Schieck.and.Pásztókai-Szeőke.2013.pdf

Carmen Alfaro Giner

Jónatan Ortiz García

M. Julia Martínez García

(Eds.)

LU X U RY A N D D R ES SPOLITICAL POWER AND APPEARANCE

IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND ITS PROVINCES

C. ALFARO / J. ORTIZ / M. J. M

ARTÍNEZ

• PO

LITICAL PO

WER AND APPEARANCE IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Los trabajos que se incluyen en este libroson el fruto del Coloquio Internacionalsobre el Lujo y el Poder en la Antigüedadorganizado en la Universidad de Valenciaa finales del año 2010 dentro del marcodel Proyecto Clothing and Identities.New perspectives on Textiles from theRoman Empire:

Textiles in Zoroastrianism (M. A. Andrés); New views on theanalysis of dress, ritual and prestige in Iberian sanctuaries: prelim-inary results (C. Rueda Galán); La vestimenta de la heroización yla guerra en la cultura castreña (B. García Fernández-Albalat); Pur-ple and aristocracy: colour, blood, and luxury as social identifiersin Antiquity (C. Alfaro Giner); Repression of luxury in Rome: thespecific case of garments (F. J. Casinos); Textiles y coberturas parauso animal en el mundo antiguo (F. J. Fernández Nieto); Thehabits of the Emperors as different expressions of political power(I. Benda-Weber); Cheapening the luxury: some curious recipeswith vegetal dyes (M. J. Martínez García); Luxury? The north-west end of the silk-purple-and-gold horizon (J. P. Wild); Powerdressing in Pannonia. Tunics with arrow-shaped purple decorationrepresented in a Roman wall-painting at Brigetio (A. Paetz gen.Schieck - J. Pásztókai-Szeőke) y Textiles of Chersonesos Taurianin the Roman Period (T. Krupa).

9 788437 089805

UNIVERSITAT DE VALÈNCIA2013

000 cubierta:Maquetación 1 11/12/13 13:48 Página 1

CARMEN ALFARO GINERJÓNATAN ORTIZ GARCÍA

M. JULIA MARTÍNEZ GARCÍA(Eds.)

LUXURY AND DRESSPOLITICAL POWER AND APPEARANCE

IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND ITS PROVINCES

SEXUALIDAD Y SENTIMIENTOS

EN EL MEDITERRÁNEO ANTIGUO

UNIVERSITAT DE VALÈNCIA2 0 1 3

Editores:

Carmen Alfaro Giner - Jónatan Ortiz García- M. Julia Martínez García

Reservados todos los derechos. De conformidad con lo dispuesto en los artículos 270-272 del CódigoPenal vigente, podrán ser castigados con penas de multa y privación de libertad quienes reprodujereno plagiaren, en todo o en parte, una obra literaria, artística o científica fijada en cualquier tipo de soportesin la preceptiva autorización.

© de los textos: Los autores

Diseño de cubierta: Carmen Alfaro y Artes Gráficas Soler

Imágenes de cubierta: Lienzo del artista Inge Boesken Kanold, confeccionado con púrpura y oro.Máscara cerámica actual representando a Baco.

I.S.B.N.: 978-84-370-8980-5Depósito legal: V. Artes Gráficas Soler, S. L. - www.graficas-soler.com

Í N D I C e

Preface ...........................................................................................................

Introduction ...................................................................................................

Abreviations ..................................................................................................

M. A. ANDRéS TOLeDO, Textiles in Zoroastrianism ......................................

C. RueDA GALáN, New views on the analysis of Dress. Ritual and Prestige inIberian Sanctuaries: Preliminary results ..................................................

B. GARCÍA FeRNáNDeZ-ALBALAT, La vestimenta de la heroización y la guerraen la cultura castreña ................................................................................

C. ALFARO GINeR, Purple and Aristocracy: Colour, blood and luxury as socialidentifiers in Antiquity .............................................................................

F. J. CASINOS MORA, Repression of luxury in Rome: The specific case of gar-ments ........................................................................................................

F. J. FeRNáNDeZ NIeTO, Textiles y coberturas para uso animal en el Medite-rráneo Antiguo .........................................................................................

I. BeNDA-WeBeR, The habits of the emperors as different expressions of po-litical power .............................................................................................

M. J. MARTÍNeZ GARCÍA, Cheapening the Luxury: Some curious recipes withvegetal dyes ..............................................................................................

J. P. WILD, Luxury? The north-west end of the silk-purple-and-gold hori-zon ...........................................................................................................

A. PAeTZ gen. SChIeCK and J. PáSZTóKAI-SZeőKe, Power dressing in Panno-nia. Tunics with arrow-shaped purple decoration represented in a RomanWall-Painting at Brigetio .........................................................................

T. KRuPA, Textiles of Chersonesos Taurian in Roman period ...................

7

9

11

19

23

31

51

75

99

115

133

151

169

181

217

ABREVIATIONS

ACant Archaeologia CantianaAC Buenos Aires Actas y Comunicaciones. Instituto de Historia Antigua y Medieval, Univer-

sidad de Buenos AiresACLE Amsterdam Center for Law & Economics. Working paperActaAntHung Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum HungaricaeAEAA Archivo Español de Arte y ArqueologíaAIV Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed ArtiAnCord Anales de Arqueología CordobesaAnnSocBotLyon Annales de la Societé Botanique de LyonAntTard Antiquité TardiveAnuBrig Anuario BrigantinoArch. Cl. Archeologia ClassicaArch. NPChT Archive National Preserve “Chersonesos Taurian”ArchSchweiz Archäologie der SchweizATN Archaeological Textiles NewsletterAv. AvestanAW Antike WeltBAR British Archaeological ReportsBAur Boletín AurienseBCH Bulletin de Correspondence HelléniqueBerVerLeipz Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Königlichen Sächsichen Gesellschaft

der Wissenschaften Leipzig, Phil. –hist. KlasseBIEG Boletín del Instituto de Estudios GiennensesBMPLugo Boletín do Museo Provincial de LugoBSA The Annual of the British School at AthensBSSA Boletín del Seminario de Estudios de Arte y ArqueologíaBTextilAnc Bulletin de Liaison du Centre International d’Étude des Textiles AnciensCArch Cahiers ArchéologiquesCCJB Collection du Centre Jean Bérard. NápolesCIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. BerlínCJ = C Codex JustinianusClPhil Classical PhilologyCommAHung Communicationes Archaeologicae HungariaeCT Codex TheodosianusCuadArqNav Cuadernos de Arqueología de la Universidad de NavarraDd Dādestān ī DēnīgDHA Dyes in History and ArchaeologyDk DēnkardDossAParis Les Dossiers d’ArchéologieDS Ch. Daremberg, E. Saglio y E. Pottier, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques

et Romaines, París 1877-1919

19

EastWest East and WestEHR The Economic History ReviewEME Early Medieval EuropeENV Estudis numismàtics valenciansEspacioHist Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie II. Historia AntiguaFCE Fondo de Cultura Económica. MéxicoFGrH F. JACoBy, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. Berlín 1923-1968FuAusgrTrier Funde und Ausgrabungen im Bezirk TrierGrBd Gran BundahišnHAnt Hispania AntiquaHistriaAnt Histria AntiquaILS H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Berlín 1892-1916INSTAP Institute for Aegean PrehistoryIntJFoodSciNutr International Journal of Food Sciences and NutritionIrAnt Iranica AntiquaJA Journal AsiatiqueJASc Journal of Archaeological ScienceJChemEduc The Journal of Chemical EducationJdI Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen InstitutsJESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the OrientJNES Journal of Near Eastern StudiesJRA Journal of Roman ArchaeologyJRS The Journal of Roman StudiesKomárom Komárom – Esztergom Megyei Múzeumok KözleményeiLa Porpora o. Longo (ed.), La Porpora. Realtà e immaginario di un colore simbolico.

Atti del Convegno di Studio (Venezia, 24 e 25 ottobre 1996), Venecia 1998Lichenol The LichenologistMannGeschBl Mannheimer GeschichtsblätterMAA Mediterranean Archaeology and ArchaeometryMASCA Museum Applied Science Center for Archaeology, University of Pennsylva-

niaMBAH Münstersche Beiträge zur Antiken HandelgeschichteMEFRA Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome. AntiquitéMGH K. vom Stein et al. (eds.), Monumenta Germaniae HistoricaMX The Book of the Mainyo-i-KhardMM Madrider MitteilungenMUP Manchester University PressN NērangestānNESAT North European Symposia for Archaeological TextilesNIB Nāme-ye Irān-e BāstānNP New PersianNPChT National Preserve “Chersonesos Taurian”Pharma The Pharma Innovation JournalPhl. PahlaviPV I C. ALFARo, J. P. WILD y B. CoSTA (eds.), Purpureae Vestes, Actas del I Sym-

posium Internacional sobre Textiles y Tintes del Mediterráneo en época ro-mana (Ibiza, 8 al 10 de noviembre, 2002), Purpureae Vestes I. Valencia 2004

PV II C. ALFARo y L. KARALI (eds.), Vestidos, textiles y tintes Estudios sobre laproducción de bienes de consumo en la Antigüedad, Purpureae Vestes II, Va-lencia 2008

PV III C. ALFARo, J. P. BRUN, PH. BoRGARD y R. PIERoBoN BENoIT (eds.), Textilesy tintes en la ciudad antigua (Nápoles, 13 al 15 de noviembre, 2008), Purpu-reae Vestes III, Valencia-Nápoles 2011

20 Abreviations

RA Revue archéologiqueRCel Revue CeltiqueRE A. PAULy et al. (eds.), Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft.

Stuttgart, 1894-1978REG Revue des Études GrecquesREIb Revista de Estudios IbéricosREL Revue des Études LatinsRGA H. BECK, H. STEUER y D. TRIMPE (eds.), Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertum-

skunde. Berlín – Nueva york 1968-2007RGuim Revista de GuimarâensRIDA Revue Internationale des droits de l’AntiquitéRM Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische AbteilungRömQSchr Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und KirchengeschichteSaalbJb Saalburg-JahrbuchMAN Museo Arqueológico Nacional LisboaMSEMA II C. ALFARo, M. J. MARTíNEz y J. oRTIz-GARCíA (eds.), Mujer y vestimenta. Aspec-

tos de la identidad femenina en la Antigüedad, Monografías del SEMA de Valen-cia II, Valencia 2011

SEMA Seminario de Estudios sobre la Mujer en la Antigüedad, Universidad de ValenciaSHA Scriptores Historiae AugustaeŠnš Šāyest nē šāyestStu. Ph. Studia PhoeniciaStudIr Studia IranicaTAPA Transactions of the American Philological AssociationTP Trabajos de PrehistoriaTrZ Trierer Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kunst des Trierer Landes und seiner Nach-

bargebieteUHA Université de Haute AlsaceV VīdēvdādVEB Vidas de los emperadores de Bizancio (Chronographia)yt yašt

Abreviations 21

POweR DRessInG In PAnnOnIA. TunICs wITh ARROw-shAPeD PuRPle

DeCORATIOn RePResenTeD In A ROMAn wAll-PAInTInG AT BrigeTio

Annette Paetz gen. Schieck* and Judit Pásztókai-Szeőke**

Abstract: The article focuses on the interpretation of the extraordinary wall-painting of theRoman Peristyle house III excavated in the civil town of ancient Brigetio (today’sKomárom-szőny, hungary) dating to late 2nd and early 3rd century AD. Based on the analy-sis of the depicted male garments a new iconographic interpretation is presented here, whichdiffers from the former opinion that the two portrayed men are servants. The present paperargues for the alternative that Roman military officers of high rank are presented in theirleisure-time.

evidently, the architectural design of this building, the high quality of its wall-decorationand the pictorial elements together attest the wealth of the owner or the lodger of this build-ing. It also demonstrates that the presence of the Roman military force and especially itshigh-ranking officers stationed nearby did bring prosperity to the civil town and inspire anew lifestyle by the newly demanded expensive and luxurious goods of foreign origin.

