Schaefer 2009 Habitus-Analysis Copenh CIRRuS-CC

7/28/2019 Schaefer 2009 Habitus-Analysis Copenh CIRRuS-CC

1/23

CIRRuSConferenceContributions

HabitusAnalysis:amethodtoanalyze

cognitiveoperatorsofpracticallogic

by

HeinrichWilhelmSchfer

ContributiontotheCongress

BeyondBourdieuHabitus,Capital&SocialStratification

UniversityofCopenhagenDecember1st.2nd.2009

2009

Heinrich

Wilhelm

Schfer,

Universitt

Bielefeld

www.unibielefeld.de/religionsforschung

Schfer:HabitusAnalysis 1
http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/religionsforschunghttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/religionsforschunghttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/religionsforschunghttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/religionsforschunghttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/religionsforschung


2/23

Abstract:

ItiswellknownthatPierreBourdieudidnotdevelopaqualitativemethodcomparablewith

the construct of the social space (La Distinction) allowing the analysis of habitus. The

present

paper

sketches

an

outline

of

such

a

model,

based

upon

field

research

on

the

PentecostalmovementduringwartimeinGuatemala(1985)andvalidatedwithPentecostals

inmany occasions during 1995 to 2003 in LatinAmerica. Themethod is based upon the

theoriesofhabitusandpractical logic. Itprovidestechniquesfortheanalysisofqualitative

researchmaterialandforthereconstructionoftheactorshabitusand(religious)identityas

anetworkofdispositions.First,themodel istransformativeandshowshowreligiousactors

copewithexperiencesofuncertaintyorcrisisanddevelopfrom therecognitivepatternsof

perception,judgment

and

action

as

well

as

identities

and

strategies.

Second,

the

comparison

oftwosuchmodelsshowshowdifferentialcopingwithuncertaintydevelopsoutofthemere

differencebetweengivensocialpositionsand,accordingly,differentkindsofcrisisexperience

althoughbothgroupsareworkingwiththesameinventoryofreligioussymbols.Finally,the

combinationofhabitusanalysiswithamodelof the social spaceof religious stylesallows

interpretingthehabituswithinthesocialrelationsofpower.

Afteradevelopmentduringthe last20years,mostly inLatinAmerica,themethod isbeing

testedand

formalized

since

2006

in

different

projects

at

the

University

of

Bielefeld,

Germany.1

It iswell known thatBourdieu did not develop amethod for qualitative research on the

subjectivesideofhumanpraxis.Instead,hisempiricalstudiesonhabitus,practicallogicon

meaning,sotospeakrelymuchontraditionalstructuralistbinarism.(Bourdieu1977,1980)

AlthoughtheconceptofhabitusiswidelyusedbyresearchesbasedonBourdieustheories

yet there is very few intent to operationalize the concept in a method for qualitative

empiricalresearch.2Especially,theconceptstill lacksawayofoperationalizingthespecific

1ThiscontributionwaselaboratedinthecontextoftheCenterfortheInterdisciplinaryResearchon

Religion and Society (CIRRuS). For an account of projects and publications see: http://www.uni

bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/forschung/index.html (especially

Publications

and

Open

Access.

2Indeed,thereisquitealotofliteraturediscussingtheconceptofhabitusonatheoreticallevel.But

the author of these lines found only a few intents to deepen the understanding in specific

methodology. DiazBone (2000), e.g., locates conventional discourse analysis within the broader

http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/forschung/index.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/forschung/index.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/forschung/index.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/forschung/index.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/forschung/index.html


3/23

dimensions of the habitus perception, judgment and action as well as their

transformative relations by a method for empirical research. This is precisely what the

presentcontributionisgoingtooutline.

Thedescriptivemodelatthecenterofourconsiderationswasdevelopedinthecontextofa

qualitativefieldstudyonPentecostalisminGuatemalaandNicaragua,duringapproximately

two and a half years in 1983, 1985 and 1986.3 For the present paper it is enough to

concentrate on two religiously and socially contrasting samples: NeoPentecostals in the

modernizinguppermiddleclassandClassicalPentecostals in the traditional lowerclassof

Guatemala(Schfer2006).Thus,GuatemalanPentecostalswillservetoillustratethemodel

inthe

following.

According

to

the

intimate

connection

between

habitus

and

field

or

social

spacethatdoesnotsimplyconcedeaculturalturntoenterintoanalysisofpuremeaning

Iwillcombinethemodelforhabitusanalysiswithoneofthesocialspace.SoIwillpresent

two interconnecting formal models based upon Bourdieus theory: the space of religious

styles and the praxeological square and network. First, I will outline some brief

considerationsonmy readingofBourdieu.Second, Iwillexemplify theuseof themodels

with some data on Pentecostalism; third and fourth, Iwill add some notes on themore

specificmethodological

and

theoretical

background

of

the

model

of

habitus.

1.SomeannotationsonBourdieu

For my approach it is most important that Bourdieu relates social structures, their

perception and action in a way that vanquishes the separation of what he calls social

physicsofDurkheim and idealist semiologyofGarfinkel (Bourdieu 1984: 483). For the

context of Bourdieus theory of habitus. A methodological approach to analyze the habitus of

childrenbyvisualmaterialistakenbyHelmutBremerandChristelTeiwesKgler(2007);theyanalyze

collagesaccordingtohabitushermeneutics.Similarly,BurkardMichelandJrgenWittpoth(2006)

presentamethodologicalapproachtotheanalysisofphotographs.Kellner(2007)usestheconcept

of habitus as a theoretical frame for an ethnological study of narrations, but without much

consequenceforthemethodofnarrationanalysis.Additionally,thebeginningdebatesofagroup

coordinatedbyThomasAlkemeyerandMichaelVesterwhomtheauthoriscommunicatingwithon

habitushermeneuticsisworthmentioninghere.3

producing

195

guided

interviews,

100

taped

sermons,

some

120

protocols

of

religious

services

and,ofcourse,afielddiaryforobservations.ForfulleraccountsofthisresearchseeSchfer1992a,

1992b,2003;forthecurrentsituationseeSchfer2009a;forthestateoftheartseeSchfer&Tovar

2009.



