SAPIR X

Collected Works

Edward Sapir

Mouton de Gmyter

n5^no

TheCollected

Works

of

Edward Sapir

X

The Collected Works of Edward SapirEditorial

Board

Philip Sapir

Editor-in-Chief

William Bright

Regna DarnellVictor GollaEricP.

Hamp

Richard HandlerJudith Irvine

TheCollected of

WorksSapir

Edward

XSouthern Paiute and UteLinguistics

and Ethnography

Volume Editor

WiUiam

Bright

1992

Mouton deGruyterBeriin

New York

Mouton de Gruyteris

(formerly

Mouton, The Hague)

a Division of Walter de Gruyter

&

Co., Berlin.

@ Printed on acid-free paper whichANSIto ensure

falls

within the guidelines of the

permanence and

durability.

Library of Congress Calaloging-in-Puhlication-Data

Sapir,

Edward, 1884-1939. Southern Paiute and Ute linguistics and ethnography / volume editor, William Bright. cm. (The collected works of Edward p.:

Sapir

:

10)

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 3-11-013543-41.

(alk.

paper)

ute

Southern Paiute language. 2. Ute language. 3. PaiIndians. 4. Ute Indians. I. Bright, WiUiam,.

1928-

II.

Title.

III.

Series:

Sapir,

Edward,

1884-1939. PM2094.S258 497',45-dc20

Works.1992

1990:10.92-22947

CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek

Cataloging-in- Publication-Data

Sapir, Edward:

The

[The collected works] collected works of Edward Sapir...

/:

ed.

board Philip SapirGruyter.

ed. -in-chief.

Berlin

;

New York

Mouton de

ISBN 3-11-010104-1 (Berlin) ISBN 0-89925-138-2 (New York) NE: Sapir, Edward: [Sammlung]Southern Paiute and Ute linguistics and ethnography William Bright. - 1992 ISBN 3-11-013543-4 NE: Bright, William [Hrsg.]10./

vol. ed.

Copyrightthis

1992 by Walter de Gruyter

&

Co., Beriin 30.

All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages.

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book may be reproduced or transmitted

EdwardIn glasses, with

Scipir,at

1909

Mrs. Dodd's, Uintah Ute Reservation, White Rock, UtahJ.

group

Alden Mason peering from bushes.(Courtesy of Sapir family)

Edward Sapir (1884-1939) has been referred

to as "one of the

most

brilliant

scholars in linguistics and anthropology in our country" (Franz Boas) and as

"one of the greatest figures in American humanistic scholarship" (Franklin Edgerton). His classic book, Language (1921), is still in use, and many of his papers in general linguistics, such as "Sound Patterns in Language" and "The Psychological Reahty of Phonemes," stand also as classics. The development of the American descriptive school of structural linguistics, including the adoption of phonemic principles in the study of non-literary languages, was primarily due to him. The large body of work he carried out on Native American languages has been called "ground-breaking" and "monumental" and includes descriptive, historical, and comparative studies. They are of continuing importance and relevance to today's scholars. Not to be ignored are his studies in Indo-European, Semitic, and African languages, which have been characterized as "masterpieces of brilliant association" (Zellig Harris). Further, he is recognized as a forefather of ethnolinguistic

and sociolinguistic studies. In anthropology Sapir contributed the classic statement on the theory and methodology of the American school of Franz Boas in his monograph, "Time Perspective in Aboriginal American Culture" (1916). His major contribution, however, was as a pioneer and proponent for studies on the interrelation of culture and personality, of society and the individual, providing the theoretical basis for what is known today as humanistic anthropology. He was, in addition, a poet, and contributed papers on aesthetics, literature, music, and social criticism.

m537ContentsFrontispiece:

r

Edward

Sapir, 1909

621

Preface

Introduction

13

Southern Paint e, a S/ios/wnecm Language (1930)Texts of the Kaihah Pamtes and Uintah Utes (1930)

17

315 557 753

Southern Paiute Dictionary (1931)English Index to the Southern Paiute Dictionary

Wick R. Miller) Kaibab Paiute and Northern Ute Ethnographic Field Notes (edited by Catherine S. Fowler and Robert C. Euler) Kaibab Paiute Ethnographic Field Notes Northern Ute Ethnographic Field Notes, 1909 Maps/Figures Editorial Notes(

779785

867 889

903 917923

References

Index

PrefaceVolumes I-VI of The Collected Works of Edward Sapir consist, for most part, of shorter papers; by contrast. Volumes VII-XV are devoted to longer works of monographic nature grammars, dictionaries, text collections, and extended ethnographic accounts. Many of these were published by Sapir during his lifetime; others were edited by his students and published after his death; still others are now being edited and published for the first time. The organization of each individual volume in this latter group brings together, in most instances, works on a single language and culture; in a few volumes, however, the unifying element is one of linguistic family or of culture area. Preparation of these monographic volumes has been aided by grants from the National Science Foundation (grant no. BNS-8609411), the Phillips Fund of the American Philosophical Society, and the WennerGren Foundation for Anthropological Research. Sapir received his doctorate at Columbia University in 1908, and took up a position at the University of Pennsylvania. His first field work thereafter, in 1909, was in Utah, with the Uncompahgre and Uintah Utes. Back in Philadelphia in 1910, be obtained a much greater amount of data on a closely related dialect, the Kaibab variety of Southern Paiute, as spoken by Tony Tillohash, then a student at Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania. The major publication which resulted from this work, Sapir's Southern Paiute Language grammar, texts, and dictionary was written in 1917, but not publishedtheuntil

1930 31;

it

is

reprinted in the present volume. Permission for

this reprinting

has kindly been granted by the American

Academy offirst

Arts and Sciences. In addition,

we publish

here for the

time an

English index to Sapir's Southern Paiute dictionary, prepared byMiller, as well as

WickUte

ethnographic notes gathered by Sapir from

his

and Paiute consultants, here edited and annotated by Catherine S. Fowler and Robert C. Euler. A topic index for the present volume has been prepared by Jane McGary. The Editorial Board is grateful to Robert C. Euler, Catherine S. Fowler, Jane McGary, and Wick Miller for their participation in thepreparation of this volume.

12Editorial

^work onthis

Southern Faiulc and

lite

volume was carried out by William Bright while a Research Fellow of the Center for the Study of Native American Languages of the Plains and Southwest, Department of Linguistics,University of Colorado, Boulder; thanksinstitution.is

given for the help of that

IntroductionThe Great Basin of the western United States was, aboriginally, occupied mainly by tribes who spoke languages of the Uto-Aztecan family, specifically of the Numic branch. In older literature, this branch is also referred to as "Plateau Shoshonean," and the term "Shoshonean"has been used for a putative larger grouping within Uto-Aztecan.

Within Numic, three divisions are generally recognized. The Western group includes language varieties labeled as Mono (or Monache) and Owens Valley Paiute, in eastern CaHfornia plus Northern Paiute in

Nevada and Oregon, and BannockPanamint(or

in Idaho. Central

Numic

includes

Koso)

in

CaHfornia; Shoshone in Nevada, Utah, and

Wyoming; and Comanche in the southern Plains. Finally, Southern Numic consists of Kawaiisu in California; Chemehuevi and SouthernPaiute in southern California, Nevada, Utah, and northwestern Arizona;

and Ute

in Utah and Colorado. The term "Paiute" itself, unfortunately, has no

clear ethnic or lin-

guistic reference; nevertheless, the term "Southern Paiute" is well established as referring to some sixteen Numic "bands" or subgroups which share a geographical center in southern Utah. (For a survey of Numic hnguistics, see Miller 1986.) Among linguists, at least, it seems likely that the currency of the term "Southern Paiute" has been reinforced by its use in the title of one of Edward Sapir's most important works. Sapir's research on Numic began with a field trip undertaken earlyin his career. in 1906,

After fieldwork on

Wishram Chinookcompletedhis

and on Yana

in 1907, Sapir

on Takelma doctorate at Columin 1905,

bia University in 1908 and accepted a position at the University of Pennsylvania. In the summer of 1909, with his student J. Alden Mason, Sapir arrived in Utah to study Southern Numic speech, beginning with

the

Uncompahgre Utes

at

Ouray Reservation. Finding

that few Indians

there spoke adequate English, he soon

moved

to the

Uintah Utes

at

White Rocks (see Sapir's letter to A. L. Kroeber dated 7 September 1909, in Golla 1984: 43). A brief report, "Some Fundamental Characof the Ute Language," was published in 1910 (Sapir 1910c, reprinted in Volume V of The Collected Works). Back at the University of Pennsylvania in 1910, Sapir hoped to find a Ute speaker at Carlisle Indian School near Harrisburg; instead, heteristics

14

A'

Southern Paiutc and Ute

Tillohash

found Tony Tillohash, who spoke the Kaibab dialect of Southern Paiute. moved to Philadelphia for four months, providing Sapir with much more comprehensive data than had been obtained on Ute (seeFowler and Fowler 1986). Four short papers resulted shortly thereafter:

"Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology" (Sapir 1910d), "Two Paiute Myths" (19100, "The Mourning Ceremony of the Southern Paiutes" (1912c), and "A Note on Reciprocal Terms of Relationship" (1913c); these are reprinted in Volume IV of The Collected Works. However, the major descriptive result was Sapir's Southern Paiute Language a grammar, a text collection, and a dictionary written in 1917, but not published until 1930 31. This work is reprinted in the present volume,along with a previously unpublished English index to the dictionary,

prepared by Wick R. Miller.Sapir's

work on Numic

linguistics

is

noteworthy from three viewpoints

in particular. First, his

1910 report on Ute described the typicalt,

Numic

phonological alternation of voiceless stops (p

k k\v) voiced stops (h

dg

g\v), voiced fricatives

( fi

r y y\v),

and

voiceless fricatives ((p

R

x

Xyv); in his

work on Southern

Paiute, Sapir not only found the

same

alternation, but also confirmed

Tony Tillohash's intuitive awareness of famous article, "La realite psychothe relationship. Reported logique des phonemes" (1933c, in Volume I), this finding remains one of the paradigmatic examples of modern phonological theory. Second,in Sapir's

Sapir's

Numic

data

made

possible a historical study, "Southern Paiute

and Nahuatl" (1913f and 19151) his first important work in the comparative/historical study of American Indian languages, and a pioneering application in the New World of the Neogrammarian methodology established in the Indo-European field. All subsequent activity in comparative Uto-Aztecan linguisfics is founded on this work ofSapir's.

