Running head: WORKING WITH SOMALI STUDENTS AND …

Running head: WORKING WITH SOMALI STUDENTS AND PARENTS 1

Working with Somali Students:

A School Counselors Guide to Building Relationships with Parents and Community Members

A Master's Paper

Presented to

The Faculty of the Adler Graduate School

________________

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree of Master of Arts in

Adlerian Counseling and Psychotherapy

________________

By:

Samantha Gray

________________

Chair: Amy Foell

Member: Doug Pelcak

________________

June 2016

WORKING WITH SOMALI STUDENTS AND PARENTS 2

Abstract

Somali students and families and their history, culture and educational and community barriers

are researched. These issues are studied and developed in a perspective so that a comprehensive

School Counseling program and the Professional School Counselors in that program will be

better able to serve, support and advocate not only their Somali students but their families as

well. There is special focus on the relationship building aspect of the School Counselor with the

parents or guardians of Somali students, as those connections must be made to fully support the

Somali student. Additionally, focus is made on what sorts of interventions, tips and things to

know about how to work with Somali students so that School Counselors can guide their

success.

Key words: Somali, relationship focused, School Counselor, accommodations


Contents

Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 4

Brief History of Somalia and its People ........................................................................................ 5

Minnesota and Somali Refugees .................................................................................................... 7

Somali Students in Minnesota by the Numbers ........................................................................... 10

Education Barriers ....................................................................................................................... 12

Families & Mobility ..................................................................................................................... 13

Education Values ......................................................................................................................... 14

Somali Religious and Cultural Differences ................................................................................. 15

Bridging the Gap for In and Out of School Barriers .................................................................... 21

Out of School Barriers ................................................................................................................. 24

Hawalas ........................................................................................................................................ 29

Al-Shabaab ................................................................................................................................... 31

Community .................................................................................................................................. 33

An Adlerian Perspective .............................................................................................................. 35

Social Interest ........................................................................................................................... 35

Feelings of Inferiority, Private Logic and Mistaken Goals ...................................................... 39

Encouragement ......................................................................................................................... 43

Interventions, Tips, and Ideas ...................................................................................................... 44

Tips and Accommodations for Culture and Religion .................................................................. 44

Building Relationships with Parents ............................................................................................ 50

Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 53

References .................................................................................................................................... 55


Working with Somali Students:

A School Counselors Guide to Building Relationships with Parents and Community Members

Introduction

When we look at the diverse populations that thrive in our education system, specifically

in Minnesota, there is one group in particular that may stand out. Somali students have made an

incredible surge in recent years, not only due to their increase in numbers and expansion

throughout the state, but by their ability to join together as a community. Somali students and

their parents have become an essential part of our educational family, and as such School

Counselors need to be educated about this group of individuals so that they can better

understand, reach and support these students and their families. This paper will discuss not only

the history and culture of the Somali people and how they came to be in Minnesota specifically,

but will furthermore look at the cultural nuances, religious policies, and other educational

differences that could be seen in a school setting. It will then also look at the issues and barriers

that Somali students and their families may face, whether it is their mental health having been

exposed to war, refugee camps and immigration, or their employment and housing issues that

could cause certain stress on families and their children. Additionally hawalas and Somali’s

interactions with their local and global community will be looked at, specifically their relations

with terroristic organizations and the black community. Finally after discussing an Adlerian

perspective on how to help build relationships with Somali youth and the adults that care for

them, interventions, tips and accommodations will be offered so that School Counselors can be

leaders in the promotion of Somali student success. Through these interventions and

accommodations we will see that there is a strong need to establish relationships with the


parents and community members of the Somali youth so that they can continue to grow, learn

and inspire our community.

Brief History of Somalia and its People

Throughout history Somalia has been under the rule of many of the great empires. I ts

long coast along the Indian Ocean and Gulf of Aden near the Arabian Peninsula made it a prime

location for trading posts (Hassig & Latif, 2008; Hansen, 2013, Adejumobi, 2007). It had been

invaded and colonized by Arab, Portuguese and Persian traders, and then the British and

Italians. The northern portion (bordering on the Gulf of Aden) was under a British protectorate

from 1887 until 1960, while the southern portion (bordering on the Indian Ocean) was under the

rule of Italy, which lost its portion of Somalia during World War II (Hassig & Latif, 2008).

When Somalia gained its independence beginning in 1960, certain groups were formed

to help revitalize the newly independent state. The Somali Youth League (SYL), Somaliland

National League (SNL) and Hizbia Digil-Mirifle Somali (HDMS) were the three most

prominent groups that helped, and fought, over the restructuring of Somalia (Hassig & Latif,

2008, Hansen, 2013). In the 1970’s, while Somalia was still relatively new as a country, Sid

Barre and his regime took control. His regime was dictatorial in nature. During this time

Somalia also experienced one of the worst periods of drought and subsequent famine from

1974-1981. When Barre’s regime finally fell in the early 1990’s, which coincidentally took

place at the same time another severe famine was hitting the rural areas of Somalia, the Somali

National Front (SNF) took control; they had been the group which had opposed Barre’s regime,

and with their control they led the northern session of the new state, the Republic of Somaliland

in 1991. This led to civil war, which has plagued the country in certain ways, even to present

times (Hassig & Latif, Adejumobi, 2007).


Between 1991 and the present, Somalia has faced several new leaders of the state, some

being elected, and other taking control by force, but in general has been in a state of anarchy

due to the lack of solidified government. Their first multiparty presidential election was held in

2003 (Hassig & Latif, 2008). In 2005, the Al-Qaeda funded terrorist group Al-Shabaab,

formally known as Harakat Al-Shabaab, began to take territorial control in parts of Southern

Somalia. Their regime has once again forced many Somalis to flee their homes and take refuge

elsewhere (Hansen, 2013). Somalia is still “in the process of building a federal parliamentary

republic” (Central Intelligence Agency [CIA], 2016).

As of July 2015, the population of Somalia is estimated to be around 10.6 million

people, however this number is “complicated by the large number of nomads and by refugee

movements in response to famine and clan warfare” (CIA, 2016). The population is 85%

Somali, whereas the remaining 15% are Bantu, there is also a minority group which have Arab

or European bloodlines (Hassig & Latif, 2008). The people are divided into six clans, and it is

through these clans that many of the political decisions, and strife, occurs. Many of the people

of Somalia are nomadic, especially in the rural areas. Their livelihood is often dependent on

their livestock. In more urban areas manufacturing, trading, fishing, and other commercial

types of business can be found (Hassig & Latif, 2008). The official religion of Somalia is

Islam, which was introduced to the country in the 6th century by foreign traders, who settled

along the Gulf of Aden. By the 14th century Islam had spread throughout the entirety of the

country (Hassig & Latif, 2008; Esposito, 1999). The official language of Somalia is Somali,

which was entirely an oral language until 1972 when the written form was introduced.

Although attempts were made to teach all Somalis the written language, due to the lack of

infrastructure and a standardized education system, as of 2005 only 37.8% of the population


could read or write. As of 2006, 26% of children were enrolled in some sort of educational

institution (Hassig & Latif, 2008).

Minnesota and Somali Refugees

According to the Minnesota Historical Society [MHS] (n.d.a)., Somalis began arriving

in the United States in 1993, after the civil war in Somalia broke out, and almost immediately

began resettling in Minnesota as well as many other states By 2010 there was estimated to be

between 36,000 and 60,000 Somalis living Minnesota. Outside of Somalia, that is the largest

condensed population of Somalis in the world (MHS, n.d.b.; Yusuf, 2012; Farid & McMahan,

2004). Obviously, this number is not entirely accurate due polling and cultural issues that have

caused the number of Somalis in Minnesota to remain a bit of a mystery. These discrepancies

are due to several reasons.

The first reason that the numbers of Somali immigrants is a bit of a mystery is due to

their history of division by clans. Clans in Somalia understood that power lay in numbers. By

not totally identifying their numbers, or lack thereof they not only protected themselves but

their clan. This same sentiment continues in the United States (Yusuf, 20102).

Additionally, this understanding that power lays in numbers is compounded by the

element that Somalis, in a general sense, are suspicious of census takers. This is in part due to

the issues and discrimination that was caused by the Barre regime. During his rule, a smaller

group meant a smaller amount of resources (Yusuf, 2012).

Furthermore due to cultural differences, language barriers and racial identification

limits, some Somalis are not sure how to self-identify. In Somalia, and in a majority of Africa,

people are not identified by the color of their skin. The idea of categorizing someone for


something other than their family name, clan or religion can be almost entirely unheard of

(Kusow, 2006).

This way of defining blackness has been derived from the dominant American

classification system where skin color is an important category of social stratification

and enjoys, for the most part, a collectively shared understanding by both blacks and

whites in the United States (Kusow, 2006, p. 538).

This does not mean that Somalis do not understand or see the difference between races, or that

they don’t understand the importance that is placed on race. They just have never previously

encountered it and therefore may be unsure of how to identify. Some will therefore check Black

or African American, some White as they speak English and do not want to be discriminated

against, and some will check other and write in Somali as their ethnicity (Farid & McMahan,

2004; S. Garaad, personal communication, January 7, 2016). This racial identification factor in

turn, will later reflect how students are possibly misrepresented and therefore unassisted when it

comes to their academic, emotional and other counseling needs.

There are many reasons why Minnesota, and specifically the Twin Cities, has attracted

such a large population of refugees from Eastern Africa. Like many stories of immigration,

only a handful of individuals were first brought to Minnesota. These individuals would then

bring their family and friends to their new community so that new refugees would have familiar

ties in their new country, state and city (MHS, n.d.b.; Sue & Sue, 2013; United Nation High

Commission for Refugees [UNHCR], 2016). On top of this “Minnesota has earned a reputation

among Somalis for having jobs and educational opportunities, as well as a large and active

Somali community” (MHS, n.d.b, Background Information, para. 1) . Additionally Minnesota

has an abundance of non-profit charity organizations which have helped with the resettlement of


immigrants and refugees. Specifically the Lutheran Social Services as well as several Catholic

Charities have been major contributors to the vitality of relocation of Somali refugees in

Minnesota. Since the community and has grown so much in the Twin Cities, Somalis from

other states are now flocking to the area so that they too can connect and obtain assistance from

the established services and systems already in place (MHS, n.d.b.; Farid & McMahan, 2004).

