[Note; The article is unfinished; if to benefit at all, please do so with proper reference. Ahsan Wagha]

The Sanskrit (Sk.) phonological patterns in Siraiki (Sr.) ---- Panini; [Paninis rules are random and not always in binary opposition ().]

Panini took notice of the sam hi ta yam [Lit. put together in sustenance] i.e. the supra segmental phonemes (Pan: xxiv). If that means phonological variables like nasalization etc. having phonemic value i.e. semantic properties, presence of such supra segmental phonemes in the forms of nasalization, aspiration and implosives etc. can also be traced in the NIA, more frequently, in Sr.

[take to the section on Aspiration, Implosives and Nasalization ?].--- Stress; Paninis rule about accentuation of suffix tells that this may fall on penultimate syl. subject to deviations (ibid: xxv). As we will see, in Sr. also, stress lands almost on same part of the word with similar irregularity albeit in somewhat faded intensity. ---

In this chapter, we will investigate some of the common and the contrasting features of the Sk. and NIA data applying the rules of phonetics which is the study of the production of speech sounds by speakers, their perception by hearers and their properties, and of phonology which investigates the ways in which speech sounds are used systematically to form words and utterances (Katamba: 60). Phonology is a complex discipline involving many interpretations of the question as why and how a speakers mind so quickly decides to bring delicate segmental change(s) in a piece of speech during articulation. A common answer is, our cognition manages phonological adjustments to save effort. Another interesting approach which reaches us through Jensen and which nears the Optimality approach is that of conspiracies;

In - - - a conspiracy, a variety of different phonological processes have in common the avoidance of a given configuration. McCarthy (2005: 25, 93) in discussing conspiracies, refers to Homogeneity of Target/Heterogeneity of Process. (Jensen: 1). Some of the topics we will take up in this chapter are: Sk.NIA segmental alternates and the forms of intra-NIA phonological alternations which serve semantic shift without alternation of the main body of wordthe vowel and the v. length, the syllable, the stress pattern, the nasal and nasalization, the glide, the aspiration and the implosivization. This account of phonological patterns will be followed by presentation of minimal pairs formed on the basis of plus / minus of the phonological features.

Some Sk.NIA phonetic and segmental alternates;

The location of the morphemic difference between the words of Sk. and their resultants in the NIA, in many cases is in alternation of c.-clusters of the first, e.g. the cluster -nch- > -j- in Sk. pronchati wipes off > NIA pujan/-na to wipe. If we agree that the phonetic features are elements of identity of a phonetic unit, this identity is weakened when two consonants are clustered together. In many cases probably it is this vulnerability which causes elision, or alternation of the clustered sounds with the stronger sounds closer to them in place, and, or in manner of articulation. The question as why such clusters took place at first, has a probable answer in that these might have been brought together by historical morphemic connections during the extended word formation in the language when different morphemesroots, stems, affixes, inflections etc.were put together to facilitate semantic relations, e.g. in kar cut, dig, do + man think in karma act, work or sam (-kara) mixing, putting together + skrt spin in samskrta put together [sasktam].In Paninis term, the morphemic combinations are two type: the verbal stems and the nominal suffixes. The second type are then divided into: (i) krt Lit. cut, spin, do i.e. Primary type and (ii) taddhita Lit. his welfare, secondary type i.e. an affix forming nouns from other nouns Pan: xxiv; Mon: q.v.). There are historical elisions in NIA where segments have been dropped without any apparent phonological reason, e.g. Sk. ekastha standing together > Sr. kattha together, in union [H., P. ekattha]. Some of the patterns in Sk.NIA segmental alternations;Sk.