Third and

finally, the

Southern Paiute grammar

itself

has

come

to be recognized as a

monument

of American descriptive linguistics: a

model of accuracy,

clarity,

thoroughness, and insight which later schol-

ars have striven to emulate.

on language, Sapir collected ethnographic information from his Numic consultants, and organized these materials with eventual publication in mind. The resulting manuscripts had an "unIn addition to data

derground'' existence after Sapir's death, being consulted by several

ethnographers. They have at

last

been edited for publication

in this

volume, by Catherine

S.

Fowler and Robert C. Euler, whose introduc-

tory essay explains the detailed circumstances.

Introduction

15

Little

Sapir's day; however, there

has been published on the Southern Paiute language since is significant work on the Ute dialect of

southern Colorado by Goss (1972) and Givon (1979, 1980); and on Chemehuevi by Press (1979). There is an unpublished dissertation on

Southern Paiute by Bunte (1979); see also Bunte (1986) and Bunte and Franklin (1988). Proposals for the reanalysis of Sapifs data on Southern Paiute phonology have been published by Harms (1966), Rogers (1967), Chomsky and Halle (1968: 345-351), Lovins (1972), Cairns (1978), and Franklin and Bunte (1980). Manuscript vocabularies for a number of Numic dialects, collected by J. W. Powell during his nineteenthcentury expeditions, are given by Fowler and Fowler (1971). Important ethnographic sources include Stewart (1942) for both the Ute and the Southern Paiute, Kelly (1964) for the Southern Paiute, and Smith (1974) for the Ute. Volumes on Chemehuevi ethnography and oral hterature have been published by Laird (1976, 1984). Recent surveys of ethnographic and historical information are provided by Kelly and Fowler (1986) for the Southern Paiute, and by Calloway et al. (1986)for the Ute.

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language

CONTENTS.PAGEPrefaceDistribution and literature (1)

3 5

Phonology ( 2-16) Vowels ( 2-8) Fundamentals vowels (2) Qualitative vocalic changes (3) Quantitative vocalic changes (4) Glide vowels (5) Nasahzation of vowels (6) EUsion of final vowels (7)Syllabic structureSyllables

6 6 67

16 21

Vocalic unvoicing (8) and accent

(

9-11)

and moras (9)

Accent (10) Loss of one or more moras (11) Consonants ( 12-16) Survey of consonants (12) Consonantal processes (13) Glide consonants (14) The glottal stop (15) Treatment of consonants in composition (16)

Morphology ( 17-63) Grammatical processes (17)

CompoundingPrefixes (

of

stems (18)

Enclitics (19)

20-22)(

Adverbial prefixes

20)(

22 24 27 37 37 39 43 44 44 48 56 59 62 70 70 73 87 98 98101

Instrumental prefixes

21)

Reflexive and reciprocal na- ( 22)

108110

Derivative and formal suffixes

(

23-37)

Types

of suffixessuflSxes

(23)

HOIll

Noun

(24)suffixes ( 25)(

NominaHzingVerb

123

Verbalizing suffixessuffixes (

26)

27-34)(

132 13813828)

General remarksSuffixes of

27)(

movement

Suffixes of voice (29)Suffixes of verbal aspect ( 30) Suffixes of

139 143 148159

number (31)

1

202

^

Southern Paiutc and Ute

CONTENTSPAGE

Temporal suffixes (32) Modal suffixes (33)Order of verbal elements The diminutive ( 35)(

162 16834)

169171

NumeralPronouns(

suffixes ( 36)

174 175

Suffixes of quasi-pronominal force ( 37)

38-46)

176

pronouns ( 38) Personal pronouns ( 39-41) Independent personal pronouns ( 39) Enclitic personal pronouns ( 40) Combinations of enclitic pronouns (41) Post-nominal pronouns ( 42) Demonstrative pronouns ( 43) Interrogative pronouns ( 44) The relative pronoun ( 45) Reflexive pronouns ( 46) Noun morphology ( 47-50) Noun and verb stem ( 47) Plurality of nouns (48)Classification of

176177 177 182

192 199 204 20721

211

212 212 213

Syntactical cases

(

49)

Postpositions (50)

Verb morphology ( 51-56) General remarks on verbal form

(

51)

The imperative (52)Internal stem changes(

53)(

215 217 234 234 235 336241

Singular and plural stems

54)

Verb syntax

(

55)

Substantive verbs (56) Negation (57) Reduplication (58) Numerals (59) Adverbs (60) Interjections (61)Idiomatic usages(

62)

Text with Analysis

243 249 252 256 262 266 272 273 276

Southern Paint e, a Shoshonean Language

21

PREFACE.The following sketch of Southern Paiute, which was completed in December, 1917, is offered as a contribution to the scientific study of Whether or not it proves to be fairly the Shoshonean languages. typical of the whole group in phonologic and morphologic respects must be left to future research. My first field acquaintance with Shoshonean linguistics was gained in a short trip during August and September of 1909 among the Northern Utes of Uintah Reserve, Utah. This trip was undertaken, with the collaboration of Dr. J. A. Mason, under the auspices of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. A number of Ute texts were secured, supplemented by considerable grammatical information. To extend and deepen the insight into Plateau Shoshonean linguistics then obtained it seemed advisable, indeed necessary, to undertake Hence arrangements were made by the late further researches. Dr. G. B. Gordon, Director of the Museum of the University ofPennsylvania, with the authorities of the Indian school at Carlisle to have one of their Paiute students, Tony Tillohash, put at mydisposal for the ethnologic

and

with Tony,

who proved

to be

linguistic study of his tribe. I worked an excellent informant, in Philadelphia

from February to May of 1910. A series of texts, much supplementary grammatical material, a large number of songs, and conThe Paiute siderable ethnological information were obtained. linguistic data proved so much superior to the Ute which I had previously secured that I have decided in this sketch to limit myself Moreover, there is enough phonetic, lexical, and to the former. morphologic difference between Ute and Southern Paiute to render I hope to the attempt to describe both at the same time confusing. publish a briefer sketch of the Ute language at some future date. The present volume is to be followed by a series of Southern Paiute and Ute texts and by a Southern Paiute vocabulary. It is a great pleasure to recall the unflagging patience and helpfulness of Tony Tillohash and the kindness with which Dr. Gordon did all that lay in his power to make these studies possible. My thanks are due Miss Jane McHugh, the Secretary and at that time Acting Director of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, and the authorities of the Museum for permission to have these Paiute studies published by the

224

^

Southern Paiiite and Ute

PREFACE

American Academy of Arts and Sciences. To Professor Franz Boas I owe a special debt of gratitude for arranging with the Bureau of American Ethnology thattheI

prepare the present paper, later transferred to

Museum

of the University of Pennsylvania,

and

for his

more

recent efforts in enlisting the interest of the cation of my Southern Paiute manuscripts.University of Chicago,

Academy

in the publi-

EdwardChicago,III.,

Sapir.

April 14, 1929.

Southern Paiule, a Shoshunean Language

23

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE.1.

Distribution

and

Literature.

The Shoshonean dialect that is more particularly treated in this paper is Kaibab Paiute, spoken in southwestern Utah and northwestern Arizona. The name Kaibab is an Anglicized form of the native qa'ivavitci "mountain-lying, plateau." The Kaibab Paiutes are only one of a large number of tribes or bands in southwesternUtah, northwestern Arizona, southern Nevada, and southeastern California that have been loosely grouped together as Paiute proper or Southern Paiute. The linguistic differences found in the speech Paiute itself belongs, accordof the various Paiute bands are slight. ing to Kroeber's terminology, to the Ute-Chemehuevi branch of Plateau Shoshonean, a branch that includes, besides the Paiute dialects, the Ute dialects of western Colorado and most of Utah, Kawaiisu (spoken in south-central California), and Chemehuevi (spoken in southeastern California along the Colorado; the Chemehuevi are probably nothing but a Paiute band that have been subIt is doubtful if even the geojected to strong Yuman influences).graphically extreme Ute-Chemehuevi dialects, say Uncompahgre Ute and Chemehuevi, are not mutually intelligible with considerable The two other branches of Plateau Shoshonean are Shoshoneease. Comanche (including Shoshone proper, Comanche, Gosiute, and Shikaviyam, spoken in California) and Mono-Paviotso (including Mono, Northern Paiute or Paviotso, "Snake" of eastern Oregon, and Bannock). Southern Paiute and Northern Paiute should be carefully distinguished; they are not dialects of the same language, but distinct and mutually unintelligible languages. Indeed, UteChemehuevi differs from both Shoshone-Comanche and Mono-

Paviotso in important morphological as well as phonetic respects. Thus, pronominal elements are suffixed (or enclitically affixed) in Ute-Chemehuevi, but prefixed (or proclitically affixed) in the other two branches of Plateau Shoshonean. The Shoshonean languages, according to Kroeber, comprise fourgroups: the Plateau Shoshonean languages; Tiibatulabal or Kern River, spoken in south-central California; Hopi; and a group of southern Californian languages comprising the Serrano dialects, the dialects of the San Luiseho-Cahuilla branch, and the Gabrielino

24

A'

Southern Paiute and Ute

SAPIRdialects.

The phonetic, lexical, and morphologic differences between these four groups of Shoshonean languages are evidently considerable. All the Shoshonean languages, taken as a unit, comprise the northernmost representative of the Uto-Aztekan stock. This stock includes,besides Shoshonean, Nahuatl or Aztec and the Sonoran or Piman in the long stretch of country between the Mexican

languages spokenstate of Jalisco;

and the Rio Gila (among these languages are Cora;;

Huichol Yaqui-Opata-Cahita-Tarahumare Pima-Papago-TepehuaneTepecano). So far as is at present known, the Uto-Aztekan languages are not genetically related to any other American languages. The published material dealing with the Ute-Chemehuevi dialects We have some sketchy material of Kroeber's;^ a phonetic is scanty. study of Southern Ute by J. P. Harrington ;2 and a brief abstract on Ute by Sapir.^ Some linguistic material on Southern Paiute is also contained in Sapir's Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology.^ A comparative treatment of Uto-Aztekan, primarily from the point of view of

Southern Paiute, is given in Sapir's Southern Paiute and Nahuatl, a Study in Uto-Aztekan}

PhonologyVOWELS 2.

(

2-16).

(

2-8).

Fundamental Vowels.

Southern Paiute recognizes five primary or organically distinct These are a (as in German Mann); i (as in French fini), which interchanges freely with i (as in English fin) u (open as in English put, rarely close as in French bout), which interchanges freelyvowels.;

1

A. L. Kroeber, Notes on the Ute Language (American Anthropologist, n.

s.,

1908, pp. 74-87); notes on Chemehuevi and Kawaiisu (pp. 256-262) in Notes on Shoshonean Dialects of Southern California (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 8, no. 5, 1909).2

J.