The Somali population in Minnesota, specifically in the Twin Cities and now St. Cloud,

has become an important part of our community. They have immersed themselves within the

culture here; while still maintaining their own cultural and religious beliefs. This manner with

which they have adapted while retaining their heritage is an imperative aspect to remember

when working with Somali students. By understanding the Somali community, specifically as it

resides within Minnesota, will help us to better support and advocate for our students in our

schools (Farid & McMahan, 2004).

There are several organizations that are established in Minnesota that specifically work

with and for the Somali community. These organizations are important links to the community

that educators not only should have knowledge of but should strive to build a relationship with.

By reaching out through community organizations educators and counselors will be better able

to advocate and support their students. The question then becomes, do Somali students need

additional support, especially when compared to their fellow students, and if so, then in what

areas? Taking into consideration what we know about their history and culture , we will see

that certain issues arise for Somali students that may not for other students, or may present

themselves in other ways.


Somali Students in Minnesota by the Numbers

One of the first issues that we find when speaking of Somali students is the lack of

information that we can find on them. Due to their more recent arrival to Minnesota the amount

of information that could be gathered on the population is still relatively new. This is

compounded not only by the lack of information gathered in surveys and censuses but also by

the limited categories to which ethnic and racial identities are bound (S. Garaad, personal

communication, January 7, 2016; Courtney, 2015). When looking at the data from the

Minneapolis and St. Paul Public School districts about graduation and other statistical rates, the

initial information does not identify where Somali students stand amongst their peers

(Minneapolis Public Schools, 2016; St. Paul Public Schools, 2015). The ethnicities that are

listed on their initial data sheets, supplied by their websites, differentiate groups into White,

Black or African American, Asian American, American Indian and Hispanic. As previously

stated, this leaves Somali students and families at a crossroads as they may not be familiar with

the terminology of being considered Black nor may they identify yet as African American

(Farid & McMahan, 2004; Roble & Rutledge, 2008).

One of the ways in which Somali students are identified is through the English

Language Learner services provided by schools (S. Garaad, personal communication, January 7,

2016, Farid & McMahan, 2004). This is a fundamental means in which to help these students

and make contact with their families, but does not include all Somali students, as some may

have tested out or were never in need of the language service (Yusuf, 2012; S. Garaad, personal

communication, January 7, 2016) According to Minneapolis Public Schools in the 2014-2015

school year, through their English Language Learners (ELL) services, Minneapolis served 2,585

Somali students, which was 30.6% of the total English Learners. The 4 year graduation rate for


Somali students, in the ELL program, sat at 51% in 2013 and rose just slightly to 52.5% in 2014

(Minneapolis Public Schools, 2016).

The St. Paul Public School website states that there are approximately 885 Somali

students in their district. This information is listed under the ELL program, however does not

specifically say as to whether all the 885 Somali students are in the ELL program or how they

gathered that information (St. Paul Public Schools, 2015).

According to the Minnesota Department of Education’s 2013 survey, the state wide

population of self-identified Somali students in grades 5, 8, 9, & 11 sits at 2024 students. This

is a vastly different number when looking under the English Learner Education in Minnesota

section which had families identify whether they spoke a language other than English at home.

In 2012, the number of students identified as being Somali language speakers at home, stood at

14,876 students, and in 2014 increased to 19,126. If we were to take that total of 19,126

students and divide it into the nine grades that not accounted for in the 2013 survey, there would

be an average of 1900 Somali students per grade, when the four grades that are represented have

an average of 506 students. The numbers don’t add up. This first demonstration of variance in

numbers highlights the discrepancies within not only how many Somali students we believe we

have in our schools, but perhaps then how well we are serving them.

This can further be emphasized when comparing the answers, of Somali and White

identified students, to several key questions from the 2013 survey. When looking at the

numbers of Somali students and how they answered in three grades, 5th grade, 8th grade and 11th

grade, we can see that nearly 15% of 5th graders and even more for the following grades were

bullied due to the ethnicity. All three of the grades answered that they disagree or strongly

disagree that adults treat them fairly at school at 15% or higher. Lastly, when answering how


often they are sent to the office for discipline issues, the students answered that they had

anywhere from 11% to 27%; the 11th graders having the lowest rate of office referrals

(Minnesota Department of Education, 2013).

When we compare the Somali students’ answers to those who identified as white, major

population and ratio discrepancies occurred. When looking at the frequency of being bullied

due to their race, white students answered with the highest amount in 8th grade at only .05%.

The way that they feel about how adults treat them stands at 18% or lower, which was in fact,

nearly the same as Somali students. The disciplinary referrals, however, are only 10% or lower

for all three grades of the white students (Minnesota Department of Education, 2013).

This means that Somali students are often more bullied or ostracized due to their race

and are sent to the office for more disciplinary referrals as compared to their white peers. The

question that is what are their disciplinary referrals for and do they perhaps stem from cultural

differences? Additionally what we can gather from this information are several issues or points

of understanding when working with Somali students and their families not only in school, but

out of school as well.

Education Barriers

When working with Somali students, as with all students, there are many different issues

that can arise. Specifically with Somali students and families problems with adaptation to a new

school system, religious and cultural issues may present themselves while in school.

Understanding these issues is the first step in working with Somali students so that we as

counselors can better advocate for them, so that can be successful in their educational and career

endeavors.


The first thing to take into consideration, as previously mentioned, is the numbers. As

explained above, the number of Somali students in a school, may be much greater than what

was initially suspect based on data. This is vital to keep in mind so that the students and their

family’s needs are not dismissed, simply based on numbers or what may be speculated as the

lack of them (Yusuf, 2012; Farid & McMahan, 2004).

Families & Mobility

Furthermore while the refugee status of Somalis are tracked, specifically when they

enter the United States, the nomadic lifestyle that was present in Somalia can re-present itself

with constant shifting and moving within the Unites States (MHS, n.d.b.; UNHCR, 2016).

Students and their families may only reside in a certain area for a limited amount of time.

While Minnesota has become almost a central like hub for Somalis in the U.S. it is not

uncommon for individuals to move throughout the U.S. to reside with other family members

and friends due to job and educational opportunities, or because of familial responsibilities such

as taking care of younger children or older grandparents, aunts or uncles (Farid & McMahan,

2004, S. Garaad, personal communication, January 7, 2016).

Family is incredibly important in the Somali culture, and the clan values that resided

within Somalia are still present and found within the United States (Roble & Rutledge, 2008).

Knowing and understanding that certain students of higher grade levels may become

responsible for other family members is an important part of supporting those students.

Students may be taken out of school for long periods of time or transferred to other schools to

be closer to other family or clan members (Yusuf, 2012; Roble & Rutledge, 2008)

When working with students and families who may have to be absent for longer periods

of time, we as educators need to first be aware of our own bias and discrimination. Consistent


and structured education has been proven to be the most reliable manner in which to educate

children (U.S. Department of Education, 2005); however educators also need to take into

consideration the cultural and family dynamics of their students.

Education Values

Another specific issue that can arise due to misunderstanding of the education system is

graduation requirements and summer or night school classes. If a student is failing a class and

either needs to take summer or night classes to fulfill graduation requirements, Somali parents

may misinterpret this as their student being at a higher level, and searching for more academic

instruction (S. Garaad, personal communication, January 7, 2016.) “They believe that their

student is taking extra classes, and do not actually understand that they are in fact making up

classes,” said Said Garaad (personal communication, January 7, 2016), “Education is incredibly

important and valuable to the Somali community. We understand that that is how you better

yourself. If a student does not admit that they in fact failed a class and are having to redo it,

then the parents may never know that their child is in fact struggling.” Opening up the lines of

communication with parents and families, and continuing to grow that relationship with them,

will help combat this misunderstanding.

One area that is similar to the general American consensus of education is the need and

desire for a college education (Watkinson & Hersi, 2014). The application and process for

many colleges require full course loads, extensive extra-curricular and volunteer activity as well

as an understanding of collegiate level requirements. One area that may cause problems for

Somali students, is that due to language barriers they are not able to take Advanced Placement

or other rigorous courses due to their lack of English proficiency (Adam, 2005; Watkinson &

Hersi, 2014). Another point that can cause issues is the need to be involved in extra-curricular


activities such as sports or clubs, or volunteer/work experience (Newman & Newman, 1999).

This is not, however, customary for Somali students. They are expected to go to school and

come home immediately after (Yusuf, 2012) and the cost for involvement in such activities may

be too much for families (Farid & McMahan, 2004). Many Somali parents say they want their

child to be a doctor or an engineer, however due to the requirements that are necessary to go to

such universities that offer such majors, may either cost too much, or are difficult to get into (S.

Garaad, personal communication, January 7, 2016). In the 2012 case study done by Nilsson,

Barazanji, Heintzelman, Siddiqi, & Shilla, on page 247, it was reestablished that “Several

participants discussed how important it was for their children to become well educated and

attend college to secure a better future. They also expressed a desire for their children to go

back home to Somalia with an education when the country is safe.”

Educating parents and students not only about college requirements, but also the access

and affordability of other schools, local school, or technical and community colleges may be

necessary. Assuring that students and parents have access to information not only about

colleges and careers, but also the classes and extracurricular activities will help (Erford, 2010,

American School Counselor Association [ASCA] 2012).).

Somali Religious and Cultural Differences

Another matter that will continually present itself, are the many ways in which the

Somali culture is unique and special, differentiating itself from some of what would be

considered the mainstream culture. These cultural differences will present themselves in the

following ways: religion, gender identities, and cultural nuances.

