."Steph. Byz. s.v. "Ixwv records 'Ixobv s thenative and authentic pronunciation of this Thessalian city where Athena Txwvia (a god-dess famed for processions) was said to be at home. Thus the toponym is formed fromixd(o;cf. (d)xQe^(bv < xoe^do), x^obv< xtaxw, and the self-consistent series ^iu6(bv


28/30

THE TWO PROCESSIONS TO ELEUSIS 573BIBLIOGRAPHY

Arbesmann, P. 1937. "Thesmophoria." RE VIA.l:15-28.Badian, Ernst, and J. Buckler. 1975. "The Wrong Salamis?" RhM, n.s. 118:226-39.Bomer, F. 1952. "Pompa." RE XXI.2:1878-1993, 2548-49 (addenda).Bruneau, Philippe. 1970. Recherches sur les cultes de Delos. Paris: de Boccard.Clinton, Kevin. 1974. The Sacred Officials of the Eleusinian Mysteries. Transac-tions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s. 64, pt. 3. Philadelphia:APS.-. 1988. "Sacrifice at the Eleusinian Mysteries." In Early Greek Cult Prac?

tice, edited by Robin Hagg, Nanno Marinatos, and G. C. Nordquist,69-79. Acta Instituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae, IV, no. 38. Stockholm.-. 1992. Myth and Cult: The Iconography ofthe Eleusinian Mysteries. ActaInstituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae, VIII, no. 11. Stockholm.-. 1993. "The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Eleusis." In Greek Sanc-tuaries: New Approaches, edited by Nanno Marinatos and Robin Hagg,110-24. London: Routledge.-. 1994a. "The Epidauria and the Arrival of Asclepius in Athens." In An?cient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence, edited byRobin Hagg, 17-34. Acta Instituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae, VIII, no.13. Stockholm.

-. 1994b. "The Eleusinian Mysteries and Panhellenism in Democratic Ath?ens." In The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the Democracy,edited by W. D. E. Coulson, O. Palagia, T. L. Shear, Jr., H. A. Shapiro, andF. J. Frost, 161-72. Oxford: Oxbow.-. 1996. "The Thesmophorion in Central Athens and the Celebration ofthe Thesmophoria in Attica." In The Role of Religion in the Early GreekPolis, edited by Robin Hagg, 111-25. Acta Instituti Atheniensis RegniSueciae, VIII, no. 14. Stockholm.Cohen, M. E. 1993. The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East. Bethesda,Md.: CDL Press.

Day, John. 1932. "Cape Colias, Phalerum and the Phaleric Wall." AJA 36:1-11.Deubner, Ludwig. 1932. Attische Feste. Berlin: Keller.Dow, Sterling. 1937. "The Calendar of the Eleusinian Mysteries." HSCP 48:111-20.Eitrem, Samson. 1920. Beitrdge zur griechischen Religionsgeschichte. Part 2.Oslo: Dybwad.Feaver, D D. 1957. "Historical Development in the Priesthoods of Athens." YCS15:123-58.Ferguson, W. S. 1911. Hellenistic Athens. London: Macmillan.Foerster, Richard. 1874. Der Raub und die Ruckkehr der Persephone. Stuttgart:Heitz.



29/30


Follet, Simone. 1976. Athenes au He et au Ille siecle. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.Foucart, Paul. 1914. Les Mysteres d Eleusis. Paris: Picard.Graf, Fritz. 1974. Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung Athens in vorhellenistischerZeit. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter.-. 1996. llPompai in Greece: Some Considerations about Space and Ritualin the Greek Polis." In The Role of Religion in the Early Greek Polis,edited by Robin Hagg, 55-65. Acta Instituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae,

VIII, no. 14. Stockholm.Heubeck, Alfred. 1972. "Etymologische Vermutungen zu Eleusis und Eilei-

thyia." Kadmos 11:87-95.Jameson, M. H. 1988. "Sacrifice and Animal Husbandry in Classical Greece." InPastoral Economies in Classical Antiquity, edited by C. R. Whittaker,87-119. CPhS Suppl. 14. Cambridge.Kern, 0.1914. "Iakchos" (1). RE 1X1:613-22.-. 1935. "Mysterien I-VI." RE XVI.2:1209-1304.[LJP] Lloyd-Jones, H., and P. Parsons, eds. 1983. Supplementum Hellenisticum.Berlin: de Gruyter.[LSCG]. See Sokolowski.Marcovich, Miroslav. 1986. "Demeter, Baubo, Iacchus?and a Redactor."