P. Harrington,

The Phonetic System of

the Ute

Language (University Language (American

of Colorado Studies, vol. VIII, 1911, pp. 199-222). ' E. Sapir, Some Fundamental Characteristics of the Ute

Anthropologist, n.* ^

s.,

1910, pp. 66-69).

Journal of American Folk-Lore, 1910, pp. 455-72. Part I (Vowels): Journal de la Soci6t6 des Ara^ricanistes de Paris, N. S., X, 1913, pp. 379-425; Part II (Consonants): American Anthropologist, N. S., 1915, pp. 98-120, 306-328, also in Journal de la Soci6t6 des Am^ricanistes

de Paris, N.ogy,is still

S.,

XI, 1919, pp. 443-488.

Part

III, to

be devoted to morphol-

due.

; :

Southern Paint e, a Shoshonean Language

257

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE

with close o (as in French bean); o (as in German voll, hut much rounded, hence tending acoustically towards a); and i (high back unrounded, probably like ao of Gaelic aon). Of these vowels, is characteristic of most Shoshonean languages. It is oftenless clearly'i

o, but is really not at all related to unrounded, the lips being perfectly passive. It is most easily acquired by setting the back of the tongue in position for u and carefully unrounding the lips without at the same time disturbing the tongue position. Each of the vowels may be short or long. The long vowels are indicated as a-, v (or r), v (or o), o-, and v. Diphthongs are common ai (also modified forms di, ti), ui (or oi), or, 'ii; and au. Long diphthongs, e. g. a'i {aai), o'i {o'oi, ooi), are also frequent. Such diphthongs, however, are only secondary developments of short diphthongs no three-moraed syllables are allowed (see 9, 1). Triphthongs sometimes arise when diphthongs combine with simple vowels, e. g. ooi. Actually there are many more than five vocalic qualities to be recognized in Southern Paiute. According to their vocalic or consonantic surroundings, each of these is subject to a considerable gamut of modifications, running from comparatively slight changes of nuance to complete assimilation to other primary vowels. The following section gives examples of all the types of vocalic modification that have been noted.il

heard as a dull or muddiedthese vowels, asit is

or

totally

3.

Qualitative Vocalic Changes.

Many of the modifications here listed are optional; that is, they tend to take place in fairly rapid and uncontrolled speech, wherecomplete or partial assimilations in articulation are particularly apt to occur, but may be absent in more controlled speech. Thus, one hears i{y)a, i{y)d, or i(y)E, all equivalents of a psychologically fundamental ia. It will be most convenient to list the changes under the five fundamental vowels.(1)

Modifications of

a:i,

(a) Palatalization.

After a syllable containingstill

ae

is

frequently(withare:

palatalized to a (as in English hat) or,met).

further, to

(as in Englishi

This takes place particularly when a directly follows

or without glide y, see 14, 2), or*'i-va-

when

v intervenes.

Examples

this-at

''t'm'

here;

^'i'vd-nfimotnaTjqwA

from here

268 qani-vantuywa-

X


SAPIRhouse- toqani'vdntuywa-viiipi to their

own

houseivd'tci', ivt'tci

way

off,

early

u'qwapL-ma7it'i-

wood-from, some

u^qwa'-pim'dnt'i, -m-ent'i

some

woodpi{y)a-

woodmotherpiyd'ruywcup'i

to his

own mother;and

piye'ni

my

motheri

Much

lessy,

frequently

a,

standing between a syllable withfurther palatalized to closea'%ve{y)a7)w'iar]A(like u ofe:

a followingaiva(i)ya-

may

be

still

companionDulling to a

his

companions

(b) Dulliyig to a.

English hut)Itrj):

common,

particularly in unaccented syllables.

is extremely seems to take place

chiefly before or after nasal

consonants {m, n,

-ya-nti-

beingsuffix

ôntco'yii ani'i

with one eye lack-

ing

-na- verbal abstractmâ-Tja(c)

ora'va-nanim'ây'a-'qA

whatthatis

I shallis

dig

that (anim.)Labialization.

the onetoco

Rather

infrequently

a

darkened

(acoustically

midway between a andfrom

o) in partialco

assimilation to an

of the preceding or following syllable; thisfully distinguished in recordingqaa'mp'itso:

was not always care-

toca-

grouse white > fo^ca'-,( 13, 1, b)

ayo'^qoiampits-

fir-grouse

Vho:'pa{i)y(xmpats- white-breasted, gull (also recorded as nor-

toha'-

mal tD'ca'pa{i)yampats-)Further labialization too

takes place very frequently after labializedo:

gutturals {qw, yiv, yqio), wo being often simplified to-q-a-

plural

subject;

combines

nantl'navuRUqwop'iyaiyarjAeral

sev-

with preceding -ru- to -ru'qwaor -Ruqwa'-yw'aito go in order toto drag

tracked

him back andwentto

forthqivUca'yiv oip'iya'^

de-

fecate

piyo'xwa-

piyo'xoM'miaxa'^

while dragging

along

-mnayqwa-pa-qwa'aito go

behind

vv"'i-'na7)q{w)op-A

behind

it

payikwo'oip-'iya^

went home


119:

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE(2)

Modifications ofDiphthongization(q,

i

(alternating with

i,

more

rarely

e)

This occurs pretty regularly after immediately preceded by a and o respectively. ai is quite frequently heard as di, ei or as "t, H with rather fleeting glide-like a or e; H is sometimes heard still further reduced to i (see b). After a labialized guttural i > ai may be labialized to oi, H (cf. 1, c). These diphthongs are not treated as organically such, but regularly count in accentual phenomena as simple vowels (see(a)to ai, oi.

gutturals

7, yq)

+

9).

Examples

are:

payi- to\\'d\k{e.g.'mpa'xiqwaai-

paya'irjqw'ai*

walks

off

;

j)a7az'-

tcayA

he went away)

n'NU''qWLp-'iya'

started

to

go away; pay'i'na-Tjw'irn-payi-Y'i cloud stands up and walks (sixth and seventh syllables)-yi-

walk; pay'i'-qwa'"

durative iterative suffixto stop (rolling)

qu'pa'raydkatafter anothertcA'qa'ip'iya'^

several

pop onerolling;

icaqi-

stoppedit

tcA^qi'y'iaqAtsirjwaxt.-

stops

to stick in several

(e. g.

tsdsLTjwaxaimip'iyainLas

in iSLTjwa'xikaiy'iavi

they are

stuck

in)

all kept on though stuck; tsLtsn)wax''i'p'iyainC all went in as though

st\XQk;tsi'rjwa'xi^^

sticks several

in

mam- a' "cay witoyi-,

old

woman

?nama"'^caywoits-,

-caywHts- old

womantoywi- just, precisely

toyo'iaruqwaxi right under toyo'ituywanu midnight

it;

toyo'i-

toyo'mA'cilywiYU

not infrequently even loses its i and appears as toyo'- (e. g. ten), but such recorded forms as toyî'arjaruqwAis

RIGHT under him and tdyH'mava'anA right above that proveclearly that the second o(b) Dulling toi,'i.

inorganic.ts,

After

i is

regularly dulled to

i,

a high un-

rounded "mixed" vowel (to use Sweet's terminology) that sounds acoustically midway between i and i. It has been often recorded simply as i, sometimes also, though exaggeratedly, as Examples'i.

are:-isL-

diminutive

tiyqa'niviafs'iaff'C

his

own

little

cave

(obj.)

:

2810-tsi-

X

Southern Pahitc and Ute

SAPIR

gerund

pA^qa'rjutsl'LywA

tsi-

with the point of a stick-like

object

having killed him; p\?iL'avtvatsi'qWA being about to lie down and watch it tsiyu'in'mvxwiy'ini is poking me; stuck (one obtsi'nikipiycCject)

More(9, 7. ^.-a-t-

rarely

i

is

gutturalized to

i,

i

after guttural consonants

w)'

cf.

(a)

above:.

to

come

in

order to-yki-

tona'x'iy'iarjA

he comes to punchbringit

-qi-

hitherL-

ya'q'iyaqA

waq

hither

+

to

come

WA^qi'yki-ûayA

as he

came

Consonanih'mg before nasals. When standing before n or rj and coming after ts (sometimes modified to /, see 13, 7, a), less often after q, i not infrequently loses its vocalic character altogether and assimilates to the following nasal, becoming syllabic ri or 2/ (cf. English kazn. from cousin):(c)-tsL-

-iSL-

gerundive diminutive

+ -ni- I + -ni- my

qa'vatsv,ni being about to sing,wi'tsi'trfni

I

my-\-

great-grandchildi

(d) Consonantizing to y.

Rather infrequently the combinationvowel, simplifies Xo y vowel,e. g.

-f

vowel, viai{y)d'nu-

i

+

glide y

+

present here

yd'nu-

compare u{w)a'nu(3)

present therei:

>

wa'nu- (see

5, a).

Modifications ofAssimilationtoi.

(a)

Not

too frequently ani,

'i

is

assimilated toy.

the

t

of a following syllable or, as'i-

to

Longqvm-nil-

is

then apt to dissolve to

vi, i'.

an immediately following Examples are:hurriedly

ti'ijw'i-

to be in a hurry to take

tiywini'qwTqwi"i'^

takes several timesafter-m'i-tsi-)

(

- -yw'i'-; -q-A wa^- > -q \va'-; strongly aspirated surd); -ijivi -rjWA w.i'- > -i)U\\-. Examples of such mergings are:Special developments.lost as

+

+

+

taywA we

+ +

a' p'ii-

to sleep to

ta' rjw a'^ pi' i

we sleepall

-qu

objective

+

H'/'/j//'t-

shake

ma{)no'qivifo'n''-p'iya'aiklVA

outtarjiVA

shook them

out

we

iVA'tcuywi-

four

tar)WA'icu'i]wi.yum-unLis

we

four

Not

infrequently a final breathing or voiceless vowel

completely

lost before a

consonant is the unvoiced vowel.2, a; 16) results:

word beginning with a consonant, particularly if that identical or homorganic with the consonant preceeding

A

germinated or nasalized consonant (see

12,

miyj'n-LAto goarja'iac

farawayhim

+

pay{a)i-

niiyo'ni paya'ikw'ai' goes ofi

(a,r

awayu

+

cina'ijwavC

aya' iacuia' ijwavC

coyote (obj.)

um"'v'"avii mi'vu farn'i'aq-A I- it

in front ofoff

them

+

vm"'v''^cx'miYUfaroft'

in front of

them

+

qyvi'qvn"i' takes

7ti'aqwi"qu-i"i'

I

take

it

several

several times

times

Southern Pahite. a Shoshoneon Language

51


33under-

qa"nami

thy singing

qa"namvoiced again to-i

pu'tcu'tmywai

stands thy singing

A

final voiceless -/

is

as a glide to a following y-:

q'i'aywi(2)

yesterdayin

qi'aijwi

ya""

died yesterdaycertain accentual

Unvoicing

non-final position.