Religion can be a very personal and passionate subject for many and unlike a majority of

Minnesotan’s, 81% of which identify as some variety of Christianity (Wormald, 2008), nearly


all Somalis are Muslim. Islam was introduced to Somalia in the 6th century and has been the

primary religion ever since (Hassig & Latif, 2008). As of 2009, according to the Pew Research

Center, 98.6% of the population in Somalia is Muslim, with a majority being Sunni (Hassig &

Latif, 2008).

With the Muslim religion come certain differences from what we may be familiar with

in our Christian based society. First and foremost there are the five pillars of Islam; testimony

of faith, prayer, charity, fasting during Ramadan, and pilgrimage to Makkah [Mecca] (Esposito,

1999). The one that may present itself, especially in middle and high schools, is the pillar of

prayer. All Muslims around the age that they reach puberty are expected to pray five times a

day. This means that students may need a set aside time and place to pray, as it involves them

worshipping in a certain physical manner and towards Makkah (Council of American-Islamic

Relations [CAIR], 2005).

Additionally, in both a religious and cultural context, Muslims are not allowed to eat or

even handle certain foods, such as pork products, or alcohol (Esposito, 1999). This dietary law

is called halal, and is specific to the way in which foods are made or meats are butchered

(Adam, 2005, Walick & Sullivan, 2015). Haram is the term used for foods that are considered

forbidden (Walick & Sullivan, 2015, Esposito, 1999). Items that sometimes are overlooked in

this realm include gelatin; such as in Jell-O, candies, marshmallows and certain chocolates;

food ingredients that contain alcohol such as vanilla extract and Dijon mustard; and animal

shortenings that are used in bakery goods (Adam, 2005). Understanding this and the certain

dietary restrictions that students may have is fundamental in providing them meals and other

food while at school, while not offending them or disregarding their religious practices (Adam,

2005; CAIR, 2005).


The Qur’an also forbids the use of narcotics or addictive drugs (Adam, 2008). This is

necessary to know for two reasons. First is that the use of drugs or smoking is illegal in

schools, but is also often forbidden in Somali families. When adolescents are caught using such

products it can have an even harsher impact than what we may be culturally used to (Adam,

2008). Furthermore, certain drugs or medicines, if not understood, may be considered as

narcotics as well. When advocating for students, who may need medication due to certain

mental illnesses such as depression or ADHD, counselors may need to help explain the reason

for such medications. Although School Counselors are not legally allowed to prescribe or push

for medications, explaining the way that prescribed medications may assist students in their

learning or social interactions, may be necessary for School Counselors to do, especially when

they have already formed a relationship with the student and parents (Erford, 2010).

Furthermore some Muslims “are opposed to the cultural reproduction of music, dance,

art, celebrations or other forms of entertainment” (Esposito, 1999, p. 618). This is due to the

belief that individuals can begin to idolize the figures associated with such forms of

entertainment or art, (Hassig & Latif, 2008) and Muslims should not idolize anyone but God

(Esposito, 1999). As School Counselors it is essential to understand a student’s background so

that you can advocate for students to be excused from certain classes such as music or art due to

their religion. Additionally working with families and the community in this regard may be

essential when it comes to having recognizable exemption from these classes that may be

mandatory for graduation (Yusuf, 2012). By working with families, the student, and the school

one will better be able to serve their pupils.

When it comes to religious specific differences, as with all religions, there are different

holidays that are celebrated. Currently most public schools have a winter and spring break, both


of which usually fall upon the time of the Christian holidays of Christmas and Easter. Muslims

do not celebrate either of these holidays. Muslim holidays are based off of the lunar calendar

(Esposito, 1999; Hassig & Latif, 2008). Understanding that students may be gone or

celebrating certain holidays on other days, that are typical school days, is essential to help them

feel a part of the school’s community, so that they are not ostracized for their absence or

enthusiasm (Yusuf, 2012).

Other areas that may cause questions, for those unfamiliar with Muslim and Somali

culture are the rules of attire. Muslim boys and men must always be covered from their navel to

their knee whereas women can often be found wearing a hijab or a scarf covering their hair

(Adam, 2005). On Friday’s, or days of religious importance, Somalis may be found wearing

traditional clothing (Farid & McMahan, 2004).

Women and girls also have common practices when it comes to their attire. One the

things that can visually differentiate a Muslim girl from other students is that she often must

cover her head and hair, as a women should try to obscure the details of her body from the

public (Adam, 2008). One of the common ways that female students will do this is with a hijab.

The hijab is an essential religious practice for Muslim women once they reach puberty.

Muslim girls and women wear the hijab to maintain respect and diminish physical

attraction between genders (Adam, 2005, p. 48)

Hijabs, veils, shawls, or scarves can all be used for this purpose. By understanding the cultural

and religious importance of dressing a certain way for girls, it should then be recognized that in

classes such as gym or machine shop, where a girl’s dress could cause concerns or safety

hazards, that teachers, School Counselors and students must find a way to work together.


Finally, both culturally and religiously, there are certain rules when it comes to

interacting with individuals of the opposite gender. Somalis are a patriarchal society, and

therefore believe that the man is the head of the household (Walick & Sullivan, 2015). This

ideology has provoked certain traditional means to interactions between genders. Same genders

interactions are fine i.e. a female teacher with a female student. When it comes to opposite

gender engagements, especially a male teacher with a female student, maintaining a reasonable

distance, avoiding any physical contact, and avoiding intimate conversation topics is advised

(Adam, 2005; Adam, 2008).

Furthermore, understand that “Islam encourages Muslim [women] to lower their gaze in

the presence of the opposite gender,” (Adam, 2008, p. 60), so do not find offence if a female

student does this when conversing. One should continue to speak to the students while not

mandating that they look you in the eyes. Having conversations while standing beside them

instead of in front of them may be beneficial (Sue & Sue, 2013).

Another way in which physical contact may cause issues is male to female adult contact.

For example it is looked down upon for an adult male to shake the hands of female (Farid &

McMahan, 2008). This is always based on the person’s personal preference, and can also be

seen as more lenient, depending on how accustomed to the Western culture they are.

Moving into more culturally based differences that may appear in school, are things such

as the idea of pets, the manner in which individuals eat food, and different hand gestures, all

specific to the Somali community.

There are not many, if any, Somali families that own pets (Adam, 2005). Pets, however,

are common in many households in the United States. This may cause misunderstanding

between peers as well as families, when one realizes that an animal lives within their family’s


house (Roble & Rutledge, 2008). Understanding this and perhaps the lack of understanding of

such a human and animal relationship is important for counselors to understand when

supporting students as they build relationships with their peers.

The way in which Somali’s eat is also important. Often Somalis will eat directly from

their hands, rather than eating with utensils such as a fork or spoon. Meals that would often be

consumed with Westernized utensils, such as spaghetti, will be eaten directly from the hand by

Somalis (Hassig & Latif, 2008). It is also common for people to eat from a shared family meal

that is consumed directly from one dish. (Yusuf, 2012)

Food is also eaten with a very specific hand, and in a very specific way. In general

Somalis eat with the right hand only, using the first three fingers. The left hand is deemed

unclean as it is “used for toilet ablutions” and therefore should never be used to bring food to

the mouth (Hassig & Latif, 2008). As they often do use their hands for direct contact with food,

cleanliness and sanitary practices are incredibly important to the Somali culture. This may also

lead certain individuals to not want to participate in certain art projects or other school projects

that could lead their hands to become “unclean” (Hassig & Latif, 2008).

There are two specific physical gestures that can be construed as being vulgar or rude.

The first one is showing the bottom of one’s foot, or the sole of your shoe towards someone

(Walick & Sullivan, 2015). Many people of the Islamic faith, believe that the foot is the dirtiest

or lowest part of the human body, as it touches the ground (Esposito, 1999), therefore showing

the bottom of your foot, can be deemed an insult. This can occur especially if you are crossing

one ankle over your other knee. Being aware of how you sit, may assist in not offending

someone.


The hand gesture that is believed to be rude and quite horrible, is when an individual

waves or gestures for another to come over to them with their finger, palm up, much like you

would call over a child when they are in trouble (Farid & McMahan, 2004, Yusuf, 2012). This

could be considered the equivalent to giving an individual the middle finger or calling them a

dog (Yusuf, 2012; S. Garaad, personal communication, January 7, 2016). To avoid offending

someone, if for instance you do need to wave them over from across a room, instead keep your

palm down and wave downward with all your fingers. When we understand these nuances of a

culture we are better able to serve our students and work with their families.

Bridging the Gap for In and Out of School Barriers

Understanding these cultural differences, will allow counselors to be the bridge between

families and the schools, however there are certain areas, that even the most adapted families,

may stull struggle with when it comes to the American culture and their staying true to their

own. Issues such as Lesbian, Gay, Bi-Sexual, Transgender [LGBT] support and mental health

have continued to hold feelings taboo and alienation within the Somali community.

One area specifically that is controversial, not only in the American culture, but more so

in the Somali community are the identities and rights of LGBT people. There is limited

information on the LGBT population of Somalis, but that does not mean that it does not exist

(LGBTnet, 2012). The Islamic faith and Qur’an have traditionally condemned homosexual

relationships (Esposito, 1999). In many Islamic countries, including Somalia, homosexual

relationships are illegal and may be punishable by death (Ammon, 2012). In general, Somalia

and Somalis do not recognize the LGBT community and those who do identify as part of the

community often live their lives in private, secrecy, or fear of persecution (Ammon, 2012).


So, when working with students, in the United States, especially in Minnesota, which

legalized gay marriage in 2013 (Human Rights Campaign, 2016), Somali students, for the first

time in their lives may be informed about the LGBT community. Questions and concerns may

come to light with this education, and therefore counselors must be aware first and foremost of

their own biases, but additionally, the delicate steps that may be necessary when working with

families as they deal with LGBT issues. Organizations such as PFLAGG, Out Front Minnesota,

NAMI Minnesota, RECLAIM!, and GLC, support LGBT people and youth, and may be a

valuable resource for students who are identifying as LGBT. Building and maintaining

relationships with parents, families, and Somali community organizations, will also help to

bridge issues when it comes to maintaining Muslim beliefs.