Keywords: wall-painting, Brigetio, Pannonia, garments, arrow-shaped decoration, purple,skins of felidae, Roman lifestyle, luxury, military officers, luxurious pass-time activity.

Resumen: el artículo se centra en la interpretación de la extraordinaria pintura mural ro-mana de la Casa del Peristilo III excavada en la población civil de la antigua Brigetio (laactual Komárom-szőny, hungría) datada entre finales del siglo II y principios del siglo IIId. C. Basada en el análisis de los vestidos masculinos representados, una nueva inter-pretación iconográfica es presentada aquí, la cual difiere de la anterior opinión de que losdos hombres retratados eran sirvientes. el presente artículo argumenta como alternativa quemilitares romanos de alto rango están presentados en su tiempo de ocio.

** Classical archaeologist specialised on ancient textiles, director of the Deutsches TextilmuseumKrefeld (Germany), project-manager of DressID (www.DressID.eu) until January 2012.

** Archaeologist (Xantus János Múzeum, Győr) with a special interest on ancient textiles andtextile production of the Roman Period. One of the two spokespersons of study group on “Productionand Trade“ within the framework of the DressID project (www.DressID.eu).

181

evidentemente, el diseño arquitectónico de este edificio, la alta calidad de su decoraciónmural y los elementos pictóricos conjuntamente atestiguan la riqueza del propietario o in-quilino de este edificio. ello también demuestra que la presencia de fuerza militar romanay especialmente sus militares de alto rango estacionados cerca trajo prosperidad a lapoblación civil e inspire un nuevo estilo de vida por los nuevos, caros y lujusos bienes deorigen extranjero demandados.

Palabras clave: Pintura mural, Brigetio, Pannonia, vestidos, decoración en forma de flecha,púrpura, pieles de felidae, estilo de vida romano, lujo, militares, pasatiempos lujosos.

InTRODuCTIOn

The most powerful body of the Roman empire was the Roman army. Beingthe representatives of the emperor and his executives of imperial power, huge num-bers of men were employed in order to defend the Roman interests especially alongthe borders. Due to their needs in logistics, mobility, and administration and for thepurpose of securing conquests, the Roman army established new structures and wasthe powerful engine of the acculturation process of in the provinces: e.g., activeand discharged soldiers were involved in the construction works of the commercialand communication arteries of the empire as well as in the foundation of newRoman cities. Furthermore, it was the Roman stationary military forces which be-came the most influential consumer of the locally produced and the imported goodsin the Roman border provinces.

At the same time, the military career seems to have been an attractive and prom-ising source for a better life, assuring social and financial advancement of thosewho were willing to sign up at least for 25 years.1 Besides, the collective identityof the Roman army provided the feeling of being part of a strong, influential andpurely masculine community of ranks and strict hierarchy with its own legal codexand moral values.

soldiers spent most of the salaries locally and in the region where they servedtheir duty, leading to the financial improvement of craftsmen working in the nearbysettlement, and of tradesmen importing goods from all over the empire. In addition,those who retired from the army often settled in the neighbourhood of their formerstationary garrison. These building activities enhanced the founding and growth oftowns connected to military units, often recapitulating Italian ground plans.2 Allover the places of military settlements, buildings of Mediterranean peristyle typecan be found, proving the referral to central Roman ideal of culture and lifestyle.3

Just as their structure, their furnishing and decoration followed the Roman ideals,observable also in objects of daily use.

In the civil town of Brigetio, sherds of terra sigillata dishes from northern Italyand the workshops of Gaul can be determined, as well as Trierer Spruchbecher,4

182 Annette Paetz gen. Schieck and Judit Pásztókai-Szeőke

1 FIsCheR, 2012, 24-25.2 ThOMAs, 1964.3 KOvACsOvICs, 2008, 34-35.4 BORhy, 2005b, esp. 75, 79 fig. 4c.

for instance. non-perishable fragments of wine and olive oil containers from diverselocations of the empire are also found at the above mentioned settlement.5 As re-cently published pieces of evidence from Aquincum testify unambiguously that be-sides the mass imports from the western part of the empire, goods arrived in aconsiderable amount from the eastern Mediterranean to lower Pannonia, and theyeven brought a morphological inspiration for the locally working craftsmen.6

All of these objects indicate the capacities of trade, and the availability of goodsfrom nearly anywhere of the empire, as well as a general standard of equipment.Along with this a social stratum who could afford the consumption of these goodsespecially during the later centuries of the Roman occupation can be proven.

Textiles have been highly prestigious trading goods in Antiquity, especiallywhen being imported from the east, and being made of luxurious materials such assilk, gold-threads and yarns of shellfish-purple dye.7 however, due to their perish-able organic material, textiles could survive only under very fortunate conditions.8

Obviously, together with these material goods humans and also their ideas and no-tions, e.g. about dress codes, role models etc. travelled around the Roman world.

since a considerable military force was garrisoned in Brigetio which was reg-ularly incorporated into the campaigning army sent to fight in the Oriental wars ofthe Roman empire,9 it is not surprising that several pictorial elements of the wall-paintings of Peristyle house III testify the tight connection to Roman military con-text, to the eastern Mediterranean, moreover to a luxurious lifestyle. Based on theanalysis of these elements a new possibility in interpretation is presented here.

lOCATIOn AnD hIsTORICAl BACKGROunD OF BrigeTio

The ancient site of Brigetio (Fig. 1) is located on the southern bank of theDanube in hungary. The territory, after being part of the Roman province of upperPannonia (Pannonia superior), was transferred to lower Pannonia (Pannonia in-ferior) in 214 AD.

The structure of ancient Brigetio comprised three different settlement agglom-erations: a legionary fortress, a civilian settlement around it (canabae) and a secondcivilian settlement (municipium then later becoming a colonia) situated 3 km to thewest from it.10

By the mid 1st century AD Brigetio became a Roman military outpost at the flu-vial border of the Roman empire, where the legio i adiutrix, which is one of the

Power dressing in Pannonia 183

15 háRsheGyI, 2004.16 GABleR et al., 2008; lAssányI-váMOs, 2011.17 RuFFInG, 200718 e.g. sTAuFFeR, 2011; for textiles from military context, see ADAMs and CROwFOOT, 2001; BenDeR

JøRGensen, 2000; BIRley, 2002, esp. 142; BöhMe-sChönBeRGeR and MITsChKe, 2005; MAnneRInG,2000; PFIsTeR and BellInGeR, 1945; sheFFeR and GRAnGeR-TAylOR, 1994; wIlD, 2010.

19 sPeIDel, 1992b; sPeIDel, 2009; FIsCheR, 2012, 77.10 BORhy, 2011; BORhy et al., 2012.

four legions stationed in Pannonia, had its permanent stone-built fortress from theturn of the 1st to the 2nd century AD. The legionary fortress was positioned to theopposite of the mouth of a left-side affluent of the Danube (the river vág) pene-trating into the land of Barbarian Quadi for monitoring an important crossing-placeleading to the Imperial territory. During the reign of Marcus Aurelius this defensivesystem was completed by the building of a counter-fortification in Iža-leányvár(Celamantia/Kelamantia) on the Barbarian side of the Danube.11 The defensiveworks of the legionary fortress were repaired and rebuilt for the last time as a resultof the construction campaign carried out during the reign of valentinian I.12

except periods when vexillations from the above mentioned legion were en-listed to expedition forces fighting in other regions (e.g. to the east under Caracallaetc.)13 the whole legion was permanently garrisoned in Brigetio and its dischargedsoldiers often settled down in Pannonia, not uniquely in the military or the civiltown of Brigetio.14

similarly to other fortresses, the stationary army of Brigetio attracted civilians:artisans, crafts – and tradespersons, too, who settled near the legionary camp andfounded the canabae legionis around it on military territory.15 Its first wooden build-ings were replaced by stone-buildings often furnished with floor-heating and de-


11 száMADó and BORhy, 2003a; BORhy et al., 201212 száMADó and BORhy, 2003a.13 sPeIDel, 1992b; sPeIDel, 2009.14 BARKóCzI, 1964, 285, 295; száMADó and BORhy, 2003a.15 BORhy et al., 2012, 48.

Fig. 1. location of Brigetio on the Danube and structure of the settlement © J. Pásztókai-szeőke.

corative wall-paintings.16 The exceeding canabae stretched out to the west alongthe river Danube, but luxurious private houses were also found about 1.5 km eastof the Roman fort.17

Both archaeological remains and brick stamps testify the presence of a port ofthe classis Flavia Pannonica in Brigetio, too.18 Beside the legionary fortress, theevidence of an auxiliary fort and several temporary camps univocally testify theconstant presence of the Roman army in the territory of Brigetio during the wholeRoman era.19

The archaeological remains of the civil town of Brigetio lay ca. 3 km to thewest from the military town and beneath the modern houses and plots of szőny be-longing administratively to Komárom (hungary) (Fig. 1). During the reign of theseveran dynasty the civil town of Brigetio received the rank of municipium andlater of colonia. Its urban structure was built-up of insulae. Based on the evidencefrom the last 20 years of excavations, its first buildings had been constructed en-tirely from adobe probably during the late Flavian Period. They were rebuilt onstone foundation with adobe bricks during the Antonine Period, while its streetswere paved with stone slabs during the reign of septimius severus. The buildingsexcavated so far were well-furnished with underfloor heating systems and decoratedwith high-quality paintings on the ceilings and walls.20 The finds from the housesalso attest unambiguously the high living standard of their inhabitants.21 Archaeo-logical evidence suggests the civil town of Brigetio to have been abandoned duringthe 3rd century AD: all of its latest layers yield coins not later than from the lateseveran dynasty or the reign of Gordian III (Fig. 5a).22

epigraphic evidence attests that the local indigenous population was not well-represented among the inhabitants of the civil town. After the Marcomannic warsof emperor Marcus Aurelius a significant change is evident in the structure of thepopulation of Brigetio and those of oriental origin apparently became influentialmembers of the local society. significant numbers of the members of the municipalgovernment were of syrian origin. some of the decuriones were even dischargedsoldiers of syrian provenance.23 Based also on epigraphic records, the higher ranksof non-commissioned officers (e.g. centurions) seem to have been held mostly bydescendants of earlier Italian settlers from western and southern Pannonia and byOrientals, but not of local origin.24