Under

conditions to be defined below (see 10, 1) a short vowel or the second mora of a long vowel or diphthong loses its voice in initial or medialposition before a geminated unvoiced consonant (p-;ts,t-c).t-;

q-;

qw;

s-, c-;

Here we

shall deal only

with the manner of such unvoicing.

(a)

final position (see 1, a-c)

The

Treatment of short vowels. Short vowels are unvoiced as in with the same effect on preceding consonants. breathy quality, however, of these non-final unvoicings is even

greater than in final position.

Hence a moment of free untimbred breath (indicated as -'-) is generally audible after the unvoiced vowel proper and before the consonantal closure; before guttural stops -'- develops to a weak (q, qiv), less frequently before other stops, this guttural spirant (indicated -^-), which has palatal timbre after i (indicated ---, a very brief but sharp x sound as in German ich). Such a breath-glide may also occur under appropriate conditions finally before a word closely linked with the preceding; e. g. pa' A a'qafi'riA

preceding the voiceless vowel

of the lake. A nasal (w, n) completely unvoiced (a/, n) when initial and generally half-voiced {niM, 7in) when medial; an initial y becomes completely unvoiced (y- is acoustically like ---, only in-ni-, when unvoiced, often clined to be less spirantal in quality), appears as n'^-, the -i- palatalizing the n (see 13, 4) and unvoicing to a spirantal -. As in final position, the vocalic timbre is not always

of-water sitting

(obj.),is

very clear;

e.

g. -c'i-

often unvoices to -c-, -ya- to

-.r -,

-6'/-

to -s-.

Examplesap'i'i-

are:A'p'i'i

to sleep

sleeps

tac i'pa-

evening

tA\Lpa{u)xuevening

whenit

it

was

aqa- it maywa'vato'qiva-

to creepto be black

A^qa'nayqwopA near maywa' 4)Aqa{i)yiainicreepingto'qiVA'qarju

they

are

several

become

blackayqa'yato be red

arjqa'xqayu

several

become red

5234

X

Southern Paiutc aiul Ute

SAPIRbeat me! sore-handed tspi'yupLya' appeared aya'oaxtuxiVA around him wi^qa'm'mLrjuntcayani covI ered himkwi'pa'nifira'cqwatsstandstill

kwipa'- to beat, hit pika' sore to appear tsipi'-oa'yd- iiywa-

pi-ka'mo''

aroundto cover

w'iqa'm'mitira'c'iqivastill

to

come

to a stand-

having come to abeing round looked for

po'toq-wa- to be round puca'yai- to look for -yu-campa- although

po'to'qwaR'ipu'ca'yaip'iya'

a'xYUcamparjWA although he saidYVqu'ts-

yuqu'- fawn muqwi'-â- tomit'i' rjwa-

fawnkeeps calling

call

onhill

piirjqa'MU'qwi-âi'

onpoint ofsingingtoM'i't'i'yiVA

qa'-nanuqwi'pay{a)'i-

qa'riNA'cuv a'ip'iya^ still-his-ownsinging said

stream

NU^qwi'nfi7mqtvi'to

streamstarted

to go

+

pa{-)ya' {lyn'^-qwLp'iya'off

stream, run

on wav

Note, in the last example, the curious merging of original -y{a)i'nuto -ya'{i)yV-- for normally expected -ya'hiNU''-.

Rarely

/

develops a parasitic

*

or

'^

before a following

is

or

tc; e. g.

ta' pi*'tcaqaip'iya^ (they)

were

tired.

Unvoiced vowels directly followîng other vowels quite frequently sharpen to a secondary -.r-. This happens most frequently with -11- (normally unvoiced to -U-, -u\ -V-), which then appears as-x{-)u-, -'U-, -xix{-)u-

(with glide -u-).

Examplescim^'i'a-

are:

to leave

cim^'i'xqwa''^'pLya

left to start

-upa'-

through

away (-X-- < -A'^-) pina' siiaxu pa' a4>i through his own legs; po'ûpa''^ throughthetrail ;

"^mâ'uxupa'" through

there

After

T),

as well as after'':

q-

and yq

(cf.

1, a),

u frequently develops

to "u or simply

:

Southern Paiute, a Shoshonecin Language

53

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE-r]u-

35

momentaneous

suffix

tlv'î'ij''upiya"

yaij'^pL'ya

asked; na{i)ya'appeared, seemed

vowel;

'- attack is sometimes heard before a ff voiceless 'wTcia4>i feather. consonant) glottal stop (or glottal stop After a consonant the reducible vowel is, as in the preceding cases, completely unvoiced if the glottal stop belongs properly to the preceding syllable, other-

An

initiale. g.

+

+

+

wise the vowel, counting for two moras, is preserved intact (cf. Owing to the immediately preceding final treatment, 1, a, end). vowel is whispered rather than fully the reduced closure, glottalbreathed, which causes a following more sharply. Examples are:^

or

?

release to stand out all the

qwi"nL-kaibreast

to strut out one's

qwi"Ni-kaai'breast

struts

out

(his)

wav'i'm- to pull bowstringpL7np'i'n'7ii-

wa{-)v'i'n'i^p'i'ya'aimi

they

2

pulled their bowstrings

severaWook {i their

form-

er countries

Fromas

pu'tcu'tcuyiva- to

know

are sometimes formed pv'tcutcuywa(e.

substitute for reduplicated pu' pu'icuicuywa-

g.

\c'i\'pvtcu-

.

Southern Paiute, a Shoshone cm Language

61

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEtcuywa- TO;

43

know how to dance) and, by haplology, putcuywa- (e. g. qa' puHcuywatui- TO teach how to sing < qa' pu'icuHcuywatm-) An initial ?'- is sometimes lost before a following organic y. This also brings about an only apparent violation of the law of alternatingstresses.iyo'vi(cf.

mourning dove Ute aiovi-)

yo'vi-

This is diflferent from the consonantizing of prevocalic i and u to y and w respectively (see 3, 2, d; 5, a), where there is no real lossinvolved.6. g.:

Initial

'i

of iyiR

indeed

is

frequently elided (see 60, 3),

a'iaij iyiR

that-he indeed (said)

a'iarj gin

-xain-La-

too

+

iy'iR

ninLaxwa'xainiindeed

-îR

of

me

too

11.

Loss of one or more moras.

All the losses referred to in 10, 2 and 3, are, in a sense, only apparent, as they do not influence the original rhythmic framework Fundamental alternations of mora-structure are, of the word.

however, also found, which follow the law of alternating stresses. Certain words lose a mora in some, not necessarily all, compounds, Certain generally when occurring as the first element of a compound. suffixed elements, also, alternate between a longer and a shorterform.Particularly

common

is

alternation between a primary long and aare:

reduced short vowel.

Examples

pa-

water

pa- in compounds: pa-ri'ia- elk(lit.,

pA^-sd'rdroiic'irjwi'acî

water-deer); pa-î'u- fish; pawaterfall;

mud

at

bottom

of

water

o-

arrow

u- in compounds: w-rw'^w- to fix an arrow; i/-7u'7ta- quiver (lit.,

arrow-bag)fi-

upfeather

U-: tma'tjqwA

upward, from theto scrape

fvTcta-

west wTa'a-: w'ra'A'sivaia quill smooth

:

6244

X


SAPIR

An element

containing a diphthong or two vowels in immediatee. g.

juxtaposition sometimes loses the second vowel,participial -ya-nt'i-

-701-

to have:

having

(see 25, 6, a); -(âz- perfective: participial;

-qa-nti-

having -ed

(see 25, 6, d)

-mia- usitative:also

-min

(see 30, 10).

A

post-consonantal vowel

may

drop out,if

which case the

preceding consonant also disappearstrace in the "nasalizing"

or,

a nasal,

may

leave

its

power

of the stem.

Examples

are:

u-yu'natiyia-vi-

quiverdeer-hide

una'-: iin-a'v'iya- to put away a quivertia'vi-:

Ua'v'ira'^

deer-hide shirt

(7 probably inorganic in origin, see 14, 1) ini'-

what

(person, animal)?

im-y'i'-

what

(thing)?

pa'a'n-i-

to be high

pa'a-'':pa'a'nti-

highto follow one's to look

-v'ana-

upontrail,

-v'an-tuywa-

on to

naywa'-

track

na-": nanti'natrack;for tracks

nampu'cayai-

nirjw'i-

person

m-":

nimpi'Tjwaîelse's

somebodysomeNi'ci'-

else's wife; niTjqa'nKpi

bodytovi^'ia-

house; nintu'arjqi-

give birth to one;to let a person go

Evenfound,tiyiae.

cases of the complete loss ofg.

two contiguous moras are

deercarrying strap

U-: fivâ'qa-

to kill

game

urn" a-

uru-: oHca'uRU

strap by whichcarried

water-jar

is

Consonants12.

(

12-16).

Survey of consonants.is

Aof

large

number

of consonants

found

in

Southern Paiute, but

as with the vowels, they reduce to a comparatively small

number

primary consonants.

detail,

we

Before taking up consonantal processes in shall give a descriptive table of consonants actually found.

Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language

63


45

6446

X

Soiitheru Paiutc

and Ute

SAPIR

aintdi-; see 16, 3) or

"geminated"

(e. g.

fiv'âqa-, i'ipi-; see 16, 2).

Aspirated stops and affricatives may also be nasalized or geminated The typical unaspirated stop or aftncative is probably (e. g. QA, nt'i).

an "intermediate" when nasalized, geminated, or medial after a voiceless vowel (in which case it is always geminated in origin; However, see 10, 1); and a true surd when initial before a vowel. it is difficult to be certain as to these two modes of articulation. The "intermediate" quality is most certain after nasals before voiced vowels and in the release of unaspirated geminated stops and affricatives. It is possible that the attack of the geminated stop andaffricative(b)h-, '-)is

a true surd.All spirants (except(r,s,

Spirantization.

c;

w, w;

i/,

r;

^,

?,

';

and

rolled consonants;

sonants (see 16, 1) yw {rj) is or developed from intervocalicarticulation; for v^("')

from stopped coneither "spirantized" from m (see 16, 1)r) are developed

w

(see 13, 2).

v

{(f>)

is

bilabial in

see 14, 3, b.

r (/?) is h'ghtly trilled,

apparent-

ently in typically alveolar position, probably modified slightly byits

tendency to take on vocalic timbres;either fully voiced (as infor

7

is;

it was never heard as d. North German Tage) or intermediate

(x)

7

see below.or

(c)

Geminated

long

consonants.