When dealing with mental health issues in Somali students, there could potentially be

substantial pushback from parents (Walick & Sullivan, 2015). As seen even in our own society,

dealing with certain mental health issues can still hold a sort of taboo or unknown quality

(President's New Freedom Commission on Mental Health, 2003). Due to the stigma that can

surround mental health issues, and the lack of education, some Somalis may believe that they

themselves or their loved ones are actually cursed, or are possessed (Hassig & Latif, 2008).

Such issues such as ADHD, depression, and anxiety are not therefore dealt with using

counseling or medication. This unwillingness to acknowledge such issues is especially

prevalent in young Somali men (Kroll, Yusuf, & Fujiwara, 2010).

Due to the traumatic events that many Somali refugees have faced in Africa; PTSD, and

the associated anxiety and depression are prevalent in the refugee community (Ellis,

MacDonald, Lincoln, & Cabral, 2008). “Rates of PTSD have ranged from 11.5% to 65% in

samples of refugee children,” (Ellis et al., 2008, p. 188) and they have found that PTSD


symptoms are due not only to trauma suffered through exposure to war, but also through

immigration-related resettlement stress (Ellis et al., 2008; Walick & Sullivan, 2015). In

addition, in most cases of PTSD, depression is also present (Kroll et al., 2010). This is more

commonly accepted as a problem, especially for parents concerned about their children,

however it still not necessarily spoken about (Nilsson et al., 2012). “We didn't go to a

psychiatrist. Nobody said "how are you feeling?" You can pretend you know nothing about it

and go to school, nobody asked us how we are feeling but so we still think about letting go like

that,” said one participant in the 2012 Nilsson, et al. study (p. 245).

This being understood however, Somali males are almost twice as likely as women to

suffer from PTSD (Kroll, et al., 2010) and in a 2010 study the following was observed:

Many young Somali men were hospitalized in the US with an acute psychotic episode

with disorganized, aggressive, and excitatory symptoms. They displayed poorly formed

and shifting delusional thinking, often with prominent religious or paranoid themes.

(Kroll, et al., p. 483)

Understanding these specific mental health issues that Somali refugees may face, is important as

we continue to help support our students and their families, especially as there certain things

that have also contributed to success when dealing with PTSD issues. A couple facts in

particular stand out:

Somali… young adults living in Minnesota, found that lower levels of PTSD symptoms

were associated with speaking English more fluently, leaving home [Somalia] at a

younger age, immigrating to the U.S. at an earlier age and with a family member, and

living in the U.S. longer. (Ellis et al., 2008, p. 191)


This further establishes the need to build the relationships with the family and community so

that they can maintain their lives in one area, as well as the need to recognize which students are

in need of ELL classes as soon as possible.

Out of School Barriers

School Counselors understand that the success of a student is not just based on their

achievements within the school walls, but their all-around wellbeing (Erford, 2010).

Understanding what struggles or issues that can occur outside of the school is just as important,

so as to advocate for the student and their family’s needs. There are several things that will

arise when addressing out of school barriers, such as parental concerns specifically with the

cultural adjustments that occur, housing and employment. Additionally the Somali community

must also work with their relations within the Minnesota specific community and the pull from

such extremist organizations such as Al-Shabaab.

The first thing to consider when looking at out of school barriers are the specific

concerns that parents can sometime have, not only about their adjustment to their new education

system, but life in general. All parents have concerns for their children, and hope that they raise

them to be contributing and respectful members of our society (Oberst & Stewart, 2003). Not

only do Somali parents have this concern, but those who are living in the United States, also

worry about their children maintaining the cultural, religious, and linguistic roots (Farid &

McMahan, 2004; Hassig & Latif, 2008). By being aware of the previous mentioned issues,

counselors will be better able to support and advocate for their Somali students.

Two other specific issues that Somali parents have presented are concerns with how

their children assimilate to the American culture, and that they as parents feel that they lose

authority and in turn their children loose respect for their elders, both of which are vital


components of their Somali roots (Nilsson et. al., 2012; Roble & Rutledge, 2008). Parents feel

that they lose authority over their own children due to the differences in approved discipline.

“Some of these difficulties stemmed from the realization that traditional ways to discipline their

children were no longer acceptable in the United States” (Nilsson et al., 2012, p. 246). Physical

punishment, such as spankings, are still common in many Somali households. Children quickly

are educated about child abuse and what that means in the United States, and some will turn

their parents need to discipline them into a threat to contact authorities. Many Somali families

have expressed concern with the manner in which police or Child Protective Services will

“intrude” or “deal” with their family. Compound this with the language barriers, and parents

now feel as though their hands are tied; they can no longer discipline their children (Nilsson et

al., 2012; S. Garaad, personal communication, January 7, 2016).

This loss of authority, is not just due to physical discipline however. The freedoms that

are allowed in the United States, are easier to adapt to for younger people (Walick & Sullivan,

2015). Young people will quickly pick up on what could be described as American cultural

nuances such as sarcasm, talking back to their parents and ignoring their parents (Farid &

McMahan, 2004; Nilsson et al., 2012). This lack of respect towards parents seems to strengthen

when speaking to other adults:

Loss of respect also included elders and teachers. Said one participant, "They’re not

scared, they act like the American kids, they don't care about everything, they don't

respect the mom… At times, children used their right to free speech as a threat. (Nilsson

et al., 2012, p. 245)

As juveniles are able to more quickly adapt to not only the new culture, but also the new

language, they are able to pick up on the cultural expectations and acceptations of their new


homes (Ellis et al., 2008). Students will want to fit in and assimilate to their peers. Through

social interactions, social media, and entertainment such as movies, music, and television

shows, they will begin to identify what customary characteristics of an American child or teen

will be like (Karoly & Gonzalez, 2011). Adults are less likely to be influenced by these media

outlets, and Somali adults even more so, are less likely to partake in certain forms of

entertainment due to their religious beliefs (Nilsson et al. 2012; Yusuf, 2012). As a counselor it

is imperative to support not only the students but their parents when it comes to educating what

is deemed correct behavior within the American society.

The next two issues that must be considered when dealing with out of school barriers

and Somali students are housing and employment issues, which are incredibly intertwined. Due

to the refugee status of many Somalis, and the hardships that the faced prior to immigrating to

the United States, a majority of Somalis have little or no education, and lack work experience,

especially professional skills that are applicable in higher paying jobs in the United States

(Hassig & Latif, 2008). Somali males have an employment rate of 60-65% (Yusuf, 2012).

Many reported to be working in local food manufacturing factories, while others worked in

transportation and family owned businesses (Farah, 2015; Yusuf, 2012).

Only in the last couple years have Somalis started attending colleges and universities. In

the 2011-2012 school year, the University of Minnesota Twin Cities campus reported having

280-350 Somali students enrolled either part time or fulltime. This could also include students

involved in Post-Secondary Education Opportunities (PSEO; Yusuf, 2012.)

Somalis are beginning to get a foot hold in the employment field of Minnesota, however

at least half of the Somali population lives at or below the poverty line (Farah, 2015). It is

estimated that 51% of Somalis live below the poverty line but the number could be as high as


83% (Yusuf, 20120). These economic issues could mean that students will need help affording

things such as food, school supplies and clothing. Due to the stigmatization that can occur, and

the cultural differences between staff and students, Somali students may not feel comfortable

reaching out for or asking for help. This sentiment is even more strongly felt by adults, who

believe that they should only rely on members of their own community for assistance (Farah,

2015; Fennelly, 2007). Due to this feeling, the poverty or lack of resources can become a

vicious cycle.

The issue of poverty and lack of high paying jobs can be seen even more specifically

when looking at the housing issues that Somalis can face. As previously stated, family is

incredibly important to the Somali culture (Yusuf, 2012). When you also take into

consideration, that traditionally the Muslim religion is pro-children and against contraception,

(Esposito, 1999), as well as the clan nature of Somalia, families can be incredibly large, and

many people, of both nuclear and extended family will all live together (Bulhan, 1978; Farid &

McMahan, 2004).

According to the 2015 Coldwell Realty report, Minnesota ranked fourth in the nation in

average housing prices. With the price of housing, as well as the amount of people living

together, families are forced to live in smaller or less expensive housing options. Due to

language barriers landlords have been able to take advantage of individuals and families, and at

the same time Somalis, especially those who are not as familiar with housing laws, may not

know their rights (Yusuf, 2012). Families also have been forced to lie to landlords about the

amount of people living in an apartment or house, so as to avoid additional cost or being kicked

out (Yusuf, 2012). This has furthered their fear of revealing the information about their

population, as previously mentioned. According to Katherine Fennelly in her 2007 paper,


Health and Well-being of Immigrants: The Healthy Migrant Phenomenon, “immigrants are

especially vulnerable because of barrier of language, large family size and concentration of

ethnic enclaves” (p. 198). Families also will feel pressured or forced to move often so as to

avoid detection or issues (Hassig & Latif, 2008). These issues with housing can cause several

problems for students that may present themselves in school.

Living in crowded or chaotic situations will cause more stress, anxiety and sleep issues

for people, especially children (Evans, Gonnella, Marcynyszyn, Gentile, & Salpekar, 2005). As

the issues that the adults are dealing with can be perceived by children, or their children will be

put to task with such responsibilities as getting jobs, taking care of younger siblings or

housework, especially if the parents are working during second or third shifts, children will

understand the burdens that their families are facing (Conners, 1983; Karoly & Gonzalez,

2011). Stress and anxiety can compound themselves and show in students through behavior,

dropping grades, or other social issues (Erford, 2010; Evans et al., 2005). Students in crowded

housing also have poor or worse sleeping patterns (Evans et al., 2005).