>

Sr./NIA

Process if any -ks

NIA -kh aksi eye > Sr., P. akh, H. akh -

g

Sr. g (imp.) garbhini pregnant > Sr. gabban - d

Sr. d (imp.) dinga defective < Sr. dinga crooked. [The Retroflex voiced

plosive i.e. d is scanty in Sr. most of Sk.-plos. d > Sr. imp.]

y

NIA j, yatna effort > NIA jattan (Sr. n) -

d

-- d, draghman length > Sr. drigh -d

Sr. d, drsi- power of seeing > Sr. dis seeing, be seen (dikh appearance) du

-- d, du du, in turn < dva two > Sr. dora double --

NIA d/Sr.d dudhara two edged > H., P. dohra - (Sr. duhar double cloth) dv

-- b, dva two, dvitiya second > Sr. bia -, > H., P. d, do two

dy-

-- j, vadyate is made to sound > Sr. vajde sounds, to sound -rv

-- b, charvati chews caban to chew s

-- sh

s [the voiceless Dental fricative () has almost disappeared in most of NIA]

s

-- h, spasa- fetter, noose > phah, phasi noose, hanging

-sati, -sayati -- -hade, -hede, trsati trembles, is afraid > Sr. trahde is frightened; trasayati makes tremble, frightens > Sr. tarhede frightens v

-- b, vasati stays > Sr. bahde sits v

NIA/Sr. b (is rare)

v

Sr. v, vismarati forgets > Sr. visrede - (cf. vasa abode > vasi,

vasnek inhabitant; pakhivas (paksin bird + vasa abode) one who lives in makeshift shelters, a nomadb

-- v, bila hole, pit > Sr. - vila - b

-- (NIA) b, bura powder > NIA --, - (> Sr. b, bura -) --- [Sk. s and s > Sr. h is recurrent, e.g. masa bean > Sr. mah black pulse; Sk. masa moon, month > Sr. mah (also mah) -.

The shift hints at assumption that s/s are phonetically borne from Alveolar obstruction added on h i.e. the Glottal puff of air]Having accepted effort saving as reason for logic Taking it for granted that phonological alternations take place o why such alternations take place lies in the rule of saving articulatory effort, to mention one, is the case of -ks- > -kh- where the alternation of s, a weaker segment dragged from a remote place of articulation, i.e. Postalveolar to join k at the Velar point, with h a non-obstruent segment saved the effort of the main organ of speech i.e. tongue in moving from one place to the other at a distance. The vowel and the consonant;

Panini is extra particular about vowel sounds both in their quantity i.e. degree of length and their quality in terms of tone. A couple of quotes are reproduced below to have the idea;The vowel;

U-kalah aC hrasva-dirgha-plutah (Pan.2: 1.2.27: 38) the vowel-sounds are short, long, extra long.The Tone;

yajna-karmani a-japa-nyunkha-samasu in a sacrificial act, (yajna- karmani) the enunciation [is monotone 33] except I (1) silent repetition (japa) (of a sacrificial formula), (2) nyunkha insertion of (0) and (3) saman melody.(ibid.: 1.2.34: 40), i.e. the tone in Sk. can appear at three degrees which are identified as: (i) no tone as in japa silent prayer saying, (ii) from zero level upward as in nyunkha pleasant voice [prob. > Sr. runka low voice singing in ones own mood] and (iii) high as in saman Lit. breathing, voicing in melody. The nasals(1) In vowels: = 1, i.e. m

(2) In consonants = 6: n, n, n, n, m, (Vedic) jn (Pan1: xi). [does not include NIA nj

and ng which are thus historically evolved] Phonology differentiates between the vowel features long-short versus tense-lax in its intricate discussions. In this work however, these terms are used alternately. Katamba defines this feature of vowel as below;

Tense vowels are produced with a tongue body or tongue root configuration involving a greater degree of constriction than that found in their lax counterparts; this greater degree of constriction is usually accompanied by greater length (Katamba: 48).

Although used alternately, the features tense and long are not binary phonologically;

---This feature refers to the duration of a sound. Clearly, in purely physical terms this feature cannot be binary since length is always relative and length is not inherent (ibid.: 52).

In terms of quantity, alternation in NIA of Sk. vowel from tense to lax, or reverse, seems almost irregular. Compensatory v.-lengthening is the interpretation which can be applied on few of many such processes where loss of segment(s) of a Sk. word seems compensated by increasing quantity of preceding vowel such as Sk. a in vartis journey, and vartra dike, dam > Sr., P. vat dam between fields, path i.e. -a- is lengthened in compensation for r in -var-.