VigChr 40:294-301.Meritt, B. D. 1969. "Calendar Studies." ArchEph 1968 [1969]: 77-115.Mikalson, J. D. 1975. The Sacred and Civil Calendar of the Athenian Year. Prince?ton: Princeton University Press.Mommsen, August. 1898. Feste der Stadt Athen. Leipzig: Teubner.Nilsson, M. P. 1906. Griechische Feste von religioser Bedeutung. Leipzig: Teub?ner.-. 1916. "Die Prozessionstypen im griechischen Kult." Jdl 31:309-40.

Reprinted in Opuscula Selecta 1166-214. Lund: Gleerup, 1951.-. 1944. "Die eleusinischen Kulte der attischen Demen und das neue Sa-kralgesetz aus Paiania." Eranos 42:70-76. Reprinted in Opuscula SelectaIII 92-98. Lund: Gleerup, 1960.-. 1951. Cults, Myths, Oracles and Politics in Ancient Greece. Lund:Gleerup.-. 1955. Geschichte der griechischen Religion. Vol. I. 2d ed. (= "3d ed." of1967). Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, sect. 5, pt. 2, vol. I. Munich:Beck.

1962. Die Entstehung und religiose Bedeutung des griechischen Kalen-ders. 2d ed. Lund: Gleerup.Nock, A. D. 1952. "Hellenistic Mysteries and Christian Sacraments." Mnemo-syne, ser. 4, 5:177-213. Reprinted in Essays on Religion and the AncientWorld, edited by Zeph Stewart, II 791-820. Oxford: Clarendon Press,1972.



30/30


Notopoulos, J. A. 1949. "Studies in the Chronology of Athens." Hesperia 18:1-57.Oliver, J. H. 1941. "Law Concerning the Mystic Procession." Hesperia 10:65-72.Owen, A. S., ed. 1939. Euripides: lon. Oxford: Clarendon Press.Parker, Robert. 1983. Miasma: Pollution and Purification in Early Greek Reli?

gion. Oxford: Clarendon Press.-. 1988. "Demeter, Dionysus and the Spartan Pantheon." In Early GreekCult Practice, edited by Robin Hagg, Nanno Marinatos, and G. C. Nord-quist, 99-103. Acta Instituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae, IV, no. 38. Stock?holm.-. 1996. Athenian Religion: A History. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Pelekidis, Chrysis. 1962. Histoire de Vephebie attique. Paris: de Boccard.Pfuhl, Ernst. 1900. De Atheniensium Pompis Sacris. Berlin: Weidmann.Rehm, A. 1949. "Parapegma." RE XVIII.4:1295-1366.Reinmuth, O. W, ed. 1971. The Ephebic Inscriptions ofthe Fourth Century B.C.Leiden: Brill.Robertson, Noel. 1983. "The Riddle of the Arrhephoria at Athens." HSCP 87:241-88.-. 1988. "Melanthus, Codrus, Neleus, Caucon: Ritual Myth as Athenian

History." GRBS 29:201-61.-. 1992. Festivals and Legends: The Formation of Greek Cities in the Lightof Public Ritual. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.-. 1993. "Athens' Festival of the New Wine." HSCP 95:197-250.

-. 1996. "The Ancient Mother of the Gods: A Missing Chapter in the His?tory of Greek Religion." In Cybele, Attis and Related Cults: Essays inMemory ofM. J. Vermaseren, edited by E. N. Lane, 239-304. Leiden: Brill.

Sallmann, N., ed. 1983. Censorinus: De Die Natali. Leipzig: Teubner.Sfameni Gasparro, Giulia. 1986. Misteri e culti mistici di Demetra. Rome: Bret?schneider.Shear, T. L., Jr. 1982. "The Demolished Temple at Eleusis." In Studies in Athe?nian Architecture, Sculpture and Topography Presented to H. A. Thomp-

son, 128

Date post:	14-Apr-2018
Category:	Documents
Upload:	rocio-blazquez
View:	222 times
Download:	0 times

Robertson - The Two Processions of Eleusis and the Program of the Mysteries

Documents