If a child is sleep-deprived, they tend to have behavior problems; they may have

frequent temper tantrums or be non-compliant and have poor impulse control…In

younger children, the signs and symptoms of a lack of sleep resemble the signs of

ADHD, and many children who are diagnosed with it actually have an underlying sleep

disorder, which is their main problem. (Mitchell, 2016, p. 41)

Lack of sleep can cause various issues for students. As counselors, of being aware of students

housing situations will allow better service to them, and be aware of certain issues that they may

be facing.


Hawalas

On top of the exponential cost of living within Minnesota, with low paying jobs or lack

of experience to work in higher paying fields, some Somali’s are also involved in hawalas,

when it comes to assisting people back home. A hawala, at its basic core, is an Arabic term that

means “to transfer” (Thompson, 2008). What it often refers to is the transferring of economical

or commercial goods. It can also refer to the transfer of responsibilities. Hawalas are in fact

organized and business like, often with certain businesses assisting in the process. Hawalas

have been used to fund and send money to areas in need such as refugee camps or areas of war

where aid workers would not be able to otherwise reach (Thompson, 2008). In fact it was

hawalas that were able to provide major amounts of economical, commercial and other support

to areas of South East Asia after the 2004 tsunami (Thompson, 2008).

In early 2005 after the tsunami wave hit Aceh, for example, money dealers reportedly

established an emergency communications system using the flexsi local mobile phone

network to help migrants locate their families and arrange for the delivery of funds

either to functioning bank accounts or directly to the IDP camps themselves.

(Thompson, 2008, p. 84)

What it means though for the Somali individual or family however, is that essentially,

on top of having to pay for the cost of living here in the United States, while dealing with the

stress of what comes with being a refugee, immigration and adapting to a country that they are

not used to, many Somalis are also required to send money back home to family or clan

members (Farah, 2015). In a 2015 research project done by Abdiqani Farah, through The

Straighter, a research and community relations organization based in Minnesota, Somalis were


asked what certain “hot topics” were the most important to them. Hawala was the number one

most important topic surveyed.

Aside from being a profitable business, one reason that hawala was ranked as top issue

for Somali Minnesotans is that hawala became a means of supporting families back

home. Nearly everyone in Somalia gets money from the diaspora in one way or another.

Somalis in the diaspora send an annual amount of about $200 million to Somalia and to

refugee camps in Kenya, Ethiopia and Yemen. (Farah, 2015, p. 11)

This can also cause extra burdens on families. As they feel privileged to be here in the United

States, they then feel obliged to send money back to their families and friends. This increases

the financial responsibilities of Somalis, who perhaps are already struggling to provide for

themselves and their families (Passas, 2006).

Hawala has also caused concern due to the stigmatization that has been associated with

the name since the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Centers in New York City in 2001. As it

can be considered that hawala is essentially “underground banking” (Passas, 2006), many

believe that that it has been used not only to help fund and support family members, but also

terrorist organizations such as Al Qaeda and Al-Shabaab. This is not, however, the case.

There is no evidence of hawala use by the 9/11 hijacking team. Despite very aggressive

US law enforcement actions, there has been no case of terrorist finance through hawala

at all—contrary to conventional wisdom to which officials and press releases have

contributed, the Somali hawala (Barakat) investigation yielded no charges of terrorism.

In Europe only one case of funds going to the northern part of Iraq to support the

insurgency involved hawala transfers. (Passas, 2006, p. 60)


Hawalas have in fact been almost entirely for good; for helping family, friends, and

those people in need of assistance from afar. This means that Somalis in Minnesota are not only

dealing with the trauma of what they experienced in their native countries, the anxiety of

immigrating and living in a new country, but also the tension that Islamic extremists around the

world have caused. This issue of Islamic extremists has been far reaching and it is

unfortunately close to some Somalis, as Al-Shabaab has taken a foothold in their home country.

Al-Shabaab

Al-Shabaab, formally known as Harakat Al-Shabaab, was founded in 2005, however the

true roots of the group has a foothold starting much earlier, as Somalia has dealt with internal

crisis for decades (Hansen, 2013). Its structure can actually be traced back all the way to the

1960’s through three different groups: Waxda Al-Shabaab al Islaami, Jama’at al Ahl al-Islaami

(al-Ahli group), and Munadamat al-Nahdah al Islāmiyah (Organization of Islamic

Renaissance). These groups were all influenced by Saudi Arabian Islamic doctrine influences

called Wahhabism. Wahhabism can be considered “ultra-conservative” (Knysh, 2004). There

was a push for Islamic unity which drove the formation of Al-Shabaab (Hansen, 2013). This

religious resurgence was in part also influenced by the past issues; the governance and abuse of

power by foreign invaders, meant that a reputation for religious piety and respect for the Qur’an

which in turn has made Somalis trust fellow countrymen to handle security and justice issues

versus outside powers (Hansen, 2013)

As Al-Shabaab became the governing force within Somalia it continued to gain power

by calling the people of Somalia to join in the “self-defense against the Christian Ethiopian

invaders” (Menkhaus, 2014, p. 313) who were being supported by the United States and other

Western nations (Menkhaus, 2014). This put the Somali people in a difficult of a situation; if


they didn’t support what Al-Shabaab was calling arms for, then they could come off as un-

Islamic. This is called Takfirism; the practice of one Muslim declaring another Muslim an

unbeliever (Hansen, 2013). The attacks on non-believers soon began, most being local in nature,

but reaching across the eastern African coast, most notably the attack on the Westgate Shopping

Mall in 2013 (Williams, 2014). It was officially declared a terrorist group by United States in

2008, Australia in 2009, and the United Kingdom and Canada in 2010 (Hansen, 2013).

This brings us to its influence here in Minnesota. Al-Shabaab has been uniquely

profound in its use of social media. Up until 2009 it had its own “official website which carried

news, video clips, religious guidance, edicts, and issuance of threats” (Menkhaus, 2014).

Furthermore it has used its social media to promote and glamorize their cause (Menkhaus,

2014).

Romanticized images of jihadi fighters in the bush, with inspirational Islamic chants in

the background, have had…a powerful pull among some Somali diaspora youth. Al-

Shabaab has made good use of the first wave of diaspora recruits, featuring them in

video testimonies that call on friends to join them. The recruits emphasize the glory and

excitement of jihad (one oddly describing it as “the real Disneyland”) and boast about

their positions of leadership, prowess with guns, and their kills of infidels. (Menkhaus,

2014, p. 313)

Young Somalis, especially young Somali men, can often be influenced by the jihadist type

propaganda that Al-Shabaab has implemented. As of 2007 at least 50 people from the United

States had travelled to Somalia, specifically with the purpose of joining Al- Shabaab, 27 of

them being directly from Minnesota (Yuen, Aslanian, Boos, & McCallum, 2013). And the flow

has continued with the immergence of different religious extremist groups, which ultimately


seem to converge. Now the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) has begun it’s

recruitment of youth, both those of the Islamic and those who wish to convert to Islam. As of

2015, Minnesota was the state within the U.S.A. that is speculated to have had more individuals

attempt to join ISIL than any other state (Sherry, 2015). “Minnesota recruits made up 26

percent of the sample of 58 cases reviewed by the committee’s bipartisan task force” (Sherry,

2015, p. 7). ISIL and Al-Shabaab may continue their pull and recruitment, however Somali

youth and community are becoming more educated about what these groups of doing, and

therefore the recruitment of youth has declined, especially within Al-Shabaab.

Overall, the war against Al-Shabaab has made considerable progress. Having begun a

concerted set of offensive operations in early 2014, by April AMISOM, the Somali

National Army (SNA) and some of its aligned militias had pushed Al-Shabaab forces

out of nearly a dozen settlements across south-central Somalia. (Williams, 2014, p. 908)

As counter measures continue, School Counsellors, teachers and staff, can continue to help in

connecting and building relationships with students, parents and the community to help combat

their recruitment.

Community

Understanding all of the issues, differences, and struggles that Somali immigrants and

their community face may then shed a light on their relationship with different people within

their same geographic community. One particular concern that has been brought to light,

especially in the school setting is the racial tensions that can occur between Somali and Black

students.

Cultural appropriation is one of the areas in which issues can occur. As Somali youth

continue to adapt to their new home, one of the ways in which they are attempting to fit in is the


way in which they dress and talk (Nilsson et. al, 2012). Young Somalis can be seen, especially

in urban settings, wearing low riding pants, tennis shoes, and wearing their hair like famous

athletes or musicians. This sort of style may be new and disconcerting for parents (Walick &

Sullivan, 2015). Additionally, due to their proximity to the black youth not only geographically

but in physical appearance, some Somali youth have taken to the vocabulary of their peers. It is

not uncommon for one Somali youth to call a friend “nigger” just as a black person may call

their racial peer the same. This is where issues can arise. In Kusow’s 2006 article an

interviewee stated the following: "just because we are all black or originate from Africa doesn’t

mean anything. We have a separate language, culture, and religion. It is a big thing.” Kusow

continued to say the following:

This is not an issue of color. This last statement speaks to the core argument of my

research in that it shows some of the contradiction inherent in the assumption that skin

color unifies all those who can trace their ancestors to Sub-Saharan Africa. (2006, p.

544)

So when Somali students start to appropriate such cultural nuances, such as the use of the word

“nigger,” African-American students may take issue. Due to the historical context of such a

word and the violence, racism and bigotry that accompanied it, black people have taken back

the term and it can now often be found in hip-hop and rap music, other black entertainment and

amongst close friends (Price, 2011). When Somalis use the word, however, it can be viewed as

inappropriate as their ancestors and family members were not necessarily a part of the racism

and hatred that aligned with it (Judy, 1994).

Furthermore Somalis and blacks are often living in the same neighborhoods and are

therefore competing for some of the same services. Especially in certain Minneapolis


neighborhoods, Somalis become competition for the lower socio-economic group of blacks that

live alongside them (Farid & McMahan, 2004). Not only are these individuals in contention for

the same social services, such as reduced cost housing, food, and other assistance, they are also

vying for the same employment opportunities (Walick & Sullivan, 2015). Sentiments that

parents may feel about these stressors may in turn leak down into their children, who could then

react negatively towards their peers in an educational setting. These same sorts of hostile

relationships can be seen between any two groups who are contending for the same services.