For

geminatedy,

stopsc

and

affricatives see (a) above.

Intervocalicis

vi, n,

and

s,

are very

frequently heard long.for nr, n-,

It

highly probable that

this, particularly

original7/,

and s-, c-,is their etymologically typical form and that Shoshonean intervocalic short vi, n, and s, possibl}' also

have disappeared as such.

Long

x-, x-iv

(xw),

x-

generally occur

as developments of y, yw, 7 in voiceless positions (see 8), rarely intervocalically (see 13, 5, c).(d)(e. g.

Glottalized consonants.

p,

q-, (c)

For glottalized stops and and nasals {m'm, n'n, ifw) see 15, 2, b.'palatals.

affricatives

(e)

Anterior

Aside from y (and

its

voiceless

development

y),

anterior palatals (including labialized anterior palatals) developpalatals); see 13, 4.

from back palatals (and labialized back

(f) Rounded labial consonants. Aside from lo (and its voiceless development w), these are all developed from ordinary labial con-

sonants; see 14,

3, b.

(g) Alternation of k and q. moderately velar articulation.

By

q

Its

is meant a back palatal stop of average position, as determined

Southern Paiute, a Shos/wncan Language

6547

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEby such a groupas aqa,is

distinctly further

back than our English

k- position in cold, yet not so decidedly velar in character as q of

such a language as Kwakiutl. Its greatest degree of velarity is reached in such examples as qo'oi- and toyoqwi-, i. e. before and after 0. We shall use q and qw after all vowels but i, when followed by any vowel other than i. Before i the back palatal becomes distinctly more forward in articulation, about like the k- sound of English cold or perhaps even ca7i; this position is here normally designated as After an i the k becomes an anterior palatal (see e above). k, kw. Positions analogous to k (kw) and q (qw) are doubtless to be found Thus, 7 of toyo'qwialso in the spirants 7 (x, x), yw (xw, xw). However, these phonetic is certainly more velar than 7 of tiyi'a-. distinctions have here been neglected.(h) Alternation of s

and

c.

These two

sibilants are respectively

English sip and skip, except that c tends to approach There is some a quality intermediate between the true s and c. sporadic interchange between s and c, as between ts and tc, but on the whole they are used with considerable distinctness according to

pronounced as

in

For secondary assimilations see 13, 8. a, i, and 0; c before i (which often develops to i, t; see 3, 2, b) and u. Examples are: sa- raw, Sana- gum, sa'a- to boil, saywa- blue, sayw{e)ia- belly, sarjwasagebrush; siyu- navel, siku- squirrel, siva- to whittle, siuGRAVEL, si'i- TO URINATE; SOa- TO SOUND LIKE FLOWING WATER, SOO- LUNG, SOyO- MOIST GROUND, SOpiki- BRAINS, SOr'oa- ARM-PIT, sotsi- TO peep; ni- squaw-bush, crim'^'ia- to let go, cn^nivipi- vulva, cir'i'ya- to be surprised, ci"i- blossom; cu{w)a- to eat up; nearly, cv- one, cumai- to think of, cururuin'noa- smoke-hole, cu(w)ai- to BE GLAD. These rules are only infrequently violated, e. g. caywa-, less frequent form of saywa- blue; coya- to bend, on l- tinder. Medially, both preceding and following vowel must be considered. Before a, i, and u, c regularly appears, regardless of what vowel precedes the sibilant, e. g. maa'-cayioa- brush-blue, green (contrast saywa- above), qwica- to sp.\rk, q'icavi- hawk, tjca- white, oca- carrying-basket, puc-ayai- to look for, paru'ca- Virgin River; qwac'i- to be ripe, dic'i- butterfly, y'iv"'i'c'iap'L longleaved PINE sapling, tivî'cira'ai- to tell a lie, tv'c'iaq am brown; ayacu- HE, Hcii- long ago, itcicu- this also, moeoi- mustache, qui lie II- giant. Only rarely does s appear before medial a, e. g. qavii' saywayatsLyanii h.wing a jack-rabbit stomach. The analvocalic position.Initially, sis

regularly used before

6648ogy

X


SAPIRof a simplex in sa-

may

explain

many

of these cases.if i,

Before

i,

s regularly

appears

if t

or a precedes, but c

u, or o precedes, e. g.

rock having a crack; asi- roan-colored, ii'ras l- potatoes; aicL- basket (-ct- not < -c'i-, as shown by assibilation of t to tc in aJicdcu- to make A basket, see 13, 3), ay'wicL- to sneeze {-ct- < -ci-, not -c'i-, as shown by palatalized k in plural aTj'w'i'cka-, see 13, 4); nonoct- to DREAM, true -i-, cf. plural nono'cka-); u'qu'cL^La' nock (true -i-, Of these -asi- tends to vary with less as shown by palatalized x)frequent -aci-, e. g. ta-na'ciâ- cleft in hoof (cf. pi-na'sLâ- between one's legs), tA'pa'ckai- was senseless (perhaps -a' siBefore o, s seems tends to become a'cL-, but -asi'- to remain). to be regular if a or i precedes, while both s and c have been found when precedes, e. g. pA^so'roroitc'i waterfall; pis'o- children;iump'"i'si'xax(xnii

asia- SURFACE,

qwasi- tail,

osororjwi-

to snore,is

qocov'i-

tinder.tc

The

rule

far simpler for the use ofa,'i,

and

is.

The formeri

is

regularly employed before

o,

and u; the

latter only before

then often develops toinitially

i,

see 3, 2, b).

(which These rules apply both

and medially. Examples are: tea- wrinkled, MA'tca'iatjqito reach for; tdiya- duck, itci- this; tcoi- bead, q'rtco'xwd.i' chews; tcuxwi- TO APPROACH, patcu'qu beaver; tsipi- to appear, totsiHEAD. There is a slight tendency for ts to appear before a medially and before o both initially and medially, e. g. viantsaywina- to throw DOWN SEVERAL OBJECTS; qatsoa- (also qatcoa-) top, tsoavi- shoulder. As for quality, tc and ts are not as clearly distinct as are ch and ts of English church and hats respectively, ts in particular tending to anintermediate point of articulation; tc and V, also when developed from t (seeis

probably purest before

'i

13, 3).

13.(1)

Consonantal processes.'.

Occurrence of

h,

are not due to unvoicing of(a)

Only such cases are here considered as moras (see 8).

Certain words that begin with a vowel are e. g. ai-, âi- TO say; demonstrative a-, ai-, '-, 'ai- (see 43), whence ani-, 'ani- to do; atci-, 'atci- BOW. Comparison with other Shoshonean dialects suggests that in part, at least, these initial aspirations are the representatives of a Shoshonean h-; e. g. aya-, less frequently 'aya- what?: Agua CalienteInitial Aspiration.

frequently heard preceded by aspiration,

haxa WHO? Initial is found also in certain interjections, e. g. 'q surprise; 'aa'ik-ivi oh! Initial does not function as a consonant,''

:


6749

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEhence does not prevent elision (see INDEED THOU SAYEST, not LjiR. 7); e. g. a'i Ljir 'a'zmt'

that

This sporadic development occurs (b) Developed from -s-, -c-. only medially, never in a final syllable. The -h- is strongly aspirated and seems to be particularly common after a voiceless vowel, e. g.

AcampA thee only mama"ca'ywoits' old woman qTca'pai- to sup to'ca'white pini'yw' aqucu' ywA while he notivii'still

imi'^hampA

mama" haywoitsq'l'ha'pai-

tdha'-,Vha'p'ini'rjiv'aqho'ywA

sees

(negative -rjw'n-

counts for two

moras)(c)

Inorganic

-'-.

Rarely

is

an inorganic

It voiced consonant or glottal stop. Examples are: the preceding vowel.cina'7)wa

a'iarj gin.

Weakening or loss of y. An original 7 is sometimes weakened or even entirely lost before or after an v- vowel, more often after an 'i- vowel. Vocalic contractions may then result (see Examples are: 4).to a glide'>'

na-yu'q-WL-7)q'i-

to fight

(lit.,

to

na'û'qwL7)qi-,na'uqwLy)qi-

shoot at each otherto shoot)

ii''-^wa'" go to (another) house for grassseeds (wara-)

-yuma-

male

na{-)ya'x'%viarj'waqu together mountain-sheep buck with(obj.)

iya'vaya(6)

to fear

iya'vaxan'navii

whom youi

feared

Vocalization

of

semivowels.

The semivowels y and wand u(o).e. g.

are sometimes opened

up

to the corresponding vowels

Forms with glide -i- (5, 1) are transitional; Examples of -y- > -i- are -aia-.nampa'-yarjA naya- angerhis foot (obj.)

-aya-

>

-a{i)ya-

>

nainpa'i'arjA

+

y{a)'ai- to die ofto bei

naya'iai-

>

naya'y'aii,

angryy apparently disappears as such, fusing with

After an

the

'ani"ayoaik-fA

:

7254(7)

^


SAPIR

a

Simplification of consonants. Here are grouped together of consonantal simplifications or partial losses of characteristic quality, found chiefly in sentence phonetics.

number

(a)

often, -tci

Simplification of affricatives. is sometimes reduced to(t,

A-t-,

final -ts-t'

(

L

m-"pa-'

person

(absolute

7ii'yw'L,

n{7;5'a'wi/

somebody

else's

horse

niTjw'i'nts)

water (absolute pa')

paywt'aC

mud

at

bottom

water-oak; pa?)WL'a(f>C of water ( i)

foot (personal

name)

None

too frequently juxtaposition of phonetically independent

Southern Poiute, a Shoshonean Language

93


75

nava'vLTjWL

nouns occurs in lieu of composition, e. g. qava'{u)xwA'ci.vdiy ami horse-tail-hair they brothers, the horse-tail-hair brothers; qava'ruwats- piya'plts- horse-child female, filly.(b)

Noun

-\-

participle

compounds.