4/23

sake of a clear conceptual distinction and better mutual relation but precisely not for

separationIdistinguishbetweenlogicofpracticeandpracticallogic:Logicofpractice

saysthis ishow itworksaroundherewhereaspractical logictellsthis ishowwedo it.

Thus,

the

logic

of

practice

connotes

very

much

the

models

of

social

space

and

field;

practical

logic isrelatedtothedispositionsoftheactors.Habitus linksboth,asfaras it is intimately

combinedwiththesocialpositionsoftheactorsandtheirspecificopportunitiesinthefields

of action. The logic of practice is understood as condition of operation and principle of

structuringthepracticallogic;andpracticallogicenablestheactorstoperceivethelogicsof

practice,tojudgeandtoact.Consequentlypracticallogicstructuresidentitiesandstrategies

oftheactorsand,hence,againthe logicofpractice.It ispreciselythis interactionbetween

logicof

practice

and

practical

logic

that

overcomes

the

separation

of

social

physics

and

social semiology. It is important to note that things, institutions and practices exert a

semiotic forceandeffect;and thatsignsexertapragmatic forceandeffecton institutions

andpractices.Therefore, inrespecttothepractical logicofgivenactorsandthe logicofa

given practice, things, institutions, practices and signs can be seen as operators of such

praxis.Lookat,e.g.,asentencelikeWearerightinthemiddleoftheendtimes.Thisisnot

simplyareligioussignorthedesignationofarealstateofaffairs.Morethananythingelse,

suchaphrase

is

apractical

operator

that

generates

specific

ways

of

perception,

judgment

andaction,thatis:astructuringactivitywithinandonthelogicsofpracticeorsimply:praxis.

So, by the way, the terminological distinction between practical logic and logic of

practicesimplyrefers to thesubjectiveandobjectivesideofpraxis.

Conceivingpraxis

like this, I intend tounderscore the rootsofBourdieusunderstandingof the term in the

youngMarx(ThesesagainstFeuerbach)and,finally,intheAristotelianconceptofbios.4

However, theoperatorsofpractical logic come tobe relevant for the collective identities

andstrategiesoftheactors.Operatorsofpracticallogicareembeddedorstoredwithin

thehabitusof theactorsasdispositions.Theconceptofdispositionaclue forBourdieu

himself talking about the habitus (Bourdieu 1980) underscores the readiness

(predisposition, inclination, preference) of actors for certain (and not other) perceptions,

4 So it remains obvious that we do not refer to thejuxtaposition of theory (in the sense of

intellectual vision) and practice (in the sense of acting). In my understanding it even might be

bettertospeakoflogicofpracticesinpluraltoavoidanyidentificationofpracticewithpraxis.



5/23

judgmentsandactions.Dispositionsrelatetoafieldofpraxisnotasanimagebutratheras

aninstrumentthatexecutescertainoperationsasthisisnecessaryorwantedandthat,thus,

interferes intothefield.Havingadispositionreliesverymuchonthephysicalandaffective

energy

of

an

actor

quite

similar

to

a

spiral

or

elastic

spring.

It

is

the

concept

of

disposition

that linkscognitionclosely to sensorialhumanpraxis (asKarlMarxwouldhave it).As the

conceptofdispositionstressesthereadinesstoperceive,tojudgeandtoactofreal, living

human beings (instead of universal structures of the spirit, as Claude LeviStrauss would

postulate) itunderscoresaswellthatthehabitusarechangingandmodifyingaccordingto

thefluctuations(conjuncture)oftheconditionsinfieldsandsocialspace.

Briefly: dispositions are incorporated operators of practical logic that are linked to one

anotherby

logical

relations

and

in

the

form

of

anetwork.

(This

is

the

operational

basis

to

conceiveofidentityasanetwork,too.)Buthere,theissueatstake isanotherone.Itisthe

modelingofprecisely suchanetworkofoperatorsasa resultof thequalitativeempirical

study of collective actors in our case Pentecostals in Guatemala during the counter

insurgencywarinthe1980ies.

Amodelofoperatorsofagivenpracticallogicshouldmeetthefollowingrequirements:

Wecanconceiveoftheoperatorsofapractical logicasa logiccombinationoftermswhich

are

richincognitivecontent, structuredand generative.Moreovertheyhavetopossesstheattributesof

orientatingand confining(thusstructuringandgenerating)perception,judgmentandaction.Thus,theyarethedeepstructuresofthoseprocessesthatgenerateknowledgeandaction.

Moreover,theyaredirectlyrelatedtoexperienceandtheyarerelevantfortheidentitiesand

strategiesof(individualandcollective)actors.Amodelofsuchoperatorsshouldbeableto

represent theoperativeconnectionsofpractical logicas follows: Itshouldname thebasic

cognitivedistinctions(ase.g.holyversusprofane)thatoperatetoconstructaspecificfieldof

praxis;and itshouldrepresentthetransformationsbetweenexperienceand interpretation

thatgenerate

meaning.

Consequently

the

model

should

be

structural

and

generative

at

the

sametime.Asthemodel linksexperienceand interpretation,thedemandoftheactorsfor



6/23

meaningshouldberepresentedinitsconnectiontothegenerationofmeaning.Finally,asto

addressjudgmentexplicitly, theaxiologicalfunctionof theoperatorsshouldbe taken into

account.

Suchamodelcanbeconstructedasanetworkthatlinksoperatorsrelatedtodifferentfields

ofpraxisandformsalargecognitivemapofan(individualorcognitive)actor.Itshouldbe

possibletodistinguishsuchdifferentdomainsthatareinrelationtodifferentfieldsofpraxis.

Moreover, itshouldbepossibletodistinguishcentralschemesofoperators frommarginal

(orlessimportant)ones.

Thus,it

should

be

possible

to

define,

by

reconstructive

analysis,

for

any

given

actor

acentral

formulaforthegenerationofmeaningoutofexperience,andtovisualizethevariationsof

thisprocess.Finally,themodelshouldbeabletoshowhowtheoperatorsofpracticallogic

arebeingusedfortheconstitutionofidentitiesandstrategiesoftheactors.