An Adlerian Perspective

Alfred Adler and his Individual Psychology can fundamentally be applied to the aspects

of being a School Counselor, and specifically how to work with special populations, for

example Somali students and their families. There are several key components of Individual

Psychology that can be applied to this role. First and foremost is the need for Social Interest.

Social Interest

The child’s need for affection is, according to Adler, related to other people (especially

primary caregivers). It is also the key to socialization, education and culture: the child’s

needs for love and care have to be met, and Adler warns against the negative

consequences of lack of care and love in the early childhood. (Oberst & Stewart, 2003,

p. 103)

But beyond just the need for affection, Adlerian thought continues by suggesting that the

type of affection is important (Adler & Mairet, 2011). Individuals cannot just be coddled and

pampered but instead they need to be “Guided to become adapted and useful members of the

human community” (Oberst & Stewart, 2003, p. 118). This is the same principal aspect of what

Professional School Counselors strive to do.


When working with Somali students this aspect of Social Interest will be key not only

for the students but for the counselor as well. Counselors need to work directly with the

parents, showing them respect, kindness and gratitude (Farid & McMahan, 2004). Adler

believed that there were four types of individuals when it came to social interest; those who

have a “dominant or ruling attitude,” those who “expect much from others and may lean on

others,” thirdly those who may avoid situations, and lastly those who are prepared for

“cooperation and contribution” (Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1964). Just as educators are never

sure what the demeanor of a student will be, it is the same for the parents, and being aware that

each individual is unique in how they will interact and interpret relationships, will help staff

better build that relationship with them.

It is also important to remember this, because often educators will meet the student

before they meet the parent. Their ideas and perceptions of what the parents may be like due to

the children’s behavior may be incorrect, or it could be validated; either way, counselors must

work to build relationships with both the student and the parent so that they can work

adequately with both (Dreikurs & Soltz, 1990). “As parents we can only try to stimulate our

child toward a change in behavior…Each child makes up his own mind about what he will do,”

(Dreikurs & Soltz, 1990, p. 65). It really must therefore become a team effort when it comes to

working with parents to help advocate and support their children.

Furthermore, when it comes to social interest it will be important to understand the

relationships that students have not only with their peers and teachers, but even more so with

their parents.


In order to understand what goes on in an individual, it is necessary to consider his

attitude toward his fellow men. The relationships of people to one another in part exist

naturally and as such are subject to change. (Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1964, p. 127)

When School Counselors have built a relationship with the parents of a student, then they are

able to witness and digest aspects of their behavior and therefore how their students interact

with their parents. This is an important part of social interest, and a key aspect of what

counselors do; they want to help establish, advocate and support the growth of their students’

relationships into healthy, nurturing and respectful connections (Erford, 2010; ASCA, 2012).

Additionally, counselors must be aware of how the parents behave and what occurs naturally to

them, so that they can work within their cultural guidelines to establish corrected behaviors for

the students (Oberst & Stewart, 2003; Sue & Sue, 2013). There are certain aspects of the

Somali culture, or any culture for that matter, that cannot be bent to or accommodated to its full

desire, due to the government and educational regulations set forth by the educations system’s

own culture and research based evidence, (ASCA, 2012; Bacigalupe, & Cámara, 2012),

however when there is a familiarity with a family and its dynamic and traditions, counselors

will be better able to serve their student and communicate with the parent about why they are

doing the things that they are doing (Sue & Sue, 2013). “Staff must approach parents with

some goal other than controlling them or treating them as patients in need of treatment,”

(Brendtro et al., 2002, p. 97). From the Adlerian aspect, therefore:

We can achieve much more when we succeed in establishing a sort of pact, when we

persuade the parents to change their attitude and work with us according to our methods.

It is of no avail to point out to them the faults of their past treatment. What we must do


is to try to make them adopt a new procedure. We must first of all win the parents.

(Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1964, p. 396)

Although this could read as almost manipulative without context, what it really is trying

to establish, is that it is only through building a relationship and trust with the parents, can

counselors truly advocate and support their children, especially for those, who are new and

adapting to a different culture, school system and country. The idea of social interest can, in

fact unite educators with the parents and Somali community.

Another aspect of social interest that is specifically related to Somali families, is the

correlation between social interest and Islam. There are certain similarities between what is

taught in the Qur’an and social interest (Alizadeh, 2012). The concepts of community, equality,

unity and spirituality are all key components of the teaching of the Qur’an, and can all be

directly related to Adler’s concept of social interest (Alizadeh, 2012; Ansbacher & Ansbacher,

1964). Gemeinschaftsgefühl, the German term that Adler used for social interest, can at its core,

mean essentially the same thing as the Islamic term: Ghalb-e salim (Alizadeh, 2012; Oberst &

Stewart, 2003).

Ghalb-e salim, or healthy heart, can be compared with social interest. Islam talks to true

believers who have ghalb-e salim in the way that an Adlerian talks when fostering social interest.

Here are some examples:

1. Human beings are members of a whole, in creation of one essence and soul. If one

member is afflicted with pain, other members will remain uneasy.

2. "Cooperate one another in righteousness and piety" (Qur’an, 5:2).

3. "And hold fast, all together, by the rope which Allah stretches out for you, and be not

divided among yourselves" (Qur’an, 3:103).


4. "The worth [appreciation of a man is according to his courage" (Alizadeh, 2012, p. 220).

Not only is Social Interest an imperative part of the role of a counselor, but also in the roles of

many Muslims and therefore Somalis.

Feelings of Inferiority, Private Logic and Mistaken Goals

Another key element of Adlerian psychology is the aspect of working through what are

feelings of inferiority which lead into ones private logic, and therefore appear as mistaken goals.

Feelings of inferiority are essentially the sentiments that create the private logic that an

individual does not surmount the same level as their peers (Adler & Mairet, 2011). These

feelings can, and often do, stem from the earliest stages of a person’s life and are compounded

or reestablished through interactions that reaffirm these feelings and manners of thought

(Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1964). As the feelings of inferiority take hold, a private logic is

established within the individual. This private logic will dictate how they interpret certain

indicators, cues and interactions, as well as how they act outwardly (Adler & Mairet, 2011;

Oberst & Stewart, 2003).

As previously explained, many Somalis have endured incredible hardships, either due to

war, poverty, living in a refugee camp or being transported to a new country and having to

make those adjustments necessary to adapt to their new home (Hassig & Latif, 2008). Each of

these events, interactions with people, other cultures, and witnessing of certain atrocities or

occurrences, will shape the way in which they will think and what they will believe (Adler &

Mairet, 2011). These hardships can also cause feelings of inferiority which then are

compounded by what they may experience in the realms of culture, education and lifestyle.

As students adjust to their new homes, they may feel ostracized by their peers due to

various cultural differences. With Somali students specifically, it can be visually obvious that


they are a different race and religion from their classmates (Yusuf, 2012). Initial reactions or

ignorance, on the part of the students and staff that interact with Somali students, may cause

some to feel unwelcome due to these cultural differences (Farid & McMahan, 2004). These

sentiments may thusly develop into feelings of inferiority and as racism, bigotry, or continued

bullying continues, a private logic is formed.

This private logic can also be passed down from a parent to a child (Ansbacher &

Ansbacher, 1964). If a parent is the subject of continuous discrimination by certain individuals

or communities, they may pass down their distrust or animosity towards that group to their

children (Newlon & Arciniega, 1983). This is not limited to discrimination but also

misunderstandings or reiterated beliefs, both in a negative and positive manner. If an individual

is continuously told that they are beautiful, they will most likely believe that; however this can

be compounded by the lack of things that are said, such as if that same individual is never told

that they are smart or persistent (Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1964), they may believe that they are

all looks and but not capable of much else. This is applicable to all people including Somalis. If

a student is continuously told that they do not speak English well enough, that their “scarf is just

so beautiful,” or that they don’t need to do certain work, because it’s probably too hard from

them, and it is reiterated in different ways by other teachers and staff, these students could then

begin to truly believe it (Oberst & Stewart, 2003; Soheili, Alizadeh, Murphy, Bajestani,

Ferguson, 2015). Being aware of these sorts of episodes can help when then identifying the

mistaken beliefs that students may have.

Mistaken goals then are the subconscious private logic of an individual coming out

through certain behaviors. The first and most important part about understanding mistaken goals


is that when a student behaves in a certain way, it is not necessarily meant to be directed at you

or the teacher that they are working with.

Novice youth workers often make the mistake of believing the behavior of a difficult

youth is directed at them personally. As they learn to see the behavior as a reflection of

the youth’s personal needs or distress, they are able to disengage from a knee-jerk

response of negativism. (Brendtro et al., 2002, p. 18)

When counselors understand that behaviors of students are most likely not in response to

them, but instead due to outside reasons and feelings of inferiority, they then can help them

change and correct their behaviors, and even more importantly discern the cause and root of the

issue (Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1964; Brendtro et al., 2002). Each person will identify

differently and respond differently to situations and events. The manner in which they will

display their mistaken goals, however, are almost always the same, and more importantly, can

be distinguished by the way the parent, teacher, or counselor is feeling. The four mistaken

goals are: undue attention, misguided power, revenge, and assumed inadequacy (Nelsen, 2006).

When students develop their private logic, their behavior can be counter intuitive to what may

be what they really need; they may act in one way to say they are having a problem or thinking

in another way (Adler & Mairet, 2011; Nelsen, 2006). By focusing instead on the belief behind

the mistaken goal, counselors can help not only teachers, but parents identify what issues their

students may in fact be having. In particular with Somali students, especially those who are

struggling with their identity, their socioeconomic status or the PTSD and trauma that they are

dealing with, having been or being a refugee, you will see many with the mistaken goals of

misguided power and assumed inadequacy, on a more moderate scale (Walick & Sullivan,

2015; Nilsson et al. 2012). Being able to identify this and then addressing it not only with the


teachers, will be helpful (ASCA, 2012; Erford, 2010). The same goes for bringing it to the

attention of the parents, although culturally they may have a hard time understanding this

concept as easily and therefore you will need to have already established a relationship with the

parents, as well as having possible documented incidents to refer to (Yusuf, 2012; Walick &

Sullivan, 2015).