As already remarked, suchrespectiv'ely.

compound nouns

are morphologically active or passive participles

of verbs with incorporated

nominal subjects or objects

Indeed, to only a slight extent can the verbs be freely used with the incorporated noun subjects, while participial derivatives of such verbs are very frequent. Moreover, in some cases the participle of these compounds has taken

They

function as true nouns nevertheless.

on a considerably specialized meaning, notably qafi'-Ri sitting (plural ywywL-tc'i), used in compounds to mean knoll, peak, island. Examples of compounds in which the noun is morphologically a subject of the verb implied by the participle are:qaiva-

mountain

+

avi'-tci

lying

qa'ivavitci

mountain-lying, pla-

teau,ovi-

Kaibab Plateautimber laid lowdried

wood

+

sa^ma'qa-nti- lying

ovt'sa'maqant'i

spread out w'irvi-fiaoyqov'i- dried-up tree standing qafi'-Ri sitting pa-, pa- water

on the grounda' OTfqov'iyw'imriA

+

up

tree

that was standing (obj.)

+

pa'qafiRi, paya'fiRilakes)

water-sit-

(plur. yuywt'-tc'i

ting, lake (plur. paiyv'xwdc'i)

-qafi'-Ri

sitting,

knoll,

peak,

maa'xariR'i

brush-sitting, timb-

clump, island

ered knoll,qa'ivaxafiRi

clump

of

woods;

mountain-sitting,y'iv^'i'ykafiRi

mountain peak;pine peak,

Mount Trumbull;snowfir-

niv^'a'xafiR'i snow-sitting,

covered peak; oyo'ijqwariRisitting, fir island

-nafiywin a-p'i being powerful, power-endowed

7uyw'i'nar'iywi

nap

i

person-

endowed, person endowed with unusual strength; qu'tu'cunarixwinapi. giantenperson power-endowed, dowed with gigantic power

power

iava'cu-p'i driedit

up

(

i

Examplesmuv'î-''

nosepenis, nyi'a'{i)yayaruar'olike his penis (obj.)

pai-'vyl'a-o

blood

nC

viuvî pi nose pdi'pi blood ufVa'pi penis, w'i'a'pLntuar'ont' like a penis (as such, not thought of as belonging to any-

one)

Ura'xua-"

center, middleof -mpi-" are:

tira'xuapi

center, middle (obj.)

Examplestarywa-'*(e. g.

toothtarjwantu- to

tatjwa'mpi

tooth

make a

tooth)

ayo-"

tongue

(e. g.

ayo'rjqwai- to

ayd'mpi

tongue

have a tongue)It should be carefully

pounded or used without other derivativethe absolutive suffixlike

noted that even when the noun is uncomsuffix, it does not takeits

when

possessor (person or object)e. g.

is

referred

to or implied elsewhere in the sentence, ayo'ni,

ni'ni a'xo

of-me tongue

not ni'ni

ayo'mpi, which would be intrinsically con-

tradictory; fina'i v'u'rainfiAi.

bottom(of

e.

being toward the bottom

(obj.) it-toward-being (obj.), something already specified).


131

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE(1))

113to

-t)/-",

-pi-'',

-mpi-" classificatory suffix referring chiefly

animals, topographical features, and objects (chiefly movable), less frequently persons. It is perhaps identical etymologically with (a).

These

suffixes are in

some

cases constant,

i.

e.

never dropped, in others

movable.

Examplesqi'(l)i

of -vi-"q'i'vLtii

(non-movable and movable) are:

locust,

my

locust

a7fa'''4)i

antred-ant: iA'ci'axa{)nLvi-

tA'd'aiiyo'(i>i

animaliyd'vdcuAtsiijw'i

mourning dove,wolf

mourning-dove-children

cina"a4>iclna' ywa(l>i

coyote, clna'rjwavintots-

coyote-headed, cina'ywaviyjfairattlesnake-children

to be coyotetoyo'act)!

rattlesnake: toy.yaruAtsirjw'i

ayi'4>ipo'a'(j)itira'i

mosquitolouse: po'a'ni

my

lousedesert-plain,

desert: ti'ra{i)yua-

open plainshelter

ava'(i>i

shade: ava'xanidoll

shade-house,

summer

kiywa"a(t)ipv'tsL4>idi'Lqi'ca''i

of

-vl-'

are

leg

sweat boneqi'ca'v'iarjA

(hawk's) wing,

his wing, qTca'vl4)i

(somebody's)

wingpai''YL4>L03'i.'

hair of the head: pat'.r/totsioo(i)'i

hair, pa'i'yLHi

my

hair

bone,

head-bone, skull: oo'ru- to

make a

bone, oj"ani

my

bone


133

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEquna'cfC sack:ora'4)'Lwatva'(f)'L

115

nyu'nA arrow-sack, quiver

pole, post

foreshaft of cane arrow, waxoa'v'inito whittle a foreshaft for a cane arrow

my

foreshaft:

wawa'-

s-ivainantsi'(i)i

scraper

made

of foreleg of deer, mants'i

v'ii

(one's)

bone

from elbow to wrist: manisi'anitTca'4>i

my

bone of forearm

uvâ'4>iAHa'4>'i

rope meat-soup:

vv^'a'ca'ai'^

boils

meat with souplittle

ssind: A^ta'RA'^qayant'i

sand-flat

yona'4>'iivta'cpi.

rocks lying around loose: yona'zanints-

gravel-house

mud, wia'vmi:

my mud:

wia'naxuqwL-

to fight with

mud

(missiles)soyo'^'i

moist ground sox^' dxant'f moist little spring (< pa-' water; for diminutive -isi- see 35) pP'i'ayA his (animal's) hair p'i'*'i'a4>i fur (of animal) pu4>i hide: pP'i^'arjA his skin (for -a- see 2, c) rabbit-skin blanket ti7)qwL'tca'a(t)'i pom'a4>'i skunk-blanket (< ponia-' skunk), poniavuru- to make a skunk-blanket fiyLa4>i tanned deer-hide (< t'iyLa-' deer) pao'7itsL(t)'i hair-wrapping beaver band (< paonisi-" beaver)pa'vlts:

t'iv^'i' (pi.

hide (owned by one),skin)

t'iv^'i-'v^'ini

my

hide (owned by me;

not

my own

ExamplestA'^pa"ap'i

of -pi'-' are:

stockings, socks

qiracCap'iqwi'{y)a'p-'itA^si'p'i

water-jar stopperfence

flint, tA^ SL

pu^

grass: oxwi'axai- to be grassy (but also oxt^'i-'viaxdi- to

have grass)ao'yqocpi.

dried-up tree, ao' rjqov'iani

my

dried-up tree

wiiiqana'(t>iciya'i

milkweed: WL\'tTca4>iwillow: qana'rV

milkweed rope canyon-mouth bordered by willowssagebrush-singer

quaking aspsagebrush: saywauiayatifiscrub oak: qwLya'fina4>i bulrushleaf

sai]wa'4>Lqwiya'ito'oi'(f)Ltla'L

oak-stump

service-berry bush

narjqamqa'o'4>'i.

('i

an arrow)

stump (perhaps

related to fma'4>i bottom, see a above)to

qo''co'4>i

tinder, slow-match, qj'co'vuru-

prepare a slow-match

of cedar-bark

See also

-mpi-4)'i

berry-bush under -mpi-^

(c).

Exampleswa'a'p'C(ivâ'p'i

of -p'i-' are:

cedar: wa'a'mpi cedar-berry, wa'a'pats- cedar-spring

pinon:

tiv'â-^

pine-nut

'ina'picia'p'i

cedar-like tree: 'ina'tiaywisapling, oyo'cLap'i

apron of ina' p

i-

bark

fir-sapling: cia'piai

tree-sap

so'vLpL Cottonwood: co'vmuqwLnt'i cottonwood-stream moywa'p'C cedar-bark: moywa'qani cedar-bark wickiup

Examplesoyo'mp'iA'qi'mp'i

of -tnpi-' are:

fiv.oyo'ntava'ats-

fir-chipmunksunflower seedscactus-spines

sunflower-plant: a^'i-"long-leafed pine:

tACi'mpiyivH'vip'ibull

barrel-cactus clump: tA'ci'in-ânaîi

yWi'ykanRi pine-mountain, Mt. Trum-

yu'a'vLmpls qu'mp'i

opuntia: yu'a'L

owned

as house {-ya- objective);{-tsi-

own

cave (obj.)

diminutive; -a-

objective;

-(/>!,

40, 4)

Possessive -a-

may

also be used with causative -tui- ( 29,

12)

to form verbs indicating totiimpî' Atiip'iya"

cause to have so and

so,

e. g.

qan

L

Atuip'iya

narjqa' Adiip'iya

caused (it) to ha\e stones caused (it) to have houses cau.sed (it) to have branches-a-

For possessive

combining with \erbalizing2(5,1,

-kai-

to have into

-ayai- (participle -ayanfi-), see

b;

for possessive -a- after

past passive participial(b) -rjwa-, -rj'wa-.

-p'i-,

see 3, b below.like -a-,

These elements are used very much

occurring both before possessive pronominal enclitics and verbalizing They do not -kai- TO have, not, however, before causative -(ui-.

seem

to be used after classificatory -pi-' (1, d

and

e),

but

may

be

directly

appended

to

noun stems.

Examplesin

of -i)wa- are:

pa'i'ijwani

myis

blood (absolute pa'i'pi;

possessive forms of this

no\m

-rjwa-

always used)


139

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEu{w)ir)wayant'i

121

pan-a'qar'ui7)wayant'i

canyon-possessive-having, canyon money -become ( 26, 1, g)-possessive-having,

one who has moneyquna'ywaxaiyup'i'yafire

fire-possessive-have-momentaneous- past, gotperson-wife-deprive-past pass, partic.

mmpL tjwaridcarjwapirjwaxaiYUwife)

( 25, 5, a)-possessive-have-subordinating, while

having1,

(as his

own

somebody

else's

wife taken

away (by him)( 26,

niv'â'\i'r)wa{uintL7)xoani(

snow-rain-become

g)-present ptc.

25, 6, a)-possessive-my,

snow belonging

to

me

(snow-raining

=

snow)

Examples of -tj'wafrom -ywa-) are:tumpî'rfwarjA

(it is

not clear how,

if

at

all, it differs

in

usage

his rockhis

ma' xar'ir"i7)waii)yar)Aqa'ntuintLrj'warjA

clump

of trees (obj.)( 25, 6, a)-

sing-become ( 26, 1, g)-present ptc. possessive-his, song belonging to him

Both

-rjwa-

of one of a

WHO

is

and -rfwa- are used particularly to indicate possession group by the group (e. g. our leader = that one of us leader). This includes adjectival participles indicating(e. g.

selection

the good one

of several).