Asthemodel focusesonthetransformationofexperience intomeaningandmeaning into

experience, itsimulates inacertainsensethecloseconnectionbetweenhabitus, fieldand

socialstructure.

Nevertheless,

the

model

of

practical

operators

is

not

enough

to

reconstruct

the objective position of the actors at stake, neither in fields nor in the social space.

Thereforewecomplement themethodbya secondmodel: the social space,according to

Bourdieu(1984).(Inthisarticlewewillnotenterintotheconstructionoffieldmodels.)This

modelfacilitatestolocatetheactorsatstakeintheirpositionsrelativetothedistributionof

economicandculturalcapitalinagivensociety.Itisonlybytakingsuchanobjectivecontext

ofpraxis intoaccountthatthe identitiesandstrategiesoftheactorscanbeunderstoodas

active forces in a given logic of praxis, that is in struggles for power and recognition, in

inequality,enmity,alliancesetc.5

AsIunfoldthemodelsinthefollowing,Iwillbeginwiththemodelofthesocialspace.Asthe

actors Ihave studied are religious, themodel is interpreted as a social spaceof religious

5

At

this

point,

some

theoretical

considerations

would

be

necessary

about

the

heuristic

function

of

models,theproblemsoftherelationbetween logicsandsemantics,offormal logicandnonlogical

praxis, the opportunities and pitfalls of homology construction etc. But this would definitely go

beyondthescopeofthisarticle.



7/23

styles. Then I exemplify the model of the network of dispositions with Guatemalan

Pentecostals.And finally Igiveanoutlineof theoreticalandmethodologicalaspectsofthe

basicmodelinhabitusanaylsis:thepraxeologicalsquare.

2.Thespaceofreligiousstyles:contrastingpositions

AsinBourdieu,constructingthesocialspaceisnotmorethananintermediate,objectivistic

steptounderstandinghumanpraxiswithin itssocialconditionings.So,themodelresponds

totheneedofdescribingtheclasspositionofreligiousactorsastheconditionoutofwhich

theirhabitusand, thus, theirpreferencesgenerate. Itmakes clearwhat level and kindof

socialpower,

expectations,

constraints,

opportunities

etc.

the

different

religious

actors

are

associatedwith.

Gross capitalvolume +

Gross capitalvolume

Social space of religious styles(habitus-formations)

Guatemala 1985

Neo-

Pentecostals

Classical

Pentecostals

Cultural capital +

Economic cap.

Cultural capital

Economic cap. +

Technolog. industrialists

ManagersNew military

Large Landownersarge LandownersOld militaryld military

Middle farmersiddle farmers

Merchantserchants

Small peasantsmall peasantspeoneseones

Skilledkilled labourabourTeacherseachersAdministrationdministration

Marginalizedarginalized

= Neo-Pentecostal interviewees= Class. Pentecostal interviewees


ManagersNew militaryManagers

New militaryManagers




New military








ManagersNew militaryManagersanagersNew militaryew military

Technologechnolog. industrialistsindustrialists

The theoretical space is constructed according to Bourdieu (1984). It is modeled as a

coordinate system by the implementation of two different forms of capital: economic

(income)andcultural(education).Theverticalaxisconsistsoftheaggregationofbothforms



8/23

of capital; actorswith a high amount of both forms of capital are at the top, the others

below.Thehorizontalaxisconsistsof the two formsof capitaldifferentiatedoveragainst

oneanother;actorswithrelativelymoreeconomicthanculturalcapitalareontheright,and

those

with

relatively

more

cultural

than

economic

capital

are

on

the

left.

6

Thus,

in

Guatemala, big landowners are positioned in the upper right against industrialists and

managers in theupper left;andsmallpeasantsarestuck in the lower rightagainstskilled

laborinthelowerleftetc.

Accordingtobasicsociostructuraldata(incomeandeducation)theintervieweesofthetwo

subsamplescanbelocatedrelativelywellwithinthemodel.Theyaredistributedaccording

tothe

strong

polarization

of

Guatemalan

society

during

the

years

of

economic

crisis

and

counterinsurgency warfare:7 some in the modernizing upper middle class, others in the

traditionallowerclass.Somuchfortheobjectivepositioning.

Inrelationtoreligiousstyle,IdetectedthefollowingasIapproachedtoanalyzethehabitus

of theactors (wewillsee thisanalysis furtheron):According to their socialpositions, the

religioushabitusof theactors theirdispositionsandpreferenceswereverydifferent,8

althoughall

of

them

used

acommon

inventory

of

typical

Pentecostal

beliefs.

Social

positions

6HavingimplementedBourdieusmodelofthesocialspaceinthe1980ies,inamoreethnographical

way,wearenowdevelopingapreciselyscaledmodelforquantitativeresearchinourresearchteam.

In order to achieve broad international compatibility we reduced the indicators to the most

necessary.Economiccapitalisconceivedonthebasisofincome(equivalenceincomea.s.f.);cultural

capital is conceived as formal education and is scaled according to the International Standard

Classification of Education (ISCED byUNESCO).Of course it may be that social relations in given

societies follow other criteria of structuring than the ones of economic and cultural capital (e.g.

seniority).

And

some

might

say

that

in

traditional

societies,

tribes,

or

post

war

societies

(like

Bosnia

Herzegovina)socialcapitalisofmoreimportancethaneconomic.Ifthatisso,onemightwanttouse

the relevant form of capital to construct a similarmodel.However, the research of our team at

Bielefeld University (on social space: Leif Seibert and Patrick Hahne [BosniaHerzegovina], Jens

Khrsen [Argentina],andKurtSalentin [asguest specialist for internationalquantitative research])

indicatesthattherearemanygoodreasonstoadheretoasimplewayofmeasuringeconomicand

culturalcapitalandtoconstructaverysimplemodelofdistribution.Thisprovidesaclearbasis for

themostimportanttask:thescholarlyinterpretationofthesedata.7About thisdistributionofClassical Pentecostals andNeoPentecostals ismuchmore to say. For

macrodevelopmentsseeSchfer1992a,1992b;forthemeso andmicrolevelcf.Schfer2006.8 It is important torealizethatwearenottalkingabout institutionalaffiliation,butabouthabitus

formations.