16 BORhy, 2005b, 76; BORhy et al., 2012, 49.17 BORhy, 2005a, 51-52.18 lőRInCz, 1990, 83; száMADó and BORhy, 2003a.19 vIsy, 2000, 29-37; száMADó and BORhy, 2003a; száMADó and BORhy, 2003b.20 BORhy et al., 2010; BORhy et al. 2012.21 hARsányI, 2011, 288-292; hARsányI, in print b.22 BORhy et al. 2012.23 BARKóCzI, 1964; MóCsy, 1990, 238; BORhy, 2006a, 8.24 BARKóCzI, 1964, 287.

eXCAvATIOn OF hOuse III AT BrigeTio

The aim of the newly started excavations conducted by the Department of Clas-sical and Roman Provincial Archaeology of the university eötvös loránd in Budapestin cooperation with the Museum Klapka György in Komárom since 1992 has beento reveal the civilian settlement of ancient Brigetio on the open space of modern Mar-ket Place in szőny/Komárom (Fig. 1b). Due to the large amounts of finds, a new mu-seum was founded in 1996 exclusively presenting the archaeological collection ofthe Brigetian excavations.25 One of the most outstanding exhibits are the remains ofthe wall-painting of the Roman house III found in the years 1999 to 2001 in thecourse of rescue excavations conducted in the close vicinity (on the plot of modernMarket Place no. 2) of the above excavations (Fig. 2).26 Due to the research conditions,only those limited areas of the Roman house could have been investigated and doc-umented, which lay exactly beneath the auxiliary building as well as the yard of thepresent house and the future building of the planned private garage (altogether anarea of 21.46 m²). In the course of the archaeological works some coherent blocksand several fragments of the painted decoration of the side walls of a probable peri-style courtyard were found beneath the undisturbed debris layer of the roof and on


25 BORhy, 2011; BORhy et al., 2012.26 BORhy, 2005a, 52; BORhy et al., 2010, 83-117; BORhy, 2011, 54-57; BORhy et al., 2012, 51.

Fig. 2. Reconstruction of the paintings on the western and northern walls of house III at Brigetio © e.harsányi & zs. Kurovszky.

the ancient pebble trampled clay floor. Parts of the northern, western and the southernsidewalls of the peristyle were determined and revealed the evidence for several(re)building phases of the house. Of the western wall, 18.5 Roman feet (548 cm)length could be completely exposed. It is the northern sidewall which was the first tohave been built; the terminus ante quem for its construction is given by a coin of An-toninus Pius found in the planed layers beneath the last clay floor (Fig. 2).27

Although the restoration work of the wall-paintings has not been fully com-pleted yet, it is already perceivable that the sidewalls of the peristyle carried a con-tinuous pictorial programme and a theoretical reconstruction of the painteddecoration on the western wall as well as on the excavated western end of the north-ern wall could be made.28

when the Roman building was destroyed by a fire during the 3rd century AD,the wall-decoration of the peristyle had not been fully completed.29 From the intactdebris layer consisting the fallen-down adobe wall-bricks as well as pieces andblocks of the painted wall-painting, terra sigillata sherds dated before the turn ofthe 2nd and 3rd century AD30 and a coin of Alexander severus from samos (convertedinto a pendant) came to light, which gives the post quem date for the destruction ofthe house.31 A late severan dating might be also corroborated indirectly by the ar-chaeological observations during the excavations of the other buildings in the civiltown of Brigetio: they were abandoned during the 230s and 240s AD and their re-habitation and rebuilding occurred only during the reign of emperor Aurelius andProbus.32

The wAll-PAInTInG

since its debris consists of the huge sections of its wall-painting, it is only thewestern wall which enabled the reconstruction of the general system (Fig. 2). Theplastered walls were covered with a white ground-colour, subdivided in four re-gisters, and a base zone; two horizontal zones consist of three types of panels each,and a final closing zone on top. The grid composing the panels is carried out indark red colour. The lower of the main zone shows three types of rectangular panels,all of the same height but varying in width. The widest type of panels is surroundedby a dark-orange frame, and a frame of two red, very narrow lines arranged parallel.From the corners, eight dots run in diagonal direction.33 within the frames, a singlehuman figure is being positioned, the left field measures 1.3 m in width and theright 1.2 m. Two panels of this kind were reconstructed so far.


27 BORhy and száMADó, 2001; BORhy et al., 2010, 83-91.28 BORhy et al., 2010, esp. fig. 11; BORhy, 2011, 54; hARsányI and KuROvszKy, in print.29 BORhy et al., 2010, 91.30 BORhy and száMADó, 2001, 90; BORhy et al., 2010, 90; hARsányI, 2011, 69-70.31 BORhy, 2006b; BORhy et al., 2010; BORhy, 2011, 54.32 BORhy, 2005b; BORhy et al., 2010, 109.33 Compare the similar arrangement at vienna, Michaelsplatz, house C, also providing fragments

of a panther-skin, see: sAKl-OBeRThAleR, 2008, 136 fig. 20.

The second kind of panel is of slightly narrower in width, being framed by agreen line. The one field on the western wall measures 1.15 m in width, its innerfield is almost completely covered by the skin of a feline being stretched out. upto now, two of these panels were reconstructed.

The third kind of panel is very narrow, 0.33 m in width, and serves as spacer.It is surrounded by a dark-orange frame and carries a candelabrum motif of vegetaldesign.

The rhythm of the panels starts in the south-western corner of the atrium witha panel depicting a person, followed by the first candelabrum-panel, a feline-panelin the very centre of the wall, the second candelabrum-panel, the second panel de-picting a person (Fig. 2). The door-opening disturbs the rhythm but has been takeninto account when the wall-painting was composed. A final candelabrum-panel fillsthe zone between the door and the corner, and the system moves on on the northernwall starting with the second feline-panel.

The upper zone of the wall-decoration is also subdivided into rectangular fields,but they are shifted to the side and show three sections on the western and one onthe northern wall. Their sizes vary, while the two left ones are of greater width, theright one is much narrower. Frame like decorations are of a somewhat stepped shapebeing arranged in a two-arch-architectural frame. They carry garlands being pinnedup in the centre and falling to the sides in bows.34

TwO PAnels – TwO Men

Of foremost interest are the two main figures: two men, wearing the same kindof tunic but in two different ways. Both panels are placed at the outer edges of thewall, next to the left corner and the door on the right (Fig. 2-4). They follow thesame decorative concept of positioning the figures in the very centre. still, this con-cept was not realized consequently in terms of size and symmetry of the painting.while the figure on the right is centred, and positioned in perfect symmetry, it iscarried out in high quality, providing great details and shades especially in the face.The left figure is of much larger size and exceeds the inner frame with the head


34 BORhy et al., 2010, 83-117; hARsányI and KuROvszKy, in print.

Fig. 3. wall-painting at Brigetio: (a) left figure in total © e. harsányi & zs. Kurovszky; (b) chest of theleft person © A. Paetz gen. schieck; (c) lower seam and knees, (d) boot © J. Pásztókai-szeőke (c-d) .

and right arm, and the person’s position is moved further left (Fig. 3a-b). The sec-ondary burning unfortunately damaged the surface of the painting on his face thatis why his features seem to be less differentiated. until autumn 2011, the figure onthe right has been the better preserved one, but since then a large fragment of theleft figure was reconstructed and it is now possible to provide the following des-cription (Fig. 3; 4): Both men are shown in standing position slightly turning totheir right – which is the left side of the painting. The figure on the right bends hishead back and directs food to his mouth with his right hand (Fig. 4a-b). his leftforearm is covered by a large piece of white cloth and carries an oval plate of silveror glass.35 The plate bears three elongated objects arranged parallelly, consisting ofa pointed green end on the left, and a thickened whitish end on the right. lászló

BORhy interprets the dish as grilled spring onion (porrus capitatus),36 which, whenbeing broiled, becomes soft and slippery, and has to be manoeuvred from abovewhen being eaten by hand. Apicius37 lists this dish in his cookbook and suggestsserving it with dips, just as it is being consumed at the “Festa de la Calçotada” inCatalonia nowadays, and Martial38 provides a detailed description of the springonion fitting perfectly to the objects depicted on the plate.

Just recently, further fragments of the wall-paintings were added to the left fi-gure, especially to the section from his pelvis down to his feet (Fig. 4a). The manstands on a dark baseline. his left arm is hanging down on his side, while his rightarm stretches out nearly horizontal and his right hand is turned upwards. A simplevessel of pyxis-shape is being carried on the tips of thumb, ring and middle fingers.lászló BORhy interprets the vessel as a bowl holding the sauce or dip to be eatenalong with the onions.39 But the vessel may as well be taken for a kind of basketjust like the kind presented in the wall-paintings of zeugma on the euphrates datingto about the same period.40 In total, the gesture may be interpreted as offering thecontent of the vessel to another person –possibly pictured on the following panelswhich have not been reconstructed, yet, assuming the panels to tell a continuousstory. The large cloth covering the right person’s arm may have served as a napkin.

One detail though does not seem to be definite in interpretation: 23 parallellines incised into the white ground of the left panel, right next to the shoulder ofthe man on the left. Borhy interprets these lines as the number of onions that havebeen eaten by a person at a festivity held in the atrium of the house. he draws thisconclusion in analogy to the modern leek-eating competition on the Cataloniancalçotada.41 But, the phenomenon of incised lines in the period of the early 3rd cen-tury AD can also be traced on other wall-paintings, such as the most famous ofDura-europos depicting the tribune Julius Terentius and his cohors XX Palmyreno-


35 BORhy et al., 2010, 116 fig. 14; BORhy, 2011, 55 fig. 19-20.36 BORhy, 2005a, 53-54; BORhy, 2007; BORhy, 2011, 54-56.37 De re coq., 3.10.1-2.38 ep., XIII.19.39 e.g. BORhy, 2007; BORhy, 2011, 55.40 BARBeT, 2005, pl. IX fig. 1, pl. X fig. 1, 3 and pl. G.41 BORhy, 2007, 264; BORhy et al., 2010, 117, fig. 17 (lines), 18 (Catalonians eating grilled spring

onions); BORhy, 2011.

rum while sacrificing to the Palmyrene Gods (Fig. 6). About 40 of these lines runvertically, arranged regularly and parallel. They start at the pinkish flower betweenthe two tychai on the lower part of the painting, run across the altar and the lowerpart of Julius Terentius body.42 Apart from the parallels in the military topic, theselines can also be observed with other themes, such as the wall-paintings at zeugma(“Maison de Poséidon” = house 1), definitely presenting servants.43

sKIn COMPleXIOn, PROvenAnCe, AnD The TunICs OF The Men

Both men are young adults of about the same age (Fig. 3a-b; 4 a-b). They havea dark brown skin complexion, are plain shaven, have dark-brown hair of a veryshort cut, and wear the same kind of tunic, but arranged differently. Plenty of in-formation can be drawn from these features, such as the social status as well as theoccupational identity and ethnicity of the initiators of the painting, their peer-groups,and their concept of luxury, etc.