Examples

are:

rua'vLij'waraijWA our chief; qaniayanfiA nia-'virfwA house-possessive-

having-obj. chief-possessive, village's chief

ampa'xafiy'wam'i

talker- possessive-their, their talker; qani'ayanti

ampa'xafiy'iVA village's main speaker ava'i'iyw'ayw'urjiVA big-present ptc. ( 25, 6, a)-possessive-animate plur.- their (anim.), their big ones (anim.), those of them (anim.)that are big"'a't-'iywaywla'ayWAtheir, the(iv'îtc

good-present ptc. -possessive-animate plur.-obj.obj.)

good ones (anim.

atir)wa{iyyaq-WA very good-present ptc. -obj. -their (inan.), a very good one of them (inan.)(c)

used to indicate possession, chiefly of body-parts, that In other words, it is suffixed to nouns indicating objects (or persons) that do often occur disconnected in experience (e. g. saliva, bone, skin) but are

-a-

is

is

inherent without being strictly inalienable.

thought of as indissolubly connected.

Examples

are:

140122do" am

X

Southern Paint c and Ute

SAPIR

my

bone

(i.

e.

bone of

my own

body);3j'''t

'î

sinewt'iyi'ayoo'"

deer-fat-possessive, fat of deer: absolute yoo'i

cedar-ber-

ry-crusher, spermophile

marina-

to chase

n'iyw'i'jnarinacf)!

man-chaser,

lizard

(sp.)

;

142124

X


SAPIR7iaya'nr)(p,4>i

naya'nyqri- to dodge no- to carry on one's back ampaxa- to talktonato puncli

dodgerman-carrier, roctalker

nir)w'i'no-'4>i

ampa'x(i4>i

hna'virjkalp-'i

one who used to

be a puncher

Examplestarja-

of agentive -mpi-" are:

to kick

taija'mpi

kicker

ororjwi-

to grunt, growl

oro'ijwunpi

grunter

activities.

Agentives are used to refer only to permanent (quasi-occupational) Temporary or casual agentives are expressed by means

of active participles (see 6 below).(2)

Instrumental-?ii-" (see

-ninipi-, -u'lmpi-.

This

suffix

is

compounded

of usitative

30, 11)',

and passive

participial -p'i- (see below)

-n'impi- has accessory53, 2, a, 3).-nimp'i-

There seems-n'hnp'C-.

to be

perhaps of momentaneous significance ( no clear difference of function between

and Examples

of instrumental -nimp'i- are:

yV'ixi-

to swallowtosit,

yL'i'xinimpLqafi' n'impi

swallower, throat

qafl-

ride horsebackto cover

saddle

wTqa'vi'miyum')nuxu'itsqivan'notA'cin'm-

puLTjwTqam^ minim piiayu'm^m uxwDiim pi spurtsqioa'n'nonomp'itA\''in7unimp'iin cup-and-ball

eye-covfoot-poker,

erer, blinder (for a horse)

to

poke

to stir

up (mush)

mush-stirrer

to play cup-and-ball

rabbit-head used

with a rabbit's head

game

ExamplesiyaUrjwa-

of -n'impi- are:7novî''iX(m' nimp'i

to enter

nose-en terer,house-closer,

bit

and bridle

to closeto stretch out (a skin)

qaju'ntdywq' n'impi

doorTta'-

Vta'n' n'impi

hide-stretchingbeater,

frame

kwipapA'qa-

to beatto kill, to guess the rightin the

kwi'pa'7i''imp'i

shinnyis

stick

pA^qa'n' nimp'i bone that

to be

bone

hand-game

guessed in the hand-game


143


125

Onis

the whole it seems that the action in instrumentals in -n'lmyiconceived of as momentaneous, in those in -n'imp'L- as durative.

Verbal nouns in -na- are freely (3) Verbal noun in -na-. formed from all verbs and often appear in syntactic combinations. More often than not, a verbal noun in -na- is used with a possessive pronoun, often in a subjective or objective relative sense. When a Futures tense suffix is absent, it refers to present or general time. in -va-na- (cf. 32, 4) and perfectives in -qai-n-a- (cf. 32, 3) are also very common. In the case of transitive verbs, the action is to be thought of as passive rather than active, e. g. ampa'yanani my talkNevertheless, the matter of voice does ing, WHAT IS SAID BY ME. not seem to be clearly defined in -jva- forms. Examples are:ni'ni no' nam

me

carying-my,

my

pack

nltjw'i'Ruqivatuywaq anararjWA

person-under- to-plural subj. -verbal

noun- our, our going under a person, our being beaten w'a'ymani- %ir 'a'i'nirjucampA shouting-their it silent-become-but, but their shouting became silenttD'o'iv'C'oran'narjw

am

bulrush-digging-his

it,

the bulrushes he digs

(dug) upni' o-'pa' atu'van-L

imi a'i'nami

I

thus do-shall thee saying-thy, Ihis being

shall

do as you sayeat-future-verbal noun-hisit,

iTqa'van'aTjw u'reat, for

about to

him

to eat

nqno'c-ivarvani

ngno'cjcainani

what I shall dream what I dreamt

my a

ui vuruijuqwainani that-one do-resultative wounded7) 'ani'ka make-momentaneous-perfective-verbal noun-my, that one it is whom I have wounded

Cases of -na- as noun-forming or adjective-forming derivative without clear verbal force are uncommon, e.g.:

uru"anA being, propertyvxiyo'D^paqlnAava"''?iA

L)

tumpa-

mouth

tumpa"ya'pounds,e.

mouthg.:

of

canyon

(apparently found only in com-

mouth

of rabbit-bush

squ'rumpa'ya canyonoa'i-

< squ'-mpi rabbit-bush; tumpaiiYya' mouth of canyon < oa- salt)(e)

salt-

Isolated elements.

There are a few elements that(or

may

beis

recognized as noun suffixes

stereotyped

compounded stems),

but to which no definite meaning can be assigned. x\mong these -n'narjqa- (cf. perhaps narjqa- ear-ornament) in bird nouns:qiri'n'narjqats-

sparrow-hawk

ova'n'naijqA

goose

-q-wa-(tsL-) occurs in:

AHa'qwots-

crow

(cf.

parallel AHa'p'its)

-tea- occurs in:

V'qwa'tsats-

small spider

(cf.

u'^qwa'mpi tarantula)

Two distinct suffixes of closely related (5) Passive Participles. meaning are frequently employed in Paiute to express the passive It is difficult to say just what difference participle, -pi- and -p'i-. of meaning there is between these elements, though they are not used interchangeably. On the whole, -pi- seems to have a more substantival force, -p'i- a more truly participial one; it would beincorrect to press this point, however.tenseless

Moreover, -pi-

is

primarilye.

except

when preceded byis

specific

tense elements,

g.

future -va-\ -p'iare naturallv far

always preterital. Both may be formed from intransitive stems, though derivatives formed from transitive verbs

more common.

:

146128(a)

^


SAPIR-pi- passive participle.

Examples

are:

saa- to boil ayani- how? to do

sa'a'pi(be) in

what

is

boiled,

mush

what

qatcu"qw aya'ni-kai'pini. naia'varjwq'"

way?

not-it

how-do-perfec-

tive-passive partic.-like seem-

negative,to be glad

it

does not look as

cu{w)ainon-oci-

though capable of handling cu{w)a'ipi (some one's) beingglad

to

dream

tavi-

to hit, plur. subj. tavi-ka-

nono'cLpi what is dreamt, dream (as noun) iavi'kamipi who are (were) al-

tixwina- tot'l'qa-

tell

a story

ways hit tixwr'napit'l'qa'vapi

to eat

what is told, story what shall (always)drunk,ivi'-

be eatenimto drink

ivi'piJf-aipi

something

what

was

evidently

ampaya-

to talk

narjqa'p'iya

drunk (by someone) ampa'xApiA heard talked (obj.), heard some onetalking

cvpar'ua- several gather together

cv'par'uapi gathered-together,gathering place

A

considerable

numbere. g.

of

nouns referring to games are passive

participles in -pi-,

naiarjwi'ini'pintu-

to play the

hand-gameghost, to

naiaywipi hand-game'ini'pintupi

to

make a

ghost-making game

play at ghostsmavo'xoito

make

a pile of dirt

mavo'xoipof dirt

i

game

of

making

piles

(b) -p'i-

past passive participle.

Examplessa'tna'p-'i

are:

sa'ma- to spread out (a blanket,sheet)

out, cover onis

having been spread which something

puthaving been wrapped

wi'tca'-

to

wrap about

wiHca'p'i

about, band

:


147

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEno- to carry on one's backai-

129

no'p'C

carried

on one's back,saythat-

packto saya'ip'iaT)

o'pac- ani'p'iya"partic.-obj.-his

passive

nayqa-

to hear

way-again it-did, it happened as he had said mai'm imi narjqa'qaip'i'mi thatthy thee hear-perfective-passive partic.-thy, that (is) thy heard, that is what you heardpirjwa'xvnip lywAhis,

qimi-

to take

wif e-taken-

ora-

to dig

up

whom he had taken as wife ora'p'ini my having-been-dug,something thatI

dug long agoit

qwA'ciqwiicasi'i-

to be ripe

qWA'cl'p'iaq-Aripe

ripened-it,

(is)

to defecate

qwitca'pisi'i'p'i

excrement

to urinate

urine

Several nouns referring to ceremonials, dances, and games arereally past passive participles in -pi-,e. g.

ki{y)a-

to play,

dance a round

ki{y)a'p'i

round dancejackrabbit-re-

dance-tiv^'C-

to lead

away

qavi'i' nafiv^'C p- i

ciprocal-lead away-passive par-

yaya-

to cry

tu'u'yi'Ni^qa-

to

dance the scalp

which each tries from others yaya'p'i having been cried, mourning ceremony tu'u'n'Ni'qap'i scalp dancetic,in

game

to

head

off rabbits

dance

cipial suffix

The primary form of the active partiunpreceded by a tense element, it refers to present time or, particularly in secondary substantival uses, is tenseless. Participles of explicitly temporal reference may be formed from the present participle by prefixing appropriate temporal suffixes to -fi-". Animate plurals are formed by suffixing -m'i- ((6)

Active participles.is -ti-".