These

are

much

more

important

for

religious

and

social

praxis

of

believers

than

their

affiliation. Steigenga (2007: 267) for example has very good statistical data on the fact that the

political behaviour of evangelicals is much more determined by their beliefs than by their

denominationalaffiliation.



9/23

thusappearedasreligioushabitusformations,too.Inthepresentarticle,forsakeofbrevity,

we call these groupingsof actors simplyNeoPentecostalsandClassicalPentecostals. The

firstislocatedinthemodernizinguppermiddleclass(upperleft),thelatterinthetraditional

lower

class

(lower

right).

Summing

up,

we

can

see

that

religious

styles

are

distributed

in

society according to their correspondence with certain social positions and with their

constraints,opportunities,grievancesandsoforth.

Now,theanalysisofreligioushabitus,usingoursecondmodel,allowsspecifyingwithvery

fine detail the cognitive dispositions and practical logic of these actors and thus

understanding the religious meaning (Max Weber) that the actors ascribe to their

practicesin

the

context

of

their

social

position.

3.Thepraxeologicalnetwork:contrastingdispositionsofPentecostalsinGuatemala

While the space of religious styles informs about socialpositions of religious actors, the

praxeological square and network inform about their religious dispositions. We now

exemplifyour

model

by

the

contrasting

dispositions

of

middle

class

Neo

Pentecostals

and

lowerclassPentecostalsinGuatemalaabout1985.9WefirstfocusonNeoPentecostalsand

explain the basic model of the praxeological square and its extension into a network of

dispositions;thenwegoonwiththeClassicalPentecostals,focusingonthebasicmodelof

the square only, since this is sufficient to show the contrast between the two habitus

formations.Themodelsbelowresultfromananalysisofinterviewsaccordingtoourmethod

ofhabitusanalysis(seebelow).

9Thisfindingisimportantsinceitshowsstronginternaldifferenceswithinwhatisoftentreatedasa

homogeneous religious movement. In fact, the Pentecostal movement in Guatemala was quite

uniform

in

terms

of

doctrine

until

the

early

eighties,

and

even

after

that,

different

strands

of

the

movementmadeuseofacommonrepertoireofreligioussymbols.However,theyhaveconstructed

differenthabitusoutofthesesymbols,accordingtotheirsocialposition,theirhabitusofclass,their

interest,theiropportunitiesandtheirconstraints.



10/23

EmpoweredIndividuals

Power of God in theHoly Spirit

Action ofdemons

Threat toextension ofupper middleclass power

Level ofinterpretation

Level ofexperience

Quest of power decided

Power threatended

IdentityStrategy

Praxeological square: Neopentecostals modernizing upper middle class

A brief look at the NeoPentecostals in the uppermiddle class shows a religious praxis

centered on the quest of social power (see axes): on the level of experience power is

threatened,whileonthe levelofreligious interpretationthequestofpower isdecided.

Theactorsexperiencea threat to their socialpositionofuppermiddleclass (through the

guerrilla movement, paramilitary forces, economic crisis and a loss of control over their

personallives).ThisisbeingansweredbytheNeoPentecostalChurchpromisingthepower

of theHolySpiritonto thebelievers.Thus, theNeoPentecostal faithconstitutes thenew

religious identity of spiritually empowered individuals. These individuals, finally, are

endowedwith

the

capacity

to

combat

the

originators

of

the

experienced

threat:

the

demons. Thus, power turns out to be the central pattern for identity and exorcism the

centralstrategicpattern.



11/23

Empowered

Individuals

Power of

the SpiritDemons

Loss of

controll

~ ~

Threatening

soc. probl.

Devil

~ ~

GodsPower-action

Social powerof Neopent.

CulturalCatholic.

God faraway

~ ~

X

Devil

Violence

of right

~ ~

EconomicProsperity

Gods actionin prosperity

Devil

EconomicProblems

~ ~

PastoralAuthority

Supernat.Powers

SpecificDemons

Rootedconflicts

~ ~

Gods powerin Neopent.

Pol. repres.

of Neopent.

Pol. struggle

right/left

Conflictparties

~ ~

PowerOf God

Evangelism Indig.culture

God faraway

~ ~

Christian

military

God Devil

Violence

of left

~

PoliticalEvangelism

Neop. Org.a. members

Devil inpol. advers.

Violence

~ ~

X Teufel Teufel

Minister

Power ofSpirit

Deseases

The sick

~ ~

Politics ofneop. members

Soc. res-

ponsablity

Contradiction

Poor/rich

Poor andRich

~ ~

[ HolySpirit ]

CatholicCharismatics

PoorProtestants

Haereticpoverty

~ ~

Einflussd. Teufels

Kulturlose

Protestanten

~

Socialevangelism

Neop. Org.a. memebers

~

EinigeDenomin.

Unorderlyspirituality

Tradition.Pentec.

Spirit inculture

Extasisin church

~ ~

[falseChurch]

[ritualistic

Piety ]

Spirit.

life

Esch. David.Restauration

~ ~

LatinMentality

Decay ofNation

North atlant.Capitalism

Protest.Reformation

~ ~

X

X X

X

~ ~

System ofAntichrist

Dominion ofAntichrist

SufferingNeopent.

Survivalin suffering

~ ~

Probl. ofchr. Life

Adversepowers

~

AdversePowers

Moral

Decay

~

Latin cult.heritage

Latinity

~

X

~

Attacks onNeopent.

Foes of Godin Guate.

~

X X X

Mirac. powerof Neopent.

Godsvictory

~

Soc. Power

of Neopent.

~

GodsFuture

Chr. anti-soc.boom

~

~

~ ~ ~~

X

X

God aspower basis

Soc. Influen.

of Neopent.

Thebasicmodelofthesquarewillextend intoanetworkastheanalysisofinterviews(and

othermaterial, ifdesired)proceeds. Then, in theNeoPentecostal sample, it canbe seen

howtheactorsusethecentralstrategicschemeofexorcismindifferentfieldsofpraxis.The

schemeisappliedtolesserpersonalproblemsbeingtheindividualChristianhisownexorcist.