The facial complexion and hair-style especially of the right person informsabout the period of the wall-painting’s production. The physiognomy is given highlydetailed and three-dimensional, achieved by highlights and reflections. The ratherslender shape of the face, the very short, and cap-like hair-cut, and the plain-shavenface are to be taken for typical feature of the time of its production, hinting at thefirst half of the 3rd century AD (Fig. 4a; 5a). hair-style and plain shave becamefashionable in severan times, having been introduced by Caracalla and his brotherGeta at about 208 AD.44 They chose to abandon the rather soft appearance of full-bearded emperors who related themselves to Greek philosopher and intended anintellectual connotation. when Caracalla and Geta created the new type of em-peror’s image, the faces were of a rather square shape and almost brutal looking


42 BReAsTeD, 1922, pl. XlvIII; CuMOnT, 1926, pl. l, lI.1; CARDOn et al., 2011, 379 pl. 15a-b.43 BARBeT, 2005, 24 fig. 3, 30 fig. 7, 32 fig. 8B (triclinium), 51 fig. 22 (peristyle), 60 fig. 26 (peri-

style), pl. III fig. 3, pl. h; and house 1 pl. F; house 2 pl. J, K.44 PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2012, 91-92; RössleR, 1993, 337, 340-343.

Fig. 4. wall-painting at Brigetio: (a) right figure in total; (b) chest of the person © A. Paetz gen. schieck.

with rough incarnate. After a while, though, these features were reduced to a ratherslender boyish type, best represented by severus Alexander or Marcus AntoniusGordianus (Fig. 5a).45

Quite remarkably, the tan and skin complexion of the Brigetian men is verydark, causing lászló BORhy to interpret them as black people, implying an Africanorigin.46 But, as described above, the physiognomy and the structure of the hairdoes not verify this interpretation, and rather points towards the eastern Mediter-ranean, to egypt, the levant or syria (which is the origin of the severan dynasty).The dark tan combined with other elements of the paintings such as the garmentsand the felines – which will be discussed later – support this thesis.

uniformity has not only been presented in terms of the men’s origin, but alsoin terms of the dress, consisting of the white tunic with long sleeves and a flam-boyant and symmetrical decoration with purple elements (Fig. 3a; 4; 5b-c). Ancientimages (wall-paintings, shrouds, mummy portraits and mosaics) can be exclusivelyfound in association with men, from military context of the late 2nd and early 3rd

centuries AD and within the eastern Mediterranean, which is syria and egypt (Fig.5b-c; 6). Images and original textiles of that time present the same ornaments.

At Brigetio the type of tunic serves as an outer-garment. The neck-opening iscut wide and the seams of the sleeves reveal a second neck-opening and a secondpair of sleeves worn beneath, being part of a bright-white under tunic (Fig. 3a-c;


Fig. 5. (a) Portrait of Gordianus III, Capitoline Museums, Rome, inv. no. 479, detail of ©www.arachne.uni-koeln.de, FittCap73-15-11_36146,16.tif, photographer: G. Fittschen-Badura; (b)Painted shroud of the egyptian officer Tyranos, found in Deir el-Medineh © B. v. Bothmer and K.Parlasca; (c) Mummy portrait of a young man, found in the Fayum, egypt, Antikensammlung,staatliche Museen zu Berlin inv. no. 31161/23 © J. laurentius, Antikensammlung, sMB.

45 FITTsChen and zAnKeR, 1994, 127-128 no. 107 pl. 131-132 (Gordianus Pius, 238-242 AD); 110-112 no. 94 Beil. 80a (Caracalla, 215-217 AD); 114-115 no. 81 Beil. 81 (Geta, 218-219 AD); 117-121no. 99 Beil. 86a-d, pl. 86-87 (Gordianus, 222-224 AD).

46 BORhy, 2005a, 52; BORhy, 2011.

4a). Along the left person’s seam, a narrow white section becomes visible, beingthe edge of the under tunic (Fig. 3c). some images depict this type of outer-garmentcombined with an ochreous cloak worn about the chest being fastened on the rightshoulder (Fig. 5b). The dark-brown areas of the Brigetian figures rather have to beinterpreted as shadows of the figures, as if they were standing in front of a wall.Omitting the cloak in this context gives important information about the topic ofthe depicted scenery, as for instance on an off-duty occupation.

shape and design of the main tunic may best be observed on the right figure,even though the section depicting the seam of the garment is not preserved: thetunic is of wide cut, has long and narrow sleeves of regular shape, and reaches fardown below the knees. while this figure wears the tunic without a belt, the secondfigure most probably presents the belted version reaching to the knees, althoughthe belt itself is not reconstructed (yet), the drapery pulls up the garment, and revealsan interesting detail to the combination of elements of dress: The shins of the figureare painted in the same shade as the face; therefore the lower part of the leg is to betaken for being naked. But, at about the height of the knees, white, slightly bentlines are visible. The interpretation of these lines turns out to rather difficult, sinceonly the vertical lines are visible but no textile section in between. The Brigetiandepiction may be interpreted as wound bands47 made of translucent material, which


47 such bands can be traced in the archaeological find spectrum e.g. in military contexts (personalinformation by sylvia Mitschke), and they can be observed in depictions as well as in written sources.

Fig. 6. wall-Painting of Julius Terentius and his elite unit, the cohors XX Palmyrenum found at Dura-europos, after CuMOnT, 1926, pl. l.

is not much likely. such vertical lines, though, may well be observed in the JuliusTerentius wall-painting of Dura-europos, namely on the knees of the young andblond man in the first row (Fig. 6).48 In the Brigetian painting, the garment ratherlooks like breeches or boxer shorts made of a light and white fabric.49A very similarknee-length (under)garment is attested on both tights of Ares, the soldier by his fu-nerary stele who has an identical outfit consisting of a baggy belted tunic with tight-fitting long sleeves and probably the same type of boots as the male figure inBrigetio.50 Anyhow, this type of leg-garment differs completely from the typicalkinds of trousers of the period, namely the blousy trousers of Parthian origin,51 theblousy trousers with ¾-length (4th-6th century AD linen trousers from egypt),52 thelong-legged trousers,53 long-legged trousers with attached socks known rather fromnorthern european contexts and the depictions of silistra.54 The Brigetian imagealso differs from the Roman military depictions presenting trousers of ¾-lengthand long-legged ones worn in boots.55

The type of shoewear presented at Brigetio was probably worn with a pair ofdark brown socks reaching to the midcalf (Fig. 3d). These boots were suitable out-door wear as the hobnails studding their outer sole attest it clearly.56 On the instepand the front part of the shin of the figure the boot is open and the two ends of theshoelace are visibly crossing over on each other and going through eyelets. As thearchaeological evidence of Roman shoe finds attests it, a very similar eyelet bootof the so called ramshaw type was made from a single piece of leather with a dis-tinctive, front fastening and integrally cut laces.57 It was fashionable throughout theempire from late 2nd and during the 3rd century AD.58 Based on the available ar-chaeological and iconographic evidence both from military and civilian context,this type of boot could not be comfortingly considered as exclusively worn by sol-


They are mostly being visible on the lower thighs, but they are also known to have been wound aroundthe upper thighs especially by riding huntsmen and soldiers (CROOM, 2002, 54).

48 JAMes, 2004, 58-59.49 Just as those described for the emperor severus Alexander who preferred the white breeches in-

stead of wearing the purple ones (SHA severus Alexander 40.11).50 PARlAsCA, 1999, 254-255 no. 159.51 sTAuFFeR, 2010, 216 fig. 9, 13-15.52 hODAK, 1996, 293 no. 332.53 De MOOR et al., 2008, 176-177.54 DIMITROv, 1962, fig. 5.55 FIsCheR, 2012, 115, 204.56 It was the Romans, most probably the Roman military forces, who had introduced hobnailed

footwear into the european provinces (vAn DRIel-MuRRAy, 1987, 33), but later it became a commonwear among the provincial inhabitants of different gender and age for saving their shoes from wearingout (GOlDMAn, 1994, 122). The nailed walking sole was designed for outdoor use in soft soil, but aninappropriate or even dangerous wear indoors as e.g. the fatal story of a Roman soldier wearing hob-nailed caligae while walking on marble floor attests it (Josephus, BJ, 6.1.8).

57 vAn DRIel-MuRRAy, 1993, 36; hIMMleR, 2008; vOlKen, 2008.58 vAn DRIel-MuRRAy, 1986, 141; vAn DRIel-MuRRAy, 1987, 38 fig. 8; vAn DRIel-MuRRAy, 1999,

40; vAn DRIel-MuRRAy 2001, fig. 1.23, 2.

diers,59 but in a period of innovation and great diversity in shoe wear (which is the3rd century)60 its remarkable morphological uniformity together with its empire widedistribution might indicate its mass production and consumption, or in other words,toward its military application.61 since this part of the Brigetian wall-painting is frag-mentary, we cannot be totally sure that the above described Ramshaw-type boot isdepicted here, but based on the surviving details and its chronology it is very prob-able. The pointed sole shape of the depicted boots also underlines the 3rd centuryAD date of the wall-painting.62 Boots with a pointed toe are a characteristic featureof the Roman soldiers depicted on the 3rd century Pannonian tombstones, too.63

The most important details of the painting are presented by the ornaments ofthe tunics, though. Being of dark-red, almost purple colour, they follow a symme-trical system and consist of a wide band along the neck-opening, bending on bothends of the slit, forming clavi (Fig. 3b; 4b). They run upon the chest, end just belowit and turn into an arrow pointing downwards and serving as a sigillum. Pyramid-shaped “epaulettes” are being attached to the neck-opening, pointing to the sides,and covering the shoulders. The lower seam of the tunic shows the same decorationas the neck-openings, but the wide band flanks the seam and after bending thearrow-heads point upwards (Fig. 3a and c; 4a). This decorative element may becalled paragaudae.64 The sleeves are decorated with manicae, two parallel bandspositioned on the forearm.

This decorative system is generally well-represented on Roman depictions fromthe beginning of the 3rd century AD. The pointed arrows, though, serving as sigillaof the clavi and paragaudae, are rare and mark a certain type of garment which isto be interpreted as a high-ranking officer’s gala-dress,65 possibly that of a centurion.Images and textile finds prove two sorts of arrowhead-clavi: single and doubledbands (Fig. 3; 4; 5b-c; 7), implying differentiated meanings, but the interpretationof the exact significance still deserves intensive investigations.66 still, this type of


59 The empirewidely-used hobnailed military caligae seems to have gone out of use by the begin-ning of the 2nd century AD and it is difficult to discern any obvious single successor to it in the militarywear (vAn DRIel-MuRRAy, 1986, 140; GOlDMAn, 1994, 122).

60 see: vAn DRIel-MuRRAy, 1987, 39; vAn DRIel-MuRRAy, 1993, 36.61 For its use in the Roman army, see: BIshOP-COulsTOn, 1993, 154-155 fig. 110; JAMes, 2004,

59; PARlAsCA, 1999, 254-255 no. 159; suMneR, 2009, 202-203; hIMMleR, 2008; vOlKen, 2008.62 BusCh, 1965, no. 172, 186, 737; MACCOnORAn, 1986, no. 8.26; vAn DRIel-MuRRAy, 1999, 82.63 uBl, 1969.64 The term paragauda can be found in written records from egypt. It has just recently been dis-

cussed by J. P. wIlD in the context of weaver’s marks (wIlD, 2012). his interpretation of the termdeals with a certain type of tunic, which has been quite expensive. he agrees on the idea that at firstonly the decoration was named this way, and then the term has been transferred to tunic carrying thiskind of decoration (pers. com. by J. P. wIlD). Thus, here in this article paragaudae refers to a certaintype of tunic’s decoration namely the colourful seam with its up bending ends.