The Mistaken Goal Chart

The Child’s

goal is:

If the parent/

teacher

feels:

And tends to

react by:

And if the

child’s

response is:

The belief

behind the

child’s

behavior is:

Coded

message

s

Parent/teacher proactive and

empowering responses include:

Undue

Attention

(to keep

others busy

or to get

special

service)

Annoyed

Irritated

Worried

Guilty

Reminding

Coaxing

Doing things

for the child

he/she could

do for

him/herself

Stops

temporarily,

but later

resumes

same or

another

disturbing

behavior

I count (belong)

only when I’m

being noticed or

getting special

service. I’m

only important

when I’m

keeping you

busy with me.

Notice

Me -

Involve

Me

Usefully

Redirect by involving child in a

useful task to gain useful

attention; ignore (touch without

words); say what you will do, “I

love you and ____.” (Example: I

care about you and will spend

time with you later.”) Avoid

special service; have faith in

child to deal with feelings (don’t

fix or rescue); plan special time;.

Misguided

Power

(to be boss)

Challenged

Threatened

Defeated

Fighting.

Giving in.

Thinking,

“You can’t

get away

with it” or

“I’ll make

you.”

Intensifies

behavior.

Defiant

compliance.

Feels

he/she’s

won when

parent/teach

er is upset

I belong only

when I’m boss,

in control, or

proving no one

can boss me.

You can’t make

me.

Let Me

Help -

Give

Me

Choices

Redirect to positive power by

asking for help; offer limited

choices; don’t fight and don’t

give in; withdraw from conflict;

be firm and kind; act, don’t talk;

decide what you will do; let

routines be the boss; leave and

calm down; set a few reasonable

limits; practice follow-through;

Revenge

(to get even)

Hurt

Disappointe

d

Disbelieving

Disgusted

Hurting

back,

Shaming

Thinking

“How could

you do such

a thing?”

Retaliates

Intensifies

Escalates the

same

behavior or

chooses

another

weapon

I don’t think I

belong so I’ll

hurt others as I

feel hurt. I can’t

be liked or

loved.

I’m

Hurting

-

Validat

e My

Feelings

Acknowledge hurt feelings;

avoid feeling hurt; avoid

punishment and retaliation; build

trust; use reflective listening;

share your feelings; make

amends; show you care; act,

don’t talk; encourage strengths;

Assumed

Inadequacy

(to give up

and be left

alone)

Despair

Hopeless

Helpless

Inadequate

Giving up

Doing for

Over

helping

Retreats

further

Passive

No

improvemen

t

No response

I can’t belong

because I’m not

perfect, so I’ll

convince others

not to expect

any-thing of me.

Don’t

Give Up

On Me -

Show

Me A

Small

Step

Break task down to small steps;

stop all criticism; encourage any

positive attempt; have faith in

child’s abilities; focus on assets;

don’t pity; don’t give up; set up

opportunities for success; teach

skills/show how, but don’t do (after Nelsen, 2006).


Encouragement

When looking at the mistaken goals, a common theme seems to be found within the

“parent/teacher proactive and empowering responses,” every single one of them, in some way or

another, explains that the mistaken goal can be counter acted by using a different form of

encouragement. Encouragement is another key aspect of Adlerian theory and is incredibly

important when working with young people (Brendtro et al., 2002; Oberst & Stewart, 2003).

Two Adlerian quotes about the importance of encouragement are: “An educator’s most

important task…is to see to it that no child is discouraged at school,” (Ansbacher & Ansbacher,

1964 p. 399), and “encouragement is more important than any other aspect of child-raising”

(Dreikurs & Soltz, 1990, p. 36).

One must, however, differentiate between encouragement and praise.

Praise, as a means of encouragement, must be used very cautiously. It can be

dangerous… If the child sees praise as a reward, then lack of it becomes scorn. If he is

not praised for everything he does, the child feels that he has failed. Such a child does

things in the hope of winning a reward rather than doing them for the satisfaction of

contribution. (Dreikurs & Soltz, 1990, p. 55)

This means that by praising children we in fact are telling them that they are only as

good as what they have accomplished or what they are sending out to the world. It takes

courage to be imperfect, but with imperfection, attempting and trying, come knowledge and

resiliency (Adler & Mairet, 2011; Dreikurs & Soltz, 1990). By encouraging children, and

students, to continue, to work hard, one can use phrases such as: “I’m glad you can do it!” How

nice!” “I appreciate what you’ve done.” “See, you can do it.” (Dreikurs & Soltz, 1990). This

use of encouragement will not only combat the mistaken goals that the student may have


(Jensen, 2006) but will also help to solidify the trust that the student has for you when creating

that bond (Brendtro et al., 2002; Soheili et al., 2015). Furthermore it can help to build the

relationship that you have with the parents.

When it comes to working with the parents of Somali students, encouragement will be

necessary when it comes to their participation (Adam, 2005). Somali parents may not feel that

they are needed or wanted at that the school, not only due to cultural misunderstanding about

the education system, but due to their personal lack of standardized education or insecurity with

the English language (Farid & McMahan, 2004; Yusuf, 2012). As counselors you are the

bridge between the parents, their community and the school. You must be able to encourage

them not only to start the relationship, but to show them the benefits in continuing it (Farid &

McMahan, 2004; Sue & Sue, 2013).

Interventions, Tips, and Ideas

Now that a basic understanding of the Somali people, history, and culture has been

explained, interventions, tips and ideas to help advocate and support Somali students and their

families will be addressed. Main aspects in developing interventions or proactive relationships

within a comprehensive School Counseling program will cover understanding specifically ways

in which to work with Somali cultural nuances that were not already covered, what

accommodations a school can easily provide for their students and families as well as building

community connections or referrals.

Tips and Accommodations for Culture and Religion

The first thing to address is how to react and what to do with certain cultural differences.

The most important way in which educators, especially counselors, can assist families, not only

with, for example, long absences, but in general with most issues that may arise, is by building


relationships directly with the parents (ASCA 2012; Erford, 2010). Reaching out to and

connecting with families will prove not only that it is a team effort to drive the success of the

student, but will further strengthen the collaboration for the student’s future. “Staff must

approach parents with some goal other than controlling them or treating them as patients in need

of treatment.” (Brendtro et al., 2002, p. 89). Somali parents may feel that they are being

targeted more than other student’s parents. By involving them in multiple aspects of the school

culture, counselors will be able to build that relationship with them, while simultaneously

educating them on the school system and the school’s needs (Erford, 2010; Sue & Sue, 2013).

This education of parents is another possible barrier that will come into place; working

with families that are not as accustomed to the educational system of the United States. Due to

the shared cultural and religious background of teachers and families, when still in Somalia,

parents often had distinguished and understood roles when it came to their children’s education

before moving to the U.S. (Farid & McMahan, 2004; Walick & Sullivan, 2015). This meant the

following, when families still lived in Somalia:

In Somali schools, this resulted in clear boundaries between teacher and parent roles and

high levels of parent trust in teachers. Parents were unlikely to question what happens in

school, and, as a result, there was little involvement of families in their children’s

schooling. Teachers of Somali immigrant and refugee students in the United States may

perceive Somali families as uninvolved or unengaged with their children’s schooling

when this is more likely a reflection of their confidence in teachers’ authority. (Walick

& Sullivan, 2015, p. 357)

This misconception on the educators’ part can cause issues and unintended concern for the

students’ well-being if the cultural nuances are not understood. As it is an essential part of the


U.S. education system to have parental involvement, as well as proven means to supporting a

well-rounded education of students, School Counselors will have to work on deliberately

building those relationships with parents (Erford, 2010; Oberst & Stewart, 2013). Involving

parents in committees, organizations, and other groups is a way in which to do this.

Religious differences can also be a factor that will come into place when working with

Somali students. One way that schools, especially middle and high schools, can help to

accommodate religious needs is by providing a reserved location for students to pray (Farid &

McMahan, 2004). A quiet room or office, that can be accessed easily for students, such as a

conference room, unused classroom, or computer lab, which can specifically be reserved for

students at their necessary prayer times will be a respectful and helpful way to assist students’

needs while showing that they are cared for (Adam, 2005; CAIR, 2005). Furthermore if this

space can have a place for students to keep prayer rugs, it will further develop the trust and

relationship that the school can have with the community (Adam, 2005). Students may have to

have access to this area up to two times during a school day. “Two such times, a few minutes

after meridian of the sun and approximately two hours after that, may fall within regular school

hours. It usually takes less than 15 minutes to accomplish the religious requirements of the

prayer” (CAIR, 2005, p. 12). Please note that not all Somali students will feel the need to use

this room and may in fact be criticized by their fellow Somali classmates for not doing so, as

they can be viewed as not “religiously pious,” (Yusuf, 2012). Do not assume that a student will

need access to this room because they are Somali, or appear Somali. Informing students

through a school handbook, parent collaboration meetings, or personally when meeting with

students will be beneficial (Adam, 2005; ASCA; 2012; Erford, 2010).


Additionally due to dietary restrictions, making sure that the school nurse, kitchen staff

and teachers aware of these rules, just as they should be for other dietary restrictions may be

necessary (Yusuf, 2012). Talking to students and also prompting them to advocate and ask

themselves should be done as well. Most children are taught from a very young age which

foods they cannot eat due to dietary restrictions, religious principles or allergies, and they

should feel comfortable questioning the ingredients of food so that they can choose wisely

during scheduled meal times (Courtney, 2015).

It can be very obvious when students are practicing Muslims, and whether they are

Somali not only due to how they look, their skin color, but how they dress.