Italsoaddressesgravepersonalitydistortionswithaspecialministerasexorcist.Itcanalso

be applied to military conflict, with Christian military as the exorcist and guerrillas or

paramilitary forcesas thedemons finally legitimatingevenNapalmbombingson Indian

villages.Further, thenetworkmodel rendersevident,howpowerstrategiescombinewith

promisesofprosperityandwithdisdainforthepoor,aswellaswiththeideaoferadicating

Latin style corruption in order to implant NorthAtlantic religious reformation and

democracy,andsoforth.

With reference to the interplay between experience and interpretation, position and

disposition,

the

Neo

Pentecostal

example

shows

how

religious

meaning

transforms

the

majorgrievanceoftheactorstheperceivedthreattotheirsocialpositionintoareligious



12/23

strategy of power. The actors produce, concomitantly, a specific religious identity and

correspondingstrategiesturningreligiousmeaningquitepractical.

The

network

facilitates

analyzing

religious

identity

politics

as

they

where

displayed

by

the

interview quote at the beginning of this article. It shows how practical metaphors as

exorcismorhealingtranslatemeaningandactionfromonefieldofpraxisintoothers:

from personal wellbeing to economy, to politics and even to military action.10

The

instrument of the network shows that religious identity politics anchor intimately in the

religiousconvictionsoftheparticularactors.Thisalsomeansthatforreligiousconvictions,in

onewayortheother,socialandpoliticallivingconditionsalwaysmatter.

This is also the case with Classical Pentecostals,who most vigorously affirmed to be a

political.Theirsocialpositionsimplybreedsdifferentreligiousdispositions.

In the traditional fractions of the lower class we find Classical Pentecostal praxis build

around the quest for survival (continuity of history). People feel that they lack any

possibility to shape their future, due to poverty and fierce military repression (loss of

futureetc.).

They

counteract

this

situation

with

the

promise

of

being

removed

in

rapture

from this world during the near second coming of Christ. This hope results in their new

identityasachurchinpreparationfortherapture.Fromthisposition,theexplanationfor

their lossofopportunitiesbecomesevident:during theapocalypseeverythingnecessarily

changesfortheworse.Insuchasituation,themostviablestrategy isthefollowing:aclear

break with political and social action and the withdrawal into the church exactly the

strategy that,under repressionandmisery,allows forsurvival through ingroup solidarity.

Thus,thereligiousinterpretationofhistory(ruptureofhistory)turnsouttobearationale

andastrategyforanexperientialcontinuityofhistorywhichpracticallymeans:survival.It

is this strategicpattern thatGuatemalan lower classPentecostalsdisplayed inalmostany

socialrelationshipuntilthesebelieverschangedtheirbeliefsduringthepeaceprocessand

thebeginningdemocratization.

10Nowthewholebackgroundofsocialconnotationresoundsasoneintervieweesays:ActuallyIam

busywithfindingasmanyfellowGuatemalansaspossibleinordertomakethenationtransformby

innertransformationofeachGuatemalan.Interview59/87,December1985andFebruary1986.



13/23

Preparation of therapture

Rapture of theChurch, return ofChrist

End-times:certainty of thenear end

Loss of future,misery, insecurity


Level ofexperience

Discontinuity of history

Continuity of History

IdentityStrategy

Praxeological square: classical Pentecostalism traditional lower class

After thisshort flashlightonempirical findingswecandistinguishahabitusofcharismatic

dominionover

the

world

in

the

upper

middle

class

from

ahabitus

of

apocalyptic

escape

from

theworldinthetraditionallowerclass.Hopefullythreethingshavebecomeevident.

First, religious identities, identity politics and strategies vary according to the socialpositionsoftheactors,that is,accordingtotheirspecificgrievances,opportunitiesand

constraints.

Second,strategiesandidentitiesaswellaspreferencesandsocialpositionsarenotthatutterlydifferentastheaforementionedtheorygapmakesbelieve.

Third,qualitativemodelingon thebasisofBourdieuspraxeologymakes sense for thestudyofcollective(andindividual)identitiesandstrategies.

Afterexemplifyingthemethod,Inowturntothemethodologicalandtheoreticalaspectsof

themodels.



14/23

4.Thesquare:cognition,identityandstrategy

I hope that the empirical observations could already generate some plausibility for my

opinion

that

these

models

help

to

relieve

our

theory

grievances

about

the

class

dependency

ofpreferences,thegapbetweenidentityandstrategyapproachesandabouttheimportance

oflisteningtotheactors.Howeverletmespendsomemorelinesonthemodelsassuch.

Themodelofthespaceofreligiousstyles,Ithink,isalmostselfexplanatory.Inanycase,itis

asimpleadaptationofBourdieus(1984)basicmodelinLadistinctionforreligiouspraxis.So

I leavethereadersfornowwiththerecommendationtosimplycomparethemodelabove

withthe

one

developed

by

Bourdieu.

Themodelofapraxeologicalnetwork,on theotherhand,needs someexplanationby its

author. Obviously the network of practical operators is an extension of the basic

praxeological square.Bothare, in termsof theory,developedoutofBourdieusnotionof

practical logic.11

Methodically they are intended to serve for reconstructing practical

dispositions of interviewees. The model of the praxeological square is a sociological

transformationof

the

semiological

square

of

the

French

structuralists

Algirdas

Julien

GreimasandFranoisRastier(Greimas1966,Greimas&Rastier1970).

Theanalyticalmodelofthesquare,forsocialresearch,hastofulfillcertaindemands.First,a

formal instrument, in itself not operating with presupposed religious content, allows for

observing, if religion is at all important for the actors and, additionally, lets the religious

preferences of the actors emerge as the clue for understanding their praxis. Second, the

instrumentdoesnotinterferetoomuchwiththeactorsnarrativesoftheirreligiouspraxisin

thecontextofopeninterviews.Third,itfacilitatesthecombinationofinterviewanalysiswith

observationsandotherdata leadingtothereconstructionand interpretationoftheactors

praxis.Aformalmodel,nevertheless,shouldnotadheresimplytostructuralistbinarism,to

quasimetaphysical concepts of symbolic forms or to the idea of symbol systems.

Instead, it should show how people generate practical sense as a sense for their praxis

(Bourdieu).