65 PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2011; PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2012.66 The section of the left person’s shoulder provides uncertainties in the presentation whether it

may show a single or a doubled clavus of arrow-shape type. It appears as if the one side has been dec-orated with doubled clavus while the other carries only a single one. This does not go along with thegeneral symmetrical concept of the Roman tunics. Therefore the painting is taken for a representation

decoration marks the only kind of garment that may be interpreted as a kind ofRoman military uniform, at all.67

All finds – textiles and images – refer to the same decorative concept, material,dyestuffs, and technology: the tunic was woven to shape, starting with a sleeve,using unpigmented and undyed wool (which is the most expensive type in Anti-quity) for the ground-weave and dyed yarns of true shellfish purple or sometimesof a mixture of madder and indigo for the decorations made by tapestry-technique(Fig. 7a-c; 8c). The mollusc purple is known to have been the most expensive


of the single clavus type and the seemingly doubled version is rather to be interpreted as the depictionof shadows or folds beneath the arm.

67 latest investigations carried out on the textile finds from Didymoi led D. CARDOn to the ideathat the arrow-shape of the clavi referred to syrian archers in the Roman army (CARDOn et al., 2011,294 no. 58). This interpretation is to be rejected when taking the other elements and symbols presentedin paintings like the one of Tyranos into account (see below). Recently, this thesis has also been ac-cepted by Thomas Fischer (FIsCheR, 2012, 113).

Fig. 7. (a) Fragments of a tunic found at Dura-europos, terminus ante quem 256 AD, after PFIsTeR andBellInGeR, 1945, pl. vII.3; (b) sketches of tunic decorations found at Dura—europos, after PFIsTeR

and BellInGeR, 1945, fig. 1; (c) fragment of a tunic found in the grave of Jamblicho, Palmyra, late 1st-2nd century AD, after PFIsTeR, 1934, 17 T 13 Iva.

dyestuff in Antiquity. But beyond its price, it was of high prestige and officiallymarked the garments of Roman senators and knights “on duty”. narrow bands (sub-suming relatively small amounts of purple yarn) signified the knights and widebands (subsuming relatively large amounts of purple yarn) the senators.68

PICTORIAl COMPARIsOns FROM eGyPT AnD syRIA

excavations brought few images to light, depicting men in tunics of this type.There are two paintings found in egypt –a painted shroud and a mummy portrait(Fig. 5b-c)– which show the upper part of the tunic in great detail. Furthermore, awall-painting found at Dura-europos in syria depicts this kind of dress flambo-yantly (Fig. 6).

To start with the unique and most fascinating and informative image, the colour-ful painting shows the bust of a young man dressed in such a tunic, worn in thebelted version, combined with an ochreous cloak, and the handle of a sword and acertain golden ring (Fig. 5b).68bis elements depicted transmit information on the so-cial status as well as the ethnicity of the person, and the dating of the image whichhas been mentioned before and published elsewhere (Paetz gen. schieck 2011;Paetz gen. schieck 2012).

The painting is applied on a large piece of linen textile that served as the shroudof a mummy.69 It was found in Deir el-Medineh on the west bank of thenile –where a Roman garrison was stationed (Maxfield 2000, 420)– opposite toluxor/Thebes, in Middle egypt. no details of the finding situation are known, butKlaus Parlasca assumes that the mummy was bedded in one of the magistratesgrave-chambers which were often reused for burials in Roman times.69bis Theshroud was disconnected from the mummy to be taken to the luxor-Museum,where it severely suffered from water-damage, as lorelei Corcoran noticed in 1995(Corcoran 1995, 69-70). The decorative cover of the mummy must have consistedof two painted shrouds of about the same size, since the composition of the pre-served painting concentrates on the upper part of the body and leaves an undeco-rated zone to be covered by a second sheet, which is missing. In analogy to otherpainted shrouds, it is to be assumed that the canvas carried the depiction of theman’s body below the pelvis. Concerning the dress, it may be suggested that thebelted tunic ended at about the knees and was combined with trousers and boots,


68 PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2011; PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2012.68bis PARlAsCA 1981, 186-187 no. 290 fig. 154, 194 pl. Xv; PARlAsCA 1999, 23-48 esp. 39 fig. 31;

PARlAsCA 2003, 63 no. 763 pl. 171.1; Cat. luxor 1978, 113 no. 290; AuBeRT AnD CORTOPAssI 1998-1999, 16 fig. 1.

69 luxor Museum inv. no. J. 194/Q 1512. - The painting itself measures 85.5 cm in height and70.5 cm in width. It is framed by an undecorated zone of about 5 cm. It served as the outer cover of amummy, which today is lost.

69bis PARlAsCA 1981, 186-187, no. 290 fig. 154, 194 pl. Xv.

taking this information from the Julius Terentius wall-painting of Dura-europosas a model (Fig. 6).70

The shroud portrays a man who died in the time of the 1st quarter or 1st third ofthe 3rd century AD – the date being suggested by the style of the painting, the facialexpression, hairstyle and beard-fashion. his burial was completely of egyptianmanner, and the inscription providing his name – Tyranos – is written in Greek.Therefore it can be taken for sure that he or at least his family belonged to theegyptian upper class of Greek education, just as those persons who took care ofhis burial. They might have been his comrades.

Most remarkably, Tyranos was depicted in his occupational dress, presentinghim as an officer of the Roman army.70bis several details of the image prove thistheory: the red belt with the tiny golden ring buckle accompanied by two silverbuttons, domed studs, and the leather strap arranged on the right side of the man’sbody. It is a typical military buckle type dating to the 3rd century AD.71 The goldenring adorned with gem-stone worn on the tiny finger of his left hand is to be inter-preted as an award to centurions and principales, a symbol that has been initiatedby septimius severus.72 The cloak served as a marker of the Roman military aswell73 –in this case, it is of ochreous colour and not adorned with fringes. whencomparing the shroud with the Dura-europos-painting to be discussed (Fig. 6), itbecomes evident that Tyranos must have been of centurio’s rank, just below thetribune.74

One further element would provide a more exact determination, but the paintingis damaged in this section: the type of fibula closing the cloak on the right shoulder.In analogy to egyptian mummy portrait paintings, Tyranos may have worn an ovaltype of fibula made of gold, adorned with an oval gemstone and a row of small cir-cular gems arranged along the rim.75 Taking all of these elements into account, andinterpreting the posture and facial expression of Tyranos as tense, the painting is tobe read as showing him “on duty”. since this occupational dress is of such domi-nance, the tunic itself and its purple decoration have to be taken as indicators forhigh ranking Roman military.76

The second colourful painting from egypt is less informative and to some extentconfusing (Fig. 5c).77 It was found in the Fayum oasis in egypt, and belongs to theAntikensammlung of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.78 The portrait shows the bust


70 Paetz gen. schieck 2011, 316-317, 319; Paetz gen. schieck 2012, 94 fig. 7.3, 95-97, 104-105.70bis PARlAsCA has suggested the interpretation of the depiction as being that of a Roman officer.

For his conclusion he focused on the sword-handle only. see: PARlAsCA, 1999, 39 fig. 31. On the sig-nificance of swords, see FIsCheR, 2012, 103.

71 hOss, 2010, 118; hOss, 2012, 39; JAMes, 1999; FIsCheR, 2012, 121, 126-128.72 AlFölDI, 1952, 26-35; AlFölDy, 2000, 45.73 sAnDeR, 1963, 149-150, 152-153; FIsCheR, 2012, 135-136.74 PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2011, 314-316; PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2012, 94 fig. 7.3, 95.75 PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2010, 93 fig. 12.76 FIsCheR, 2012, 113.77 BORG, 1998, 69, no. 82; PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2012, 103 fig. 7.9.78 Antikensammlung, staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Inv. no. 31162/23.

of a young man. his incarnate and short hair-cut refers to the same period as theTyranos-painting and the Brigetian wall-paintings. while the head-dress is cut veryshort, just one section of the hair is worn long, being bound to the side of the headwith a band.79 This feature appears to be the horus-curl, a typical egyptian trait de-termining young boys, mostly children, as servants of the Isis-cult. But other thanexpected the depiction presents a young adult. Those curls have been depicted invarying shapes and deserve further investigation whether they refer to Isis or mayhave been of different meanings such as the high social status in egyptian society.80

The person’s bust shows the white outer-tunic with purple arrow-shaped claviof the doubled Tyranos type, and pyramid-shaped “epaulettes” decorate the shoul-ders, presented on his right shoulder only, due to his posture. Along the neck-opening, a white under-tunic becomes visible, showing clavi of three narrow andparallel bands each. Other than the Tyranos-depiction, the man is shown withouta cloak, and, due to the image section presented, neither belt nor ring nor the han-dle of a sword are enclosed in the painting, which would determine the personsoccupation.

Another but very famous wall-painting was found in the ruins of Dura-europosin the east of syria. Dura-europos served as a garrison’s outpost on the euphratesRiver and was besieged by a sassanian campaign in 256 AD. The place was thenabandoned and the date of its defeat serves as a terminus ante quem for those itemsthat came into the grounds due to the battle. The painting has been carried out a bitearlier and is to be dated to the year 239 AD (Fig. 6).81 It was one of the panels thatcovered the walls of the temple of the Palmyrene Gods. The wall was subdividedby broad red lines into several panels of varying sizes, lacking a general symmet-rical concept.82 The panel of special interest is of rectangular shape and composedin three sections, presenting three Palmyrene Gods and two Tychai on the left, tworows of officers on the right, and a standard bearer and the main figure in the centre.They stand opposite to each other, flanking an altar on which the main figure offersincense to the Gods. An inscription clearly names the persons and the military con-text: the main figure is defined by an inscription as Julius Terentius, the tribunus,and he is accompanied by his elite troops, the cohors XX Palmyrenorum.83 Accor-ding to Michael speidel, ancient authors differentiated among regular syrian troopsof little motivation and in bad shape, and the elite units of Dura-europos, appearingto have been the earliest elite unit selected out of the syrian troop, ever.84


79 BORG, 1996, 187; BORG, 1998, 68-69. Barbara Borg states that among the ancient portraits twotypes of these curls can be determined. The one type can best be identified in a mummy portrait at theJ. Paul Getty Museum at Malibu (inv. no. 78.AP.262) showing a boy with a nearly complete shavenhead, two tiny sections if hair on his forehead and the lose curl on the right side of the back of his head.The second type is being reflected by the Berlin painting, presenting the hair-cut as cut short but notshaved, and the curl as a kind of pony-tail bound with a band. see BORG, 1998, 68-69 figs. 81-82.

80 BORG, 1998, 55-56.81 BAuR and ROsTOvzeFF, 1931, 67-69; BReAsTeD, 1922, 199-206; CuMOnT, 1926, 89-10.82 CuMOnT, 1926, pl. XlIX.83 The painting measures 107 x 165 cm. It was transferred to the yale university Art Gallery at

new haven, bearing the inv. no. 1931.3806.84 sPeIDel, 1984, esp. 305, 307-309.