When

48,

1,

a), e. g. -rim'i-.{-tc'i-"-

(a) Present participle: -r'i-" -^^-", -nit-'*.

after

i;

-ntci-" after nasal

+

i),

Examples

are:

148130ti'qa-

X


SAPIRto eat

tTqa'mnia'Ri

eating

ivi'-ka-'Tiia-

several drink

ivi'k arim'i

those drinking

to

blowto run

blowing, wind; nia'fintT-

qAqa'fi-'

awayto understand

pu'tcu'icuywa-'to drink

ivi-"

tcarfw'i'kiqwa' (a)i-'

to die

ofi"

avi-'

to

lie

ani-'ai-'

turned into wind runs away thou i'mi pu'tcu'tcuywar'iqwA (art) understanding-it drinking ivi'tci tcaywCkiqwa' (a)itci[m^'iA those dying off (obj.) avi'tc'i lying, plateau ani'ntci doing so, anim. plur.qay'wi'p'iyaq.Cqa'riRi one

who

ani'ntcim^'ito say to bea'intc'i

saying, sayer ( 13, 3)

"'a-o

goodnot to sleep

"'a't'i

goodone who does notfire

A^pi'iywa'ai-"

A'pLiywa'aitisleepna'a'inti

na'ai-"

to

burn

burning,

-mi-"-r'ui-^

usitativeto

a' imint'im'i

those saying

becometo flow

tuywa'r'uinti

becoming night

NVqwi-"*

NU'qwi'nii;

flowing, stream 26, 1, a, b.

For(b)

-A;ani pi'pi'tc'ip'iya

house-at-own arrived, (he) arrived at hisranoff

own housepatci'yiv'aicpiC

toyo'qwip'iya

ya'a'iqwo'aivatherewith, letUv"'i' p-'inqayav

yaya'nav umâ'narjqwA

with his own daughter let-(him)-die crying-own(

him"'u'ra

die with his crying

land-possessed-plural

48, 2)-obj.-own

it-

toward, towards theiri'mi pu'{"')i'ya(f>X

own

lands

w'itu'vûaqaiva

thou eye-obj.-own cover-shall,pa{i)yu'riupiyaI

your\V

shall cover

your eyesthere-again that

mava'ac-

ari'.-t tlrjqci ni.xiiatsia4>'i

(inan. obj.) cave-owned-little-obj.-own returned, I returned therein that

same

little

cave of mine

Explicitly plural (or dual) forms of the third person reflexive possessive are also found; they are

compoundedtheoretical

of -am'i-'. .

their

(vis.)

or-'

.

.

.???t-

THEIR. .

(inv.)

and.

-I't-,.

.w'tVi- appearing,

however, as

-'

.mov'i-,

.mauvi-.

Examples

are:

qani'vdntuxwa''m'i(f)L

to their

pur)qu'tsiami4>ipor.~)'m'ai)iau4>L,

their (2)-mo(f)L

own house own dear horse (obj.) with their (2) own canes

(cf.

porj' )iia{u)4>i

with his own cane); poro' q {w)ama{'^)mnu4ii (for -qa- see 48, 2)Explicitly dual formsof

with their

own canesmade by

the reflexive possessive are

:


207189

SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEcompounding -v'i- with animate dual -' OWN. This form, as contrasted with -' shows clearly that third person animateis. .. .

.//it-:

-vi''iin'i-

their 2. .

.

.

.mov't- discussed above,-'

plural invisible

.m'i-

not identical with animate dual -' .m'i-, though it seems sometimes to intercross it in usage. Examples of -v'C'im'i- are:7iava'(f)itsLr)io

ami

yu'a'p'iyaiA'^qa'vH

tu^cu'iiayA

i)i{ij)a' {i)yav'L'im'i

two-brothers they carried-it (vis.)-dual grinding-her mother-obj.own-dual; the two brothers carried what she, their (2) mother,

grounduv'^'a"am'L

qarV p'iyaaimi qani'aijiVA pi{y)a' {i)yavi'i)ni qani'vcV (inv.) stayed-dual house-objective-her mother-obj.own-dual house-at; there they 2 stayed (at) her house, at their (2) mother's housethere-they(5)

Pleonastic

forms.

Doubleis

(or

even

more

frequent)

Examples of the repetition of the subjective or objective pronoun, both pronouns enclitic or one enclitic and the other independent, have occurred in preceding lists. There is a marked tendency for the objective enclitic pronoun to attach itself to the verb even if it isexpression of pronominal elements

very

common

in Paiute.

elsewhere expressedenclitic subject

in

the sentence;

in

transitive

sentences

the

seems to be normally attached to the verb only in combination with the enclitic object ( 41, 2, a). Particularly characteristic is the employment of enclitic posscssives together with genitives (i. e. objectives) of the corresponding independent pronoun, e. g.ni'riLA yavi'ismi

me

my-elder brother

viarja'iA paa'arjA

him his-aunt(ol)j.)

pi' %ds(.r)' w'iin ivii'A pigs-thy thee, thy pigs thee aunt-obj.-thy, thy aunt ivii'A paa'i'ami

Pleonasmenclitic.

is

abundantly illustrated alsoalso

in

nouns, which are oftenl)een

anticipated or redundantly referred to by pronouns, independent or

Of such usagesis

examples have already

given.

Particularly frequentas equivalent of

the occurrence of an objective enclitic pronoun

of the third person withi

an objective noun, e. g. i see-it house (obj.) see house (obj.). In genitive constructions this is almost the rule, e. g. paa'iaijA qam'ayA aUi\t-obj.-his house-iier, his aunt's house; also paa'id tja qani.(6)

Combinations of independent

and enclitic pronouns.

:

:

:

208190

A'


SAPIR

Independent and enclitic pronouns are often combined into a single phonetic group or "word," the independent or enclitic element being Thus, instead of saying i'vii yA'qa'either subjective or objective. jjunipa 71 larjA thou kili^will-him, one can attach objective -arjAto ivii-: imi'arjA pA^qn'ijumpa

ni thou-him kill-will.

The

follow-

ing types of combination occur:(a)

Independent subject

+

enclitic object, e. g.

ni"'imi pA'qa'ijuvipanL

I-thee kill-shall

m'yumi mgi'mparjumin'i'ayA pu^tcn'tcurywaV

I-you (plur.) lead-will-you I-him (vis.) knowI-preterit-him (inv.)drink, I've drunkit

n'i'xwa'arjiVA pA'qa'rjun'i'aq- ivi'rju

kill,

I killed

him

I-it (vis.)

ni'ami qoxo"iva'' I-them (vis.) will kill iami'aijA pA'^qq'umpa^ we 2 (inclus.)-himiar]wa" aijwa!'^ mama'ivnnijn2,

(vis.) will kill

we

(inclus.)-him (inv.)-perhaps ( 19,

n)

find

(distributively)-future-dubitative,

we

(inclus.)

might

find

himthou-me wiltkill

imini pA'qq'uvipavi'imîfyarjAto'nA

ivn'\r)WA pA'qq'umpa" you will

him (inv.) you (plur.)-dual imperati\'e punch! you 2 pimch him!kill

(

52)-him

(vis.)

u'u'rjwani'ami tiriLarjqiqa'aimithee,it

he (inv.)-like-thee tell-to-perfective-

seems that he has been telling you UTjwa'c'vqWA qatcu""qiVA p'ini'naipVa''^ he (inv.)-it (inv.) not-it (inv.) see-negative-past, he did not see it they (vis.)-preterit-it (vis.) forget-it inam'i'nicaqA yA'ci'm'^'iaq-A(vis.),

they forgot

it

A variant of this type is that in which the independent and enclitic pronouns are both subjective, the independent pronoun being usedpredicatively,e.

g.

imi'ntcii'aq-A n'i'niA p\T]wa'ntuywnqainanuini(vis.)

thou-interrogative-it

whom-depending-on-perfective-verbal noimlike-my, it is not you on whom I have l)een depending (for use of "it" as equivalent of substantive verb, see 56, 3)(b)

me (= my)

Independent object (possessive)

+

enclitic subject, e.

g.

ni'nio! pujwa'ruv^'anLanl

me-thou wife-makc-will-me, you

will

marry

me

:

:

:


209191


me (= my)-he (vis.) talking-my ni'ruay avipa'xanani nayqa'qa' hear; he hears my talking, me talking thee-I first-sho\e-will-thee, I'll imi'ani yiam'i'maijWLcava'avii shove you (in) first imi'dijWA pA'^qq'umpa' thee-he (inv.) will kill aya'tAcuani pintka' him-a- ( 19, 3, a) -I see, I savi' himmano'qkilled,y,m"''i"a7nL qw^'d'ip'i-yaâll

(obj.)

them

(invis.)-they (inv.)

they killed

all

of

themis

A

special variety of this type

that in which the independent

objective functions as the subject of a subordinate clause, the enclitic

subject as the subject of the main clause,

e.

g.

m'niantcaijA tTqa'ximi yaya'x-A me-preterit-he eat-while-me cry (momentaneously) while I was eating, he began to cry {-ntca-ijA is logically cut loose from yaya'xA, while ni'nia- anticipates -ni of;

tTqa'xiini)

imi"aqwA naya'i'aiRamwould(the) earth

axa'n'Ni fiv'^Lp'i

t'i^qa'Tj'wLXo''if-'.

thee-it (inv.)

get-angry- when-theehow earth appear-would?

you get angry, how.

appear?

{imia- anticipates

.m,

-

.

.

.qWA

anticipates Uvîp-'i)(c)

Independent object

-\-

enclitic object.

The

firstits

objecte.

mayg.

be

the subject of a subordinate clause, the second

object,

taijwa'{iyyaqWA mama'aik-A us

(inclus.)-it (inv.) find (distributively)-

when, when we find

it

him (inv.)-it (inv.) that-doUTjwa'iAcu'qWA niâ'ni-tiikaqurjWA causative-perfective-when-him (inv.), when he has caused to doit

{uywa'iA-cu- anticipates

-'. .

.ijwa)(vis.)-it (vis.)it

mavi'i' Acuaq- A

novikaiu)x-u them plural-when, when they coveredfirst

cover (with bark)-

with bark be the logical object, the seconde. g.

Or, conversely, the

object

may

the logical subject of the subordinate clause,'i'tciararjiVA

mama'aik-Âfind this

this

(inan.

obj.)-us

(inclus.)

find-when,

when weStill

other combinations are possible,

e.

g.

independent possessive

-f object:

imi"ar)wa'

a'ikainA thee having said (about) him

(=

thy)-him

(inv.)

having-said,

thy

210192 41.

X


SAPIR

Combinations of

enclitic

pronouns.

F^nclitic pronouns are often combined, the union of two such pronouns being extremely common, that of three not at all rare. The order of elements is rigidly determined by form, not by function (e. g. The resulting -a-rjani- he-me, i-him, i-his, his-me, my-him, he-my).

theoretical ambiguities are generally resolved

by the

context, partic-

ularly as the pleonastic usages already referred to ( 40, 5) give opportunity for further limitation of the syntactical possibilities.

Thus, n'C -ayani can only mean i-him or i-his; -aijani -ni (verb form) can hardly mean anything but he-me. The following table gives a survey of combinations of two enclitic pronouns; the horizontal entries As a rule the pronominal eleare subjec

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