So,

fourth,

a

model

should

enable

researchers

to

structure

the

processes

by

11SeeBourdieu1980(aboveall,thechapteronthedemonofanalogy).



15/23

whichactorsgenerateasensefortheirpraxis.Andfifth,sincewesearchtounderstandalien

praxis in its social context, the instrument shouldbe actionrelatedandprovideaway to

relate the findings to the surrounding social structure; it shouldbeamodel for analyzing

praxis

in

the

Aristotelian

(concept

of

bios)

and

Marxian

(Theses

against

Feuerbach)

sense

of

theword.Thus themodelpresentedhere isbasedon thepresupposition that inorder to

understand alienpraxis, it isnecessary toestablish formal, actionorienteddistinctions to

guidetheobservation,notcontentsorientedones.

The semiotic square according to Greimas/Rastrier

A B

BNon B

ANon A

= Implication

= Contrariness

= Contradiction

neutral

complex

S-axis

S-axis (Non S-axis)

Greimas and Rastier developed their model of a semiotic square out of a medieval

combinationof

the

basic

logical

relations

in

Aristotelian

logic.

Three

basic

relations

have

been used during history precisely to structure the transformations in logical syllogism:

implication, contrariness and contradiction. These basic relations are culturally universal,

since in any culture people know the relations of causality (rain implies awet street), of

difference(greenversusblue)andofmutualexclusion(lightversusdarkness).12

Duringlate

12ThereisadiscussionwhethertheAristotelianlawofnoncontradictionisvalidforAsianlogic,since

A

can

allegedly

also

be

B

according

to

Asian

logic.

Nevertheless,

it

should

be

taken

into

account

whetherweare talkingabout Abeing B ina certainaspect,perspectiveor context. In sucha

case, the difference between European and Asian ways of thinking are no longer as grave.

DarknesscanbelightforaEuropeanMysticaswell;however,thiskindofreligiousexperiencemakes



16/23

Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, these relations were organized into the socalled

syllogisticsquare.ThismodelwasadaptedbyGremiasandRastier(1970)toanalyzedeep

structuresofthesemanticuniverse.ThesquareasthetwoFrenchstructuralistsuse it

describes

the

constraints

according

to

which

meaning

is

being

produced.

The

square

is

made

upof terms (A,B,NonAandNonB)whichare linked tooneanotherby three relations:

contrariness (A to B andNonA toNonB), implication (A toNonB andB toNonA) and

contradiction (A toNonAandB toNonB). The Saxis (contrary) is neutral, so that the

termshaveaneitherorrelation.TheSaxis(subcontrary)iscomplex,sothattheterms

haveanaswellasrelation.Finally,therelationsofimplicationarenameddeixeis.Thefirst

deixis(AandNonB)isdefinedaspositive;thesecond(BandNonA)asnegative.Finally,the

transverserelations

(A

to

Non

A,

B

to

Non

B)13,

the

schemata,

are

contradictory.

For

the

deep structures of the semantic universe, the model shows that meaning is being

constitutedbydifferenceandlogicaltransformation.Toputitsimply:togofromactiveto

passive,logichastopassovernonactive.GreimasandRastierusethemodeltodescribe

thesemanticuniverseofgenderrelationsinFrance.Thus,theydistinguish,onthepositive

deixis,matrimonial(prescribed)andnormal(notforbidden)relationsasallowedfrom

the relations on the negative deixis as excluded: abnormal (forbidden) and non

matrimonial(not

prescribed).

The

model

suits

for

understanding

the

logical

underpinnings

ofmeaningsystems.Butitisnotsuitableforunderstandingthesocialprocessesofmaking

senseofonespraxis.

Inordertousethemodelfordescribingsuchsocialprocessesithastobetransformedfrom

conceptual logic topropositionalandmost importanta levelofexperiencehas tobe

distinguishedfroma levelofinterpretation(ormeaningascription).Undertheseconditions

themodelcanbeusedsociologicallyinordertoanalyzemeaningfulsocialaction.

Withreferencetoour initialquestionsontheoryandmethodwewillherebrieflyfocuson

two aspects of the model: first, the cognitive transformations that operate between the

experiences of social relations and the ascription of meaning to them; and second, the

relationbetweenidentityandstrategy.

senseonlywithintheframeworkthatthenormalorgeneralrelationbetween lightanddarkness is

oneofmutualexclusion.13

Later,inthisarticle,NonAwillbereferredtoasAandNonBasB.



17/23

Positiveexperience

Positivemeaning Negativemeaning

Negativeexperience


Level ofexperience

Axis of clear-cut ascriptions and e xplanations

Axis of comp lex contexts of action

Epistemic transformationAction oriented transformation

Praxeological square: cognitive transformations

Looking at the cognitive operations that relate experience and their interpretation, the

model shows that the basic logical operations flow between positive and negative

experiences and correspondingmeaning ascriptions. They carry out two transformations:

theepistemicandtheactionoriented(expressedbytheblackandgreyarrowsrespectively).

Theepistemic

transformation

(black

arrows)

operates

under

the

axiomatic

dichotomy

betweenpositiveandnegativemeaning,which is to say thatclearcutascriptionsand

explanations interpretcomplexcontextsofactionandexperience,e.g.byascribingreasons

for existence. In this way, the model helps to describe how experience, from its first

moment,isbeingunderstoodnotonlyaccordingtohabitualschemesofevaluationbutalso

according toperceivedopportunitiesandconstraints.Correspondingly, theactionoriented

transformation (grey arrows) helps todescribehow conceptsof action arebeingmolded

according to the forms of perception and evaluation of experience, and not only by



18/23

opportunities and constraintsof the field. In a formal sense: theprocessesof structuring

experienceanddesigningactioncanbeunderstoodashomological.