Most of the men have a very short haircut and wear a full-beard except of oneyoung man on the right. All are dressed alike, wearing a white tunic with dark red dec-orations, reaching just above the knees and being belted.85 The tunic is combined withlong-legged, dark brown and tight-fitting trousers, worn in combination with darkbrown, almost black boots (Fig. 6). All men combine the tunic with cloaks coveringtheir left side and being fastened on their right shoulder. Most of them are of ochreouscolour and without fringes. exceptions to this rule are the cloak of the main figure,which is of white colour and purple fringes, and that of the young men in the first row,second from the right, whose cloak is of white colour as well, but without fringes.

The painting envisages a clear hierarchy among the men, becoming evident in thearrangement of two rows of persons, of which the figures in the front are carried outwith great care. The depictions triggered the discussion on the use of uniforms in theRoman army. One of the main problems concerning this topic is how to define theterm “uniform”. According to some scholars it should only be used when spea-kingof garments that have been mass-produced, using standardised materials of permanentand reproducible quality, and shape –as for the modern military.86 standardized pro-ductions of this kind were not provided by ancient textile produ-cers since each productwas hand-made, and the great numbers of necessary garments and shoe wear for thearmy units were purchased from several different suppliers87 before the institution of4th century AD state-owned textile factories, which were established and managed formass-producing textile goods, e.g. garments for the late Roman army.88 Others statethat it has not been necessary to the Roman army to dress up alike, since the enemiesof the Romans looked different anyhow.89 Plus, determinable colour-codes are takenfor a necessity occurring since weapons of younger history. Canons, for instance, pro-duce heavy smoke and armies had to determine themselves through colour combina-tions serving as markers of the own units under poor conditions of visibility. uniformsin this sense have not been used by ancient armies.

still, a strictly structured, hierarchical and order-based society like the armywas in a strong need for a certain set of uniform dress-elements characterising theranks and being visible and perceivable to everybody.90 while the individual piecesof garments and accessories were slightly different from each other, the overall ap-pearance of the soldiers or military officers (e.g. general outlines, number of ele-ments, etc.) must have been of a defined kind and express inhesion within the Romanarmy and the military units.91 uniformity of dress and equipment marks the Romanarmy. According to Thomas Fischer, though, uniformity of Roman soldiers is to be


85 One boy of the 1st row appears to be different. his hair is blond; he has no beard, wears a whitecloak without fringes. But most of all, h. GRAnGeR-TAylOR and D. CARDOn observed a swastika-motifdecorating the knee-zone of the tunic. see CuvIGny, 2011 fig. 310a-b, 378 pl. 14a.

86 hOss, 2010, 115-116.87 vAn DRIel-MuRRAy, 1985; DROss-KRüPe, 2012; lIu, 2012.88 For the gynaecea, see: wIlD, 1967; JOnes, 1974; huRsT, 1994; BelAMARIć, 2004; TóTh, 2009,

136-137.89 FIsCheR, 2012, 77.90 FIsCheR, 2012, 97-98.91 JAMes, 2004, 49-56, 251-254.

interpreted as a phenomenon expressing local traditions evolving at those sites,where the army was stationed for a longer period of time, rather than interpretingthis as an expression of rules enforced from Rome.92

when returning to the Julius Terentius depiction (Fig. 6), differentiations arebeing presented to the audience by the hierarchy of depicting the figures in tworows, and by the kind and colour of the cloaks. Other symbols are to be taken intoconsideration as well, but due to the small size of the figures and the damages ofthe painting, details of the garments or even the types of fibulae cannot be deter-mined. The tunic’s decoration, though, consists of wide bands flanking the neck-opening and the edge of the tunic, and red manicae decorate the sleeves, the darkred colour being an important element. The painting does not allow detailed insightsinto the textile decorations, but the general dress-ensemble is closely related toother depictions: cloak, belt, sword, white tunic with purple decoration are quitealike with Tyranos’ (Fig. 5b), and the white tunic with purple design, the beltedwear, and the combination with breeches or trousers and boots also resemble theBrigetian wall-painting. These similarities suggest the Dura-europos clavus andparagaudae-decorations to be of the arrowhead type with epaulettes as well, espe-cially when taking the original textile finds from Dura-europos into account thathave been found at the same site and which is dated to the same period.

AlBATi MiliTeS

The uniformity of the dresses depicted in the wall-painting of Julius Terentiusat Dura-europos has been discussed quite often and the military context of thepainting is widely accepted.93 still, the questions of how to define the garments,and the occasion of their wear, deserve consideration. Due to the white tunics, Fran-cois Cumont called the men albati milites.94 he defined the garments as specialdress worn by soldiers on official occasions but not in campaign. simon James callsthis outfit the “camp dress”,95 worn every day in “off-duty” situation in camp, im-plying a daily use when not being on war campaign. But, when interpreting the im-ages presenting the same combination of garments, such as the Tyranos-painting(Fig. 5b; 6), it becomes evident that the depictions envisage special occasions suchas burial with an official everlasting representation of the deceased as an officer, aswell as offerings to the Palmyrene Gods as an official military act. Therefore thedress rather has to be interpreted as a kind of gala-uniform, which may be worn in“on-duty” and “off-duty” situations. “On-duty” is being expressed by tense posture,as well as the equipment with belt, sword, cloak, as for instance in the Tyranos-portrait and the Dura-europos wall-painting (Fig. 5b; 6). “Off-duty” is being ex-


92 FIsCheR, 2012, 77.93 JAMes, 2004, xiii, xiii, xxv, 4-5, 41-42, figs. 18-20.94 CuMOnT, 1926, 95.95 JAMes, 2004, 59-60 and 257-258.

pressed by the posture and occupation of the men at Brigetio, and may well be ob-served in the mummy-portrait (Fig. 5c), and the mosaics and the gold-glass knownfrom northern Africa and Rome.96 The most informative detail, though, is the ques-tion whether the tunic is worn belted or not. The red leather belt held with a goldenring-buckle and silver domed stud appears to be the ultimate hint of differentiatinga soldier on duty or on leisure time.

TeXTIle FInDs FROM eGyPT AnD syRIA

Textile finds showing the purple arrow-shaped decoration concentrate in theArabian Desert of egypt and the eastern Desert of syria (Fig. 7a-c). The most im-portant complex providing textile fragments of this type has just recently been pub-lished: Didymoi, a Roman praesidium in the eastern Desert of egypt,97 located onthe route from Koptos (on the nile in Middle egypt) to the south-eastern harbourof Berenike on the Red sea.98

Koptos served as an important trading post where luxurious goods were takento. It is also the place where especially Palmyrene tradesmen and a Palmyrene unitof archers can be proven by written records.99 At Koptos, precious goods such asemeralds and other kinds of gemstones that were found in the eastern Desert, goldand goods imported from India were traded, as well as food supply, among it oil,grains, and salt, needed in the Roman military camps along the desert routes.

Military desert camps, the praesidia, were erected to provide resting places,water-supply and shelter for caravans. They served logistic as well as administrativeneeds and functioned as bases for patrol units. In the late 2nd and early 3rd centuryAD100 they were garrisoned by men who had great experience in protecting caravanroutes, such as Palmyrene irregulars who can be proven by inscriptions at Koptosfor instance, even the names of their units are known.101 According to RaphaelaDrexhage, recruiting Palmyrenes for these jobs started in the age of Trajan and thenumbers were increased until the time of hadrian.102

Didymoi was founded in 76/77 AD and abandoned at about 240 AD, accordingto inscriptions.103 within the fortress, numerous fragments of discarded Roman tex-tiles were found, among them nine of undyed and unpigmented white wool, deco-rated with purple tapestry weaves of the arrow-head motif in single and doubled


196 DOPPelFelD, 1964, 37, 38 no. 19 pl. 31-33; COOney, 1969, 255; weITzMAnn, 1977, 89-90; DI

vITA et al., 1999, 43.197 CuvIGny, 2011, 3, 365 pl. 1. The excavations were carried out by the Institut Français

d’Archéologie Orientale from 1997 to 2000. The IFAO investigated several Roman forts in the easternDesert of egypt.

198 MAXFIelD, 1996.199 DReXhAGe, 1982, 31; RuFFInG, 1995.100 MAXFIelD, 1996.101 sPeIDel, 1992a.102 DReXhAGe, 1982, 31.103 BRun et al., 2011, 157, 163.

version.104 Based on the stratigraphy, the fragments can be dated to the late 2nd and1st half of the 3rd century AD. The textiles are fragmented and mostly found in waste-dumps, being parts of garments that were worn for long periods of time before beingdiscarded. since the site basically hosted men of a military garrison, it is likely thatthe garments belonged to members of the unit. The repetition of the decoration aswell as the relatively large number suggests the fragments to have been parts of auniform kind of dress worn by the inhabitants of the fortress in the desert.

The second complex of such textile finds woven in tapestry was found in Dura-europos on the euphrates (Fig. 7a-c). The debris of a tower, for instance, containedtwo fragments of a garment that was made of off-white and undyed wool, showingone set of purple manicae, an arrow-shaped clavus and the attached pyramid-shapedepaulette of the shoulder pointing to the sleeve.105 Other fragments of similar designhave been published by Rudolphe Pfister and louisa Bellinger in sketches,106 alsodocumenting a larger number of textiles of this kind (Fig. 7b).

ORIGIn OF These TunIC-DeCORATIOns

Taking the information of original textile finds and analogous depictions to-gether it becomes evident, that the purple arrow-shaped clavi, paragaudae and the


104 CARDOn et al., 2011, (1) 355 tab. 3; 296-297, 376 pl. 12b, nos. D99.3306.1 A & B (wool, twofragments of a neck-opening of purple tapestry-weave in unpigmented and undyed ground-weave, (A)12.5 x 3.2 cm, (B) 5.6 x 3.8 cm; tight s-spun warp-threads, 12 threads per centimetre; z-spun weft-thread of ground-weave, 28 per threads per centimetre; tapestry-weave z-spun, 40 threads per cen-timetres; purple colour achieved by indigo and madder; found in phase 11 of the waste-dump; datingto 176-210 AD); (2) 298-299, 377 pl. 13c, no. D98.10204.2 (wool, fragment of ground-weave an twoarrowheads, 17 x 12 cm; tight s-spun warp-threads, 13 threads per centimetre; s-spun weft-thread ofground-weave, 30 per threads per centimetre; tapestry-weave s-spun, 42 threads per centimetres; purplecolour achieved by indigo and madder; found in the filling of cistern 2; dating to 200-225 AD); (3)299, 377 pl. 13e, no. D99.13705.1 (wool, fragment of ground-weave an two arrowheads, 19.5 x 27.5cm; tight s-spun warp-threads, 21 threads per centimetre; s-spun weft-thread of ground-weave, 31 perthreads per centimetre; tapestry-weave s-spun, 9 threads per 0.15 cm; dating to about 200-225 AD);(4) 299-300, 377 pl. 14a, nos. D99.13103.1 A-C (wool, fragment of ground-weave with one clavus ofarrowhead-shape and swastika as shoulder decoration, (A) 10 x 11.5 cm, (B) 6 x 6.5 cm, (C) 0.9 x 0.7cm; tight s-spun warp-threads, 11-14 threads per centimetre; s-spun weft-thread of ground-weave, 37per threads per centimetre; tapestry-weave s-spun, 45 threads per 0.15 cm; found in the fort; dating toabout 200-250 AD); (5) 301, 379 pl. 15c, no. D2000.12207.3 (wool, fragment of ground-weave andone arrowhead, 3.2 x 3.7 cm; tight s-spun warp-threads, 12 threads per centimetre; s-spun weft-threadof ground-weave, 21 threads per centimetre; tapestry-weave s-spun, 34 threads per centimetres; foundin the fort; dating to 220 AD); (6) 301-302, 379 pl. 15d, no. D2000.12015.2 (wool, fragment of ground-weave with three arrowheads, 12.5 x 8.5 cm; tight s-spun warp-threads, 20 threads per centimetre; s-spun weft-thread of ground-weave, 34 threads per centimetre; tapestry-weave s-spun, 34 threads percentimetres; found in room 20 in the fort; dating to4 225-250 AD); (7) 302, 379 pl. 15e, no.D99.13501.2 (wool, fragment of ground-weave with three arrowheads, 8.5 x 14 cm; s-spun warp-threads, 13 threads per centimetre; s-spun weft-threads of ground-weave, 31 threads per centimetre;tapestry-weave s-spun, 23 threads per 0.5 centimetres; found in the fort; dating to4 220-250 AD).