Somali immigrants become aware of the paramount reality of color-based categories, as

well as the potentially negative stigma associated with dark skin in North America.

Unlike other black immigrants, however, Somali immigrants constitute one of the first

black immigrant groups who are not Christian or English-speaking, and who generally

operate from a social value system which is radically different from the dominant Judeo-

Christian value systems in North America (Bacigalupe & Cámara, 2012, p. 5)

Being aware of this and noting that students are possibly being bullied because of these

differences should be confronted immediate. “Teachers should prevent classmates from pulling

on or removing a Muslim student's scarf,” (CAIR, 2005, p. 5). Furthermore suggesting that a

student remove their scarf because it will be less warm, it will only be for a little bit or for any

other reason is strongly looked down upon (Yusuf, 2012).

The accommodations that may need to occur with this then are placement in other

classes to fill elective needs, such as in certain gym classes, or excused dismissal from certain

parts of such classes, such as swimming (Adam, 2005). One way to avoid misunderstanding or


miscommunication with parents is by having “close contact with local Islamic centers [which]

is essential to encourage input from the Muslim community. Class materials should be

available for review and parents should have the option to remove their children from all or part

of the program,” (CAIR, 2005, p. 6). This same practice should not just be used due to attire

issues but other religious issues, such as when students cannot take music or art classes.

Another area that may need to be reviewed when it comes to clothing is in sports

activities. Some uniforms may not fit the required attire for Somali youth. By working with the

Athletic Director of your school and allowing students to either wear longer apparel, such as

long pants or long sleeved shirts under their uniform, or offering a variety of lengths in the

uniforms will allow students to play in sports that they may not have been able to previously

(Farid & McMahan, 2004).

When it comes to Holidays, the Council for Islamic Relations recommends the

following:

Muslim communities around the country would like to see that Eid receives recognition

similar to that given to Christmas and Hanukkah, especially in schools where Muslims

constitute a significant segment of the student population. Where the number of Muslim

students is low, schools can demonstrate commitment to diversity by refraining from

marking students absent when they do not attend school on Eid. Also, major events

(games, exams, plays, etc.) should be scheduled around these holidays (2005, p. 7).

Although School Counselors do not have direct control over the schedule of a school,

informing and educating administration and teachers about possible upcoming holidays should

be available so as to avoid confusion or mishandled confrontation about absences.


When dealing with gender issues, especially when an adult male is speaking to a female

student or parent, reasonable distance is considered at least two to three feet from the other

person; this provides personal space for both the adult and the other person. Avoiding physical

contact can mean shaking of hands or touching on shoulders or hands. This can sometimes be

forgotten, especially when a teacher is trying to regain a student’s attention, especially in a loud

classroom, or in a non-confrontational way (Erford, 2010). Using words instead of physical

contact to gain students’ attention will be necessary. Any conversations that could be deemed

intimate or personal, such as about what goes on in one’s family or house, if an individual is not

feeling well, or what is causing them to have a bad day, would be better directed for the

students to converse with an adult of the same gender (Dreikurs & Soltz, 1990; Yusuf, 2012).

A way, in which a person can avoid awkwardness, is by either waiting for the other

person to offer their hand first, or simply clasping your own hands together or bowing your

head slightly (S. Garaad, personal communication, January 7, 2016). Both of these ways will

still be considered polite, while not imposing on their cultural beliefs.

Lastly, as the School Counselor, one may need to be the builder of bridges when it

comes to uniting Somali students and their families with people inside of the school. One of the

ways to promote these relationships is by starting groups, clubs, or other sorts of organized

activities, where students can get to know each other in a safe context (Ansbacher & Ansbacher,

1964; ASCA, 2012). Likewise, incorporating teachers into this process, especially at the

elementary age will be helpful. One way to do that is through cooperative learning.

Cooperative learning is brain-friendly learning where students work with one another to

reach a mutual goal. Cooperative learning is not having students simply sit by each


other in small groups, nor is it having the “smart” students do the work for the “dumb”

students. (Brendtro et al., 2002, p. 56)

Cooperative learning allows all students, at all levels, to work together. By doing this they learn

not only from the taught lesson, but from each other. This can especially be beneficial when

working with ELL students, who can benefit from a “child’s eye view” in order to understand

certain concepts (Erford, 2010; Sue & Sue, 2013).

A thing to be mindful of, when working with teenage students, of every ethnicity, but

especially those who may be newer to the United States, and aren’t as familiar with navigating

their way through certain barriers, is the lack of job opportunities for them, especially in lower

socio-economic neighborhoods (Farah, 2015). These neighborhoods are where primarily,

Somali students and their families will reside.

Establishments employing teens are typically located in wealthier neighborhoods that

are beyond the reach of disadvantaged youth who might really benefit from earnings.

(Brendtro et al., 2002, p. 98).

Understanding this, you will be better able to assist Somali students, especially if they are in

need of after school employment to help assist their family’s economical needs.

Building Relationships with Parents

Moving into more specific ways in to build that relationship with parents that is so

necessary, ideas such as developing informational session, parent meetings, and community

involvement will be discussed. The first thing that can be addressed with parents and the

Somali community is the way in which they are able to identify themselves demographically.

This again, may be a sensitive area for some and should be handled carefully, but it is important


to keep in mind the implications of not identifying accordingly, especially since, a majority of

our data driven practices can be governed by achievement gap and other graduation standards.

Changes in the 1965 immigration laws, which dramatically increased the number of

non-white, non-black immigrants in the United States, have fundamentally transformed

the meaning of color-based racial categories from simply black and white to multiple

classification systems. Despite these transformations, however, the United States

remains a color-conscious and racialized society. (Waters, 1999, 1265)

By explaining what this means to parents, and how resources may be more available to their

students if they identify properly, it may be able to reveal more accurate information on Somali

students’ successes or areas of concern.

Secondly, parents should be invited and encouraged to participate in school activities,

the PTA (Parent and Teacher Association), and other groups. One way to initially invite Somali

parents to participate is by holding informational sessions for parents, specifically in the Somali

language (Farid & McMahan, 2004). By bringing in an interpreter and then having additional

representatives from the school, such as the School Counselors, administration, and teachers,

one can facilitate a constructive event that will answer questions about their students’ needs, the

school system and school related activities (S. Garaad, personal communication, January 7,

2016). Furthermore these sessions can be held annually or more often, and can become a sort of

event for the parents where counselors can connect with them, and then from there, branch off

into more specific topics for further meetings. Recommendations of specific meetings that

Somali parents could benefit from are: curriculum, after school activities, clubs and sports,

college and career readiness, with specific emphasis on Free Application for Federal Student

Aid (FAFSA), Postsecondary Enrollment Options (PSEO), and Power of You (POY) options.


Another idea to help facilitate parent needs is by hosting gender specific meetings or meetings

at different hours. Some parents may be more likely to come to a before school meeting where

as others will benefit from a late evening time (Farah, 2015; Fennelly, 2007).

Another area that may need to be addressed within these information sessions is mental

health. When counselors are able to speak to an entire group of people about a certain topic,

they are less likely to feel that they or their child are being target specifically (Oberst & Stewart,

2003). That being said it may be important to reiterate that this topic is breached with all

families of all ethnicities, so that they don’t believe that educators are targeting their specific

community (Bulhan, 1978).

When it comes to mental health, Somali’s may not yet be as exposed to or understand

the different types of mental illness or issues (Kroll et al., 2010). Being able to explain what

learning disorders, ADHD, anxiety disorder, depression, and even dyslexia are may be

necessary. They next part is challenging the possible denial or hesitancy to deal with these

issues; this is not a Somali specific trait, most cultures and people are still learning how to deal

with mental illness in a non-adverse manner (Ellis et al., 2008). Being able to specifically refer

them to locations that can assist with these challenges will also be beneficial. Have the school

social worker or therapist available, or handouts for such resources as local clinics that have

Somali speakers, or Somali specific clinics or organizations.

After these initial information sessions are set up, allow for parents to volunteer to form

Somali specific groups, or to become involved in other school organizations. When Somalis

receive a personal invite, and after a sort of trust has been built, they can, culturally, be devoutly

loyal and will want to continue to assist, especially when it comes to their student’s futures and

success (Yusuf, 2012; Hassig & Latif, 2008). From there other cultural groups can then be


established for students. By bringing in parents, counselors will be able to not only build the

relationships with them and their individual student, but will be able to decipher which

individuals may have skills that could contribute to furthering the success for Somali students

within the school (Farid & McMahan, 2004). These adults, also, will have access to the Somali

community organizations such as the Confederation of Somali Community in Minnesota, the

Somali American Parent Association, and the Somali Multi Service. By being connected to

these organizations educators will be able to continue to advocate for their students and their

family’s success.

Lastly when looking at the increased amount of Somali young adults, especially young

men, who have decided to participate in criminal or terroristic organizations, the School

Counselor can be one member of a solidified team, to combat this urge, when connections have

already been built with the families and community members (Menkhaus, 2014). If School

Counselors are working with Somali students, and bridging those relationships not only with

their peers but other school organizations, they will be less likely to drop out of school, or join

such mentioned organizations (Irby & Mawhinney, 2014; Hansen, 2013). Additionally when

there is a team of individuals supporting a youth, that youth is more likely to complete their

education and continue to give back to the community which supported them (Johnson, Beebe,

Mortimer & Snyder, 1998).

Conclusion

In conclusion, by looking at the Minnesota Somali’s history, culture and religion, we are

able to see where Somali students may struggle and in what particular areas School Counselors

are able to be the supporting guides in their success. The School Counselor’s ability to work

with and build relationships specifically with the parents, guardians, and community members


of their Somali students is of the utmost importance. By driving this need to build connections

with those individuals, School Counselors will be better able to serve their students through

both direct and indirect services. These relationships will help School Counselors understand

the cultural nuances that exist in the Somali community and how they then can accommodate

their students’ needs so that they can thrive both academically and socially.


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