These

transformations

constantly

relate

the

complex

and

fuzzy

context

of

action

with

more

or less clear cut categories of interpretation. It is these transformations where meaning

arises.Meaning,thus,isnotsimplyareflectionofsocialstructuresorsomethingalike;itisa

constant transformation of qualified experience (negatively and positively) intojudgment

andaction.Meaningisinvolvedinaction.Andforthisreason,actionitselfandthechangeof

opportunitiesandconstraintshavedirecteffectsonmeaning.Socialrelationsandmeaning

ascription, therefore, should be and can be described together. We can then see that

perceivedopportunities

and

constraints

as

well

as

grievances

and

self

positioning

of

the

actorsaresimplypartofoneandthesamesetofcognitivedispositions.14

Intermsofsocial

movement theory this implies the following: The term for negative experience can be

understoodasperceivedcrisisorasgrievances,sincesocialmovements,accordingtoNew

SocialMovementtheory,reacttosuchevents.Thetermofreasonsforpositiveexperience

can be understood as perceived opportunities, and the term of reasons for negative

experience as perceived constraints, according to Resource Mobilization theory.

Correspondingly,the

model

allows

for

asystematic

empirical

integration

of

identity

and

strategyorientedapproaches.

14Thismeansthat,forexample,thetermfornegativeexperiencecanbeunderstoodasperceived

crisis

or

grievances,

since

social

movements,

according

to

New

Social

Movement

theory,

react

to

such events. The term of reasons for positive experience can be understood as perceived

opportunities,andthetermofreasonsfornegativeexperienceasperceivedconstraints,according

toResourceMobilizationtheory.



19/23

Position of themovement, base

for strategies

Solutions,alliances

Structuralconditions,adversaries

ArticulatedProblems,grievances


Level ofexperience

Axis of cognitive elaboration of experience

Axis of field-orientated elaboration of cognition

IdentityStrategy

Praxeological square: generation of identity and strategy

Looking,second,atidentityandstrategy,themodelcanbereadasaprocessinwhichactors

in our case religious movements position themselves within their social context.

(Collective)actorsarticulategrievances, imagineand formulate solutions,andaffirm their

position,e.g.as an empowered religiousmovement.Theprocessof interpretation thus

allows foracognitiveelaborationofexperience inordertofindaposition inthe fieldof

actionandanidentityasasocialactor.Movingfurtherfromthispositionofthemodel,the

actorsarebeingdescribedasdevelopingstrategiestocopewiththestructuralconditions

andadversariesthatcausetheirgrievanceswhilesolutionsandadversariesmodel

thenotions

of

opportunities

and

constraints.

The

model

thus

articulates

dispositions

of

perceptionandjudgmentasconditioning thedesignofstrategies. Itdoesnotexclude the

possibilityof strategiccalculusbut itexcludes the illusion thatcalculiare free fromany

(habitual)disposition.

Forbothperspectivestheoneoncognitionaswellastheoneon identityandstrategy

the model allows to structure the logic of the transformational processes of meaning

ascriptionto

experience

and

action,

be

it

valued

positively

or

negatively.

In

both

perspectives, the model distinguishes a level (or, according to Greimas, an axis) of



20/23

experiencefromalevel(oraxis)of interpretation.Thedistinctionbetweentheselevelsis

importantforunderstandingthetransformationwhichtakesplacebyascribingmeaningto

experienceandaction.Meaningideas,symbolicsystemsetc. isbynomeansasimple

mirror

of

nature

(Rorty

1979)

or

reality.

Meaning

is

itself

an

operator

of

human

praxis.

It

doesnot simply represent states of praxis, but, by virtueof being usedby humans for

ascriptionorattribution,itbecomesinstrumental(bothinaWittgensteiniansense).Thisis

howmeaningcomestotermsbytheprocessofinterpretationofexperiencedesignedinour

model.Moreover,thedistinctionbetweenthetwolevels(oraxes)inthemodelleadstoa

furtherobservation. In lateAntiquityandtheMiddleAges,themodelwasusedprincipally

forpropositionallogic.Thisusagepointstoan importantdifferencebetweenthetwoaxes,

thecontrary

and

sub

contrary.

While

one

(in

our

case

the

interpretation)

affirms

and

negates universally, the other one (in our case experience) affirms and negates

partially. In terms of Greimas, the first is neutral, the second complex. In our

sociological use of the model, this means that the terms of interpretation of experience

represent a clear cut meaning ascribed to fuzzy experience. As the actors ascribe

according to their habitus, social position and interest meaning to experience, they

generateclearconceptsofexperienced socialprocessesand structures thathelp them to

shapetheir

perceptions,

judgments

and

actions.

This

is

the

case

with

any

interpretation.

Religious praxis, however, often counts with a stark difference between experience and

interpretationalterms.Thisis,precisely,thereasonforitssocialpower.15

Finally,themodelofthesquarecanbeextendedtoanetworkofoperators.Thesquareitself

isalreadytheresultofawideranalysisofresearchmaterial.Thisexaminationdisclosesthe

syntagmaticandparadigmaticconnectionsofsignsandthehierarchyofmeaningwithinthe

texts. Thus, it allows for constructing a wide network of interlinked and homologous

transformativesquares.Suchanextensionofthebasicmodelhelpstodescribethebroader

structureofthenetworkofoperatorsthatmakeupthepractical logicofagivencollective

(or individual) actor. Of course, such a network is not completely conclusive, has blank

spaces,andopenendsjustasthepracticallogicofhumans isnotentirelycoherent,does

notknowofeverythingandisopentochangeanddevelopment.

15The specificdynamicsof religiouspractical logic cannotbediscussed in thispaper; see Schfer

2004,2009b.



21/23


Theactor itself canbeunderstood tobe individualand collective.This is,becauseof the

insightthatanyindividualshabitusistoacertaindegreehomologoustoitsclasshabitusand

to

the

habitus

of

the

religious

movement

the

individuals

belongs

to.

As

for

the

method,

that

is to say thatonecananalyzeacollective setof interviews togetheroranalyze individual

interviewsandcompareorsuperposethemlater,correspondinglytoonesresearchinterest.

According to theory, in any case, habitus are to a certain extent always individual and

collective.Thismeans that thenetwork, finally,canbe readasamodelofdispositionsof

habitus,i.e.ofastructuredandstructuringgeneratorofpraxis(Bourdieu).Inthissense,it

represents theempiricalandmethodologicalbasis fora theoryofidentityasanetwork

(Schfer2005)

of

course

anchored

as

well

in

the

model

of

social

space.