105 wIlsOn, 1931, 179 pl. XIX no. 1; PFIsTeR and BellInGeR, 1945, 17 no. 3, 5 fig. 1.3 pl. vII.3;PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2011, 322 figs. 6, 7; PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2012, 100 figs. 7.6, 7.7.

106 PFIsTeR and BellInGeR, 1945, 18-19 nos. 11-14 figs. 1.11-1.14 pl. IX, 3.

“epaulettes” were of military importance and most likely served as symbols ofranks. They first appear in the eastern Mediterranean regions of syria and egypt inthe period of the late 2nd and 1st half of the 3rd century AD. There they served asdecorations of regional Palmyrene male garments of the rather Parthian type, beingworn in banquet contexts by men of military significance.

when investigating archaeological remains of Palmyra, it seems that the pat-tern-design and colour-combination was prefigured in Palmyra in the 1st and 2nd

century AD (Fig. 8a-d). earliest pictorial evidence and textile finds deriving fromburial contexts consist of small textile fragments of slightly differing design and offunerary sculpture (Fig. 8a, b and d).107 Although a fragment of a shoulder sectionwhich was found in the tomb of Jamblicho and woven in unpigmented as well aspurple wool shows four parallel clavi of arrow-type, it ends in heart-shaped motivesand an attached pyramid shaped epaulette can be traced (Fig. 7c; 8d).108 Anothertiny fragment consists of an arrow-shaped motive which formerly decorated theedge of a shirt (Fig. 8c).109

The dress-ensemble and the shape of its elements can also be observed in lime-stone sculpture of the Palmyrene grave-reliefs. The arrow-motives decorated theclavus-area next to the neck-opening, and as paragaudae on the edge of a shirt (Fig.8a-d). Additionally a row of triangular elements was arranged along the seamamong the arrows, forming a kind of paragauda. The same element also decorated


107 PAeTz Gen. sChIeCK, 2012, 104, 105 figs. 7.10-11.108 PFIsTeR, 1934, 17 T 11 pl. IIIb, 17 T 13 pl. Iva.109 PFIsTeR, 1940, 22 l. 95 fig. 8 pl. Ivc; sChMIDT-COlIneT, 1995, 31, 46 figs. 69-70; sChMIDT-

COlIneT et al., 2000, 42, 151 no. 272 pl. 47d, colour pl. IIIa; 187 no. 514 pl. 26c, 49a-b esp. 49b.

Fig. 8. (a) limestone funerary banquet scene from tomb no. 186 (“dit de l’aviation”), Palmyra ©Palmyra-Archiv Bern, A. schmidt-Colinet; (b) sketch of the whole figure, late 2nd century AD afterseyRIG, 1937, 21, fig. 12; (c) textile fragment found at Palmyra, national Museum Damascus ©Palmyra-Archive Bern, A. schmidt-Colinet; (d) loculus-relief at the Archaeological Museum of Palmyra© A. Paetz gen. schieck.

the seam of the tight-fitting long sleeves, accompanied by two parallel bands, themanicae.

sculptures and textiles both belonged to the local, indigenous upper class whocould afford an expensive burial chamber and who ripped up their precious gar-ments in order to prepare the corpses for their afterlives. The decoration was placedon male shirts, worn without a belt and still reaching only half way down the thighand having been cut triangularly gaining in width towards the edge. Combiningwith this type of upper-garment which Annemarie stauffer calls a shirt,110 men wearwide trousers, and a cloak fastened on their right shoulder. Two banquet-reliefswere found in the tombeau dit de l’aviation, grave no. 186, set up in the hypogaeumof the south-eastern necropolis in modern times but dating to the late 2nd or 3rd cen-tury AD (Figs. 8a-b).111 Just as the arrow-head clavi, the “epaulettes” of steppedpyramid shape have been depicted in limestone sculptures and reliefs, showing thecombination with triangular friezes and manicae. such reliefs are being stored inthe Archaeological Museum of Palmyra (Fig. 8d), and in the ny Carlsberg Glyp-totek at Copenhagen.112

somehow the decorative elements were transferred to the Roman military gar-ments – their actual meaning and the reasons for this transferral can hardly be re-constructed. It may have been through the employment of Palmyrene auxiliaryunits. Taking these decorations over into the military hierarchical system may haveresulted from a mere masculine world of virtue, masculinity and honour, whichmay have even been have turned out easy to accept by Romans, since it referred tothe same colour-code system used in Roman society anyhow: the social codes dif-ferentiating between senators and knights. Information was transmitted throughnarrow and wide clavi made of yarns dyed with the most expensive and highly pres-tigious shellfish purple.

Quite soon, after these tunics have been accepted widely by the army, they mayas well have been taken to the rest of the world either by Orientals that were movedto places like Brigetio, or for instance Pannonian military units that were transferredto the levantine or along the euphrates (e.g. zeugma) and moved back to Pannoniaafter fighting in the eastern campaigns. Those, who moved from the east to Centraleurope may simply have brought these tunics with them or transported pattern-books, transferred techniques or even brought oriental craftsmen to the north which


110 sTAuFFeR, 2010, esp. tab. 2 P6.111 sChMIDT-COlIneT, 1995, 46 fig. 69, 70; sChMIDT-COlIneT, et al., 2000, pl. 26c (= CuvIGny,

2011, 377a, b (detail), pl. 49b (= CuvIGny, 2011, 376d-e).112 PlOuG, 1995, 180-182 no. 73; sTAuFFeR, 2010, 215 fig. 7; compare with textile fragment

sChMIDT-COlIneT et al., 2000, no. 272 pl. III & 47d, no. 514 pl. 49a; sTAuFFeR, 2010, 215 fig. 8. whilethe combination of the decorative elements manicae, paragaudae, arrow-head-clavi and steppedepaulettes can only be traced in Palmyra, later in Dura-europos, and Didymoi, few textile fragmentsshow the epaulettes without clavi. At Khirbet Qazone, Jordan, the neck-opening of a child’s sleevedtunic is decorated with a wide band and the pyramid-elements on the shoulders dating to the 2nd or 3rd

Century AD (GRAnGeR-TAylOR, 2000, 150, 159 fig. 14). Of about the same time, a fragment of a dou-bled clavus and an attached pyramid epaulette has also been found at in the waste-dumps of MonsClaudianus (MAnneRInG, 2000, 287-288 fig. 6f).

enabled them to produce the ornaments locally. Clothing for military was not nec-essarily supplied locally and there were also other solutions available at that time,too. e.g. similarly to other units in the Roman army, the legio i Adiutrix could alsoorder garments for its own supply via interregional transactions and from otherprovinces.113 Considering the epigraphic evidence for the presence of well-to-dosyrians in Brigetio from the late 2nd century AD on, we can assume that they nur-tured a flourishing relationship with their motherland and possibly with the localcraftspeople as well. evidently, to rely on a mediator in such transactions was notunfamiliar for this legion, as the inscription on a silver plate of unknown provenanceand dated probably to the 1st century AD attests it unambiguously.114 According tothe text, it was a gift from a detachment of legio i Adiutrix for a certain Aemilianus,a clothes dealer (vestiarius), who took care of business in Gaul or in Cappadocia.Aemilianus may have been somehow responsible for purchasing clothing for thisunit in question. since its participation in several eastern military campaigns thelegion itself could have had a close connection to the local textile suppliers in syriaand could purchase these tunics directly from syria. unfortunately, due to the lackof further evidence, there are several plausible possibilities in the interpretation.

hunTInG FelInes – sKIns As syMBOls OF MAle leIsuRe – TIMe OCCuPATIOn

while Tyranos and the Julius Terentius’ crew are shown in tense and straightpostures, adorned with their full military equipment, other types of depictions showmen in rather leisure postures: eating while standing (Brigetio), lying at a sympo-sium,115 riding on a horseback while hunting boars or felines.116 Both, the sympo-sium and hunting scenes refer to leisure-time occupations of a masculine society,such as that of high-ranking officers of the military, spending their spare-time oncostly occupations.117 especially the ideal of hunting wild, large and dangerous ani-mals from the horseback has been very popular in late Antiquity and in northernAfrica. wealthy men established huge domains where they fostered wild and dan-gerous animals and then celebrated hunting them on festivities and in largegroups.118

Keeping this in mind, the second type of panels –those filled with a spread outskin of a wild cat– gains importance in the depicted cycle of Brigetio (Fig. 9a-c).


113 DROss-KRüPe, 2008; lIu, 2008.114 KRuse, 2005; lIu, 2008, 22-24.115 Mosaic of Thaenae (sfax), Tunisia, 4th century AD; inscription: D·M·S· / AMiANTUS ViXiT

ANNiS XX (DOPPelFelD, 1964, 37, 38 no. 19 pl. 31-33).116 Glass-plate at the Cleveland Museum of Art inv. no. 69.68; Dm. 25.4 cm; 250-275 AD; inscrip-

tion: Alexander homo felix pie zeses cum tuis (COOney, 1969, 255; weITzMAnn, 1977, 89-90). Mosaicof the nile-villa at leptis Magna, libya, 4th century AD (DI vITA et al., 1999, 43).

117 Interestingly, based on the testimony of the archaeozoological remains there tend to be morewild animals at military than in civilian sites in Pannonia (ChOyKe 2003, 213).

118 sChneIDeR, 1982, 158-174.

The depiction of the lioness on the western wall is in better condition and almostcompletely preserved while the depiction of the pantheress on the northern wallconsists just of the fragment showing the head and some parts of the skin.119 Theskins are depicted in most characteristic ways: the lioness shows a dark-orange tanwith whitish and fluffy fur along the ears and cheeks; the pantheress’ tan is ratherwhitish, slightly grey, and shows patches of circular and oval shapes, outlined indark colour.120 The dangerousness of both felines is stressed by the large ripper teethpointing upwards, while the head is laid back to the neck. The presence of the teethgives the information that the skin is supposed to still hold the animal’s skulls.