Conclusion

Finally,IhopethatthereferencetoBourdieuiansociologyandthemodelofapraxeological

networkareofsomeusetocopewiththetheoreticalandmethodicalchallengespresentto

theresearch in identitiesandstrategiesofsocialandreligiousmovements.Themodelsdo

notcall

for

many

pre

conditions.

We

simply

presuppose

that

religion

and

social

action

is

praxis and we try to construct a model, as formal and common as possible, for the

interviewees to fill inwith those contents that are relevant to their praxis.We do not

presupposemorethanthat

first, every person has experiences which he or she values positively and otherexperienceswhichheorshevaluesnegatively;

second,everypersoninterpretssuchexperiencesinsomeway,regardlessofthespecificcontentsofsignsorsymbolsheorshemayapplytodoso;

third,everypersonliveswithinasocialcontext,whateveritmaybe.


22/23

Bibliography

Fortitlesoftheauthoraspdfseethefollowingaddress:

http://www.uni

bielefeld.de/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/index.html)

Bourdieu, Pierre 1977:Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press.

Bourdieu,Pierre1980.Lesenspratique.Paris:Minuit.

Bourdieu,Pierre1984.Distinction:ASocialCritiqueof theJudgementofTaste.Cambridge:

HarvardUniversityPress.

Bourdieu,Pierre1987.Religion, inSamWhimster&ScottLash (Ed.):MaxWeber.London:

Allen&Unwin,119136.

Bremer, Helmut & TeiwesKgler, Christel 2007. Die Muster des Habitus und ihre

Entschlsselung. Mit Transkripten und Collagen zur vertiefenden Analyse von

Habitusund

sozialen

Milieus,

in

Friebertshuser,

Barbara

&

v.

Felden,

Heide

&

Schffer,Burkhard (Ed.):BildundText.MethodenundMethodologien visueller

SozialforschunginderErziehungswissenschaft.Opladen:VerlagBarbaraBudrich,

81104.

Steigenga, Timothy J. (2007): The Politics of Pentecostalized Religion. Conversion as

Pentecostalization inGuatemala. In:Cleary,Edward L.& Steigenga,Timothy J.

(Ed.):ConversionofaContinent.ContemporaryreligiouschangeinLatinAmerica.

NewBrunswick,N.J:RutgersUniv.Press, 256280.

DiazBone, Rainer 2000. Kulturwelt, Diskurs und Lebensstil. Eine diskurstheoretische

ErweiterungderBourdieuschenDistinktionstheorie.Opladen:Leske&Budrich.

Greimas,Algirdas

J.

1966.

Smantique

structurale.

Paris:

Larousse.

Greimas, Algirdas J. & Rastier, Francois 1970. Les jeux des contraintes semiotiques, in

Greimas,AlgirdasJ.(Ed.):DuSens.Paris:Seuil,135155.

Kellner,Alexander2007.MitdenMythendenken.DieMythenderBurjialsAusdrucksform

ihresHabitus.Mnster:Lit.

Michel, Burkard & Wittpoth, Jrgen 2006. Habitus at work. Sinnbildungsprozesse beim

Betrachten von Fotografien, in: Friebertshuser, Barbara & RiegerLadich,

Markus & Wigger, Lothar (Ed.): Reflexive Erziehungswissenschaft.

Forschungsperspektiven imAnschlussanPierreBourdieu.Wiesbaden:Verlagfr

Sozialwissenschaften.

Rorty,Richard

1979.

Philosophy

and

the

mirror

of

nature.

Princeton,

N.J.:

Princeton

Univ.

Press.

Schfer,Heinrich1992a.Protestantismo y crisis social enAmrica Latina. San Jos,Costa

Rica:DEI.

Schfer, Heinrich 1992b. Protestantismus in Zentralamerika.: Christliches Zeugnis im

Spannungsfeld vonUS amerikanischem Fundamentalismus,Unterdrckung und

Wiederbelebung"indianischer"Kultur.Frankfurt:Lang.

Schfer,Heinrich2003.ZurTheorievonkollektiverIdentittundHabitusamBeispielsozialer

Bewegungen.: Eine Theoriestudie auf der Grundlage einer interkulturellen

UntersuchungzweierreligiserBewegungen.Berlin:HumboldUniversitt.

Schfer,

Heinrich

2004.

Praxis

Theologie

Religion.

Frankfurt:

Lembeck

http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/index.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/index.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/index.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/index.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/index.html


23/23

Schfer, Heinrich 2005. Identitt als Netzwerk: Ein Theorieentwurf am Beispiel religiser

BewegungenimBrgerkriegGuatemalas.BerlinerJournalfrSoziologie(2),259

282.

Schfer, Heinrich 2006. Die Pfingstbewegung in Lateinamerika?: Zur Untersuchung des

Verhltnisses zwischen religiser Praxis und gesellschaftlichen Strukturen.

Zeitschriftfr

Religionswissenschaft(14),

5283.

Schfer,Heinrich 2009a. La generacin del sentido religioso observaciones acerca de la

diversidadpentecostalenAmricaLatina, inDanielChiqueteetal. (Ed.):Voces

del pentecostalismo latinoamericano (III): Teologa, Historia, Identidad.

Concepcin,Chile:EMW/CETELA,4572.

Schfer,Heinrich2009b.ZumReligionsbegriffinderAnalysevonIdentittskonflikten:Einige

sozialwissenschaftliche und theologische Erwgungen: (Kurzfassung): epd

Dokumentation. Frankfurt a.M.: GEP, 616. See also Open Access:

http://www.uni

bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/

open_access.html.

Schfer,Heinrich&Tovar,Adrian2009.ReligiserGlaubeundgesellschaftlichesHandeln in

der lateinamerikanischen Pfingstbewegung: Zu empirischen und theoretischen

Aspekten des aktuellen Forschungsstandes. Open Access: http://www.uni

bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/

open_access.html
http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/open_access.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/open_access.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/open_access.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/open_access.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/open_access.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/open_access.htmlhttp://www.uni-bielefeld.de/%28en%29/theologie/forschung/religionsforschung/publikationen/open_access.html

Date post:	03-Apr-2018
Category:	Documents
Upload:	alvaro-augusto
View:	220 times
Download:	0 times

Schaefer 2009 Habitus-Analysis Copenh CIRRuS-CC

Documents