The type of feline depictions and the combination of them with certain decorativeelements seems to have been of interest of that time. Tiny fragments of wall-paintingsthat have been found in the centre of vienna, in house C at Michaelerplatz, seem topresent nearly a copy of the Brigetian paintings. One fragment holds the white groundcolour, the red frame and the yellow lines with dots heading from the edge of theinner frame.121 while several fragments depict the oval ornaments of a panther skin.122

slightly different but still quite alike in terms of the decorative system theRoman villa of yvonand-Mordagne in switzerland123 presents animal’s skins too.124


119 Panther: BORhy and száMADó, 2001, 96-97 fig. 7, 9. lion: BORhy et al. 2010, 112 fig. 5.120 Compare sAKl-OBeRThAleR, 2008, 136 fig. 21.121 sAKl-OBeRThAleR, 2008, 136 fig. 20.122 sAKl-OBeRThAleR, 2008, 136 fig. 21.123 DuBOIs, 1996; DuBOIs, 1999.124 see for instance the wall-paintings of the Roman villa at yvonand-Mordagne in switzerland.

These wall-paintings show the skins of Capricorns. Their heads are shown with the horns pointing up-wards, rather than downwards which would be the correct position when pinning the skin to the walland having the head fall backwards. Differing from the Brigetio paintings, a tiny figure of a gladiatoris positioned right in the centre of the skin.

Fig. 9. wall-painting at Brigetio: (a) spread out skin of the lioness; (b) detail of the lioness’ head, (c)detail of the pantheress’ head © A. Paetz gen. schieck.

In this case, capricorns are being shown with anatomically incorrectly turned headsoriented to the top and being bent backwards (Fig. 9b-c).

Besides the close parallels of yvonand-Mordagne, differences can be traced,especially when taking the size of the human figures into account, as well as thegeneral topic. The painters of yvonand-Mordagne also presented another purelymasculine topic, and they employed the same elements to tell their story: thespread out skin and human figures depicting men. But differing from Brigetio, thehuman figures are of very tiny size and positioned in the centre of the skins, ratherthan in individual panels. The general topic refers to an arena scene and the capri-corns undoubtedly also transmit male virtues as well, but of rather different mean-ing. The men dealing with these animals had to be skilled and versatile, since theystand for rapid movement, and threat through their antlers, and they are of regionalprovenance. At Brigetio, the painting refers to the hunting genre carried out on thedomains of Roman nobles in northern African, and the felines transmit other in-formation on the masculine world which are other skills and virtues. Although,certain species of felines have been native in central europe, for instance in theCarpathian Basin, the depiction of a lion and a panther rather refers to the northernAfrican and levantine fauna in Roman times. when taking the provenance of thedepicted men of the wall-decoration cycle into account, the felines are to be takenas further indicators hinting at the Roman east, especially syria, egypt and nor-thern Africa –which always stood for wealth and luxurious lifestyle. From this region luxurious goods such as silk and purple entered the markets of the Romanempire, as well as wild animals were caught for the Roman arena events andwhich’s hunt became an industry in that region. Rich men established large estateswhere they hunted and kept those animals especially in late Antiquity. huntinglarge and undomesticated animals became a highly prestigious and luxuriousleisure occupation of well-off men, by which they demonstrated their enormouswealth on the one hand, and their virtus on the other.125 This attitude was well doc-umented and demonstrated by colourful mosaics installed in the villas of the estatesand in the town houses of these men, best known from the famous hunting scenesof the imperial villa of Piazza Armerina, dating to a slightly later period, the early4th century AD.126 They reflect the general spirit of the male world in Antiquity:wealth and virtue (the more dangerous the animal, the larger the prestige of thehunter). Female felines were known as most dangerous animals especially whenhaving cubs.

since the wall-paintings of Brigetio belonged to the ultimate (re)building phaseof the building, the depictions of the felines in house III at Brigetio may be inter-preted as ciphers for the connection of the persons who commissioned the new dec-oration of the building to the luxurious way of life in northern Africa. The dead andde-skinned felines symbolise the strength and enormous virtus of their hunters.


125 sChneIDeR, 1982, 158-174.126 CARAnDInI et al., 1982, 45 fig. 16, 49 fig. 17, 53 fig. 18, 217 fig. 122; KähleR 1973, 19-21,

25, 32.

RésuMé

Focusing on the motive of the purple arrow-shaped clavi itself, it is evident thatits type and colour-code have been inspired by the Palmyrene traditional dress ofthe 1st and 2nd century AD, proven through archaeological textile finds and relief de-pictions of limestone. This decoration has been introduced to the Roman army insyria in early severan times, when the military has been restructured. From therethe type of dress spread out to northern Africa, when syrian, especially Palmyrene,auxiliary units were transferred to egypt in order to guard the trade-routes runningthrough the eastern desert. Mobility of these troops within the entire empire evenbrought the garments to Pannonia, occurring most likely by the return of those Pan-nonian military units which were regularly attached to the field army of the orientalcampaigns.126 Based on the epigraphic evidence from Pannonia or even from Brigetiothe presence of a considerable number of Orientals (both soldiers and civilians) canbe proven from the time of emperor Marcus Aurelius. The inscriptions of the Orien-tal Aurelii are almost without exception from the civil town, and in several cases the exact denomination of the place of origin, like for example Doliche, zeugmacan be read. even an individual named Aelius Domitius is known from writtensources, having lived in the city of Brigetio, as veteran of the legio ii Adiutrix, de-riving from erapuli, syria.127 Moreover, 4th century AD mummified corpses fromIntercisa, Aquincum, Carnuntum and Brigetio evidently document the existence ofthis close cultural connection to the east from later period.128 Anyhow, a close con-nection of Pannonia and the near east can be traced in various aspects, and it ismost likely that it was the Roman military that opened up these connections.

Furthermore, the topic of this article, the clavi terminating in arrows, were ex-clusively part of the male wardrobe in syria, thus its genuine and traditional sym-bolism could have probably embedded masculine virtues (such as braveness, etc.).since contemporaries considered these syrian troops of Palmyrene origin as eliteunits being famous for their extraordinary military virtues, a special decoration de-riving from their national male dress worn also on the battlefield could have beeneasily accepted. Through this it permeated in the Roman army as the symbol ofcertain military rank promotions, which were gained by expressing distinctive mili-tary virtues during the service. The acceptance of this foreign symbol by the Romanarmy could have been easily incorporated into the Roman system, because, tradi-tionally a very similar system (both in colours and motives) was already applied inRoman society. Male social status and rank was transmitted by shellfish bands onmasculine dress. so called lati clavi marked Roman senator’s tunics and togas whileangusti clavi defined the knights.

As during the eastern campaigns the worn out equipments of the Roman mili-tary forces were refurbished by the locally produced goods (armours, other military


126 BARKóCzI, 1964, 295; sPeIDel, 2009.127 BARKóCzI, 1964, 272.128 PóCzy, 1999; PóCzy, 2004, 241; lAssányI, 2004a; lAssányI, 2004b.

equipments, clothing and footwear, etc.), some of these goods produced in the mili-tary supply bases such as zeugma (syria) could be transferred to Pannonia by thesoldiers returning to their final stationary camp in the Danubian province.129 At alater date, these goods could have become the archetype for their local production,although neither the possibility of the substitution of the worn-out garments pur-chased directly from syria can be eliminated.

The wall painting from Brigetio is the only and earliest depiction of a longsleeved white tunic with purple arrow-shaped clavi decoration in europe. It is note-worthy that the outlines of a similar assemblage of pointed boots, trousers and tunicswith tight-fitting long sleeves (with cloaks) characterises uniformly the outfit ofthe soldiers carved onto the 3rd century AD Pannonian tombstones. This new outfitdiffers from the earlier, 1st-2nd century AD depictions in the region.130

As the Roman author Cassius Dio informs us,131 when the army led by septi-mius severus marched from the Pannonian frontier on Rome, the civilian population,who had not seen other soldiers for a long time than those had been carved on thecolumns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius, were shocked to see how the frontier sol-diers actually look like.132

Different academic theses exist for the origin of this new military uniform.Based on the evidence of the most well-known Thorsberg assemblage of a woollencloak, tight fitting trousers and a woollen tunic with long sleeves, it is most com-monly accepted that this clothing style with long-sleeved tunics and trousers of theeuropean indigenous people was introduced into the Roman army, firstly by theauxiliaries that were recruited both in the northern provinces or from beyond theirImperial borders.133 According to this opinion, the iconographic well-documentedshift in the Roman military clothing at the turn of the 2nd and 3rd century AD wasdue to a growing Germanic influence on the Roman military.

According to another opinion which also sees the local, european origin exclu-sive, this change in military clothing occurred not because of the growing ethnicinfluence on Roman military, but as an adaptation to a possible climatic shift froma warmer-dryer to a cooler-wetter period at the turn of the 2nd and 3rd centuriesAD.134

As the wall-decoration from Brigetio attests it unambiguously, a kind of long-sleeved off-white tunic with special purple coloured decoration inspired by thePalmyrene traditional dress and accepted by the Roman army was evidently avai-lable in europe at least at the 1st half of the 3rd century AD. Thus, at least some de-corative elements of this 3rd century AD Roman military sartorial assemblage couldhave had its syrian origin and the whole outfit could have resulted from a mixtureof various traditions.


129 see e.g. sPeIDel, 2009.130 uBl, 1969.131 lXXv 2.6.132 suMneR, 2009.133 CROOM, 2002, 55; MölleR-wIeRInG, 2011, 116.134 veTTeR, 1994; zABehlICKy, 1994; KéRDő and sChweITzeR, 2010.

As it was mentioned already, besides of the tunics there are several elements ofthe Brigetian paintings which are of Italian, oriental or simply exotic origin, in totalrepresenting a foreign and luxurious ambience here in Pannonia. since the structureof the building itself and its decoration is to be interpreted as deriving from theMediterranean, its initiator may have had the intention of demonstrating luxury andextravagance of the Mediterranean way of life. The origin and identity of the personwho possessed this house and ordered its re-furbishing in the early 3rd century ADis not known to us, but regarding the type of dress, he must have been aware that ittransmitted a symbolic meaning, at least an eastern Mediterranean origin, whichstood for an exclusive exotic luxury at the Danube at that time. For this moment,though, it can be stressed that the driving force may have been the Oriental new-comers from syria and north Africa of civilian and military background who cameto this region during the decades following the Great Marcomannic war and the 1st

third of the 3rd century.135 The symbols employed in the Brigetian wall-paintingsrefer to this region, the whole conglomerate of elements, including the exotic dish,expresses wealth, luxury, and the male world of Roman savoir vivre on the Danube.The dominance of the male topics, the military garments obviously being worn inleisure-time context can trigger further possibilities in the interpretation of the func-tion of this building than a common private house (e.g. as a “vereinshaus” or a“club-house” for military officers or those of having some kind of military back-ground).

ACKnOwleDGeMenT

Our thanks are due to eszter harsányi for providing valuable and so far unpu-blished information and her manuscripts on the “spruchbecher” finds. we also thankthe conservators zsófia Kurovszky and eszter harsányi for a thought-provokingdiscussion on the details depicted by the wall-painting, and finally we are gratefulto lászló Borhy and emese számadó for granting us the permission to publish thelatest results of the reconstructions.

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