Hiatus

Sanskrit has a variety of processes that avoid vowel hiatus (sequence of two tense vowels in adjacent syllables) e.g.:

1. Glide insertion; Sk. avoids hiatus in many ways, one is glide insertion e.g. si-sri-e > sisriye resort - - -. 2. Vowel deletion; (short deletion): After final e or o, an initial a disappears - - - vane atra > vane tra in the forest here - - - sas abravt > so bravt he said (imperf.)

bhno tra > bhno tra O sun (voc.) here - - -

3. The Sk. pattern of glide insertion is the i-vowels, the u-vowels, and r, before a dissimilar vowel or diphthong, are regularly converted each into its own corresponding semivowel y or v or r..

Sr. avoids Hiatus, i.e. turns one of the Tense vs. in sequence into Lax, usually, the first, e.g. Sk. aghalayati rinses > Sr. aghalan to rinse, Sk. ayati comes near (Pk. ayana) > Sr. avan to come; Sk. alapa speech > H., P. (music) alap pre song humming, Sr. ala voice. R. avoiding Hiatus is also prominent in Persian loans, e.g. in Per. Adj. -abad populated, dwelling also used as postfix in place names, e.g. in islamabad capital city of Pakistan > Sr. islamabad].The Consonants;Holding assumption of the Sk. origin of the NIA languages, it is worth reviewing some shifts from the phonetic structure of Sk. Below we discuss correspondence between such Sk. and NIA where the latter have developed segmental difference. Noticeable among these are emergence of a number of fricatives which seem historical-permanents i.e. these are not subject to in situ phonological effects:FRICATIVES;1.fthe unvoiced Bilabial fricative is a non-Sk. segment thus a borrowing. A difference has to be made between its general acceptance as loan in NIA and the partial alternation of relevant Sk. sound (in this case ph) with f. Mostly, the f appears in loan words in some of NIA, mainly the U. variety of H. In the other, the Sk. phonetic structure dominates even in loan words e.g. Ar. faqir begger > H., P. phaqir (with variance). The typical Sk. ph > NIA f is, for instance, P. fit bad, cursed < phi(t)- a wicked man, yet such alternations remain infrequent.

2.zThe non-Sk. voiced Alveolar fricative z is an alternation from Sk. voiced Palatal fricative j, again depending upon context, i.e. not only that the latter is retained but in varieties of H. and some other NIA in some cases it gets the first assimilated thus Ar. zulmi cruel > H. julmi.

3.shSk. has three variants of unvoiced fricative s the Alveolar, the Postalveolar and the Retroflex. The last has been lost in many NIA including Sr. The NIA which retain these Sk. fricatives do so without any modification thus Sk. bhasa speech and savela in time, early remain NIA (H.) bhasha language and (Sr.) savel (H.) sawera morning respectively. What emerges with recurrence is the Sr. and prob. Si. (said to have been derived from a particular Pk. historically) appear closer to original Sk.

4.kh (IPA X)The voiceless Velar fricative is a purely non-Sk., predominantly a loan-specific segment. However Sr. tends to fricativize the aspirated version of the voiceless Velar plosive kh thus Sr. khachchar 'mule', khachchir f. < khaccara. 5.gh (IPA ) is the voiced version of the 4. above with similar definition. The Sk. baga garden > Sr. bagh - is doubtful.

The grammatically explainable Sk.NIA shifts are not only interesting but linguistically rewarding. For instance, phonological analysis of Sr., P. safna (i.e. safna dream < Sk. svapna, in turn svap sleep, dream, and dreaming) as given below;The unvoiced segments i.e. the Alveolar fricative s and the Bilabial plosive p, especially the first, in the combination svapna, might have forced assimilation to devoicing of the voiced Bilabial fricative v thus sfapna. The general NIA tendency to split c. clusters of distant places of articulation might have caused splitting of the sf cluster to turn it safapna. Due to its auditory insignificance in the new sequence of unvoiced s, f, and p, the p might have disappeared gradually exposing the medial a to regressive nasal harmony from the dental nasal n which followed, and in turn to redundancy for being a Lax v. nasalized (cf. Nasalization infra.). To conclude, it is svapna > sfapna > safana > safna (cf. Sr. apna, H. apna belonging to, obtained by oneself < ap for details of which see the list of the derivatives of ap in Whiteny q.v.). As against ph > f alternations, e.g. P. fit bad, curse < phi(t)- a wicked man, p > f is rare.Phoneme and features;

A sound unit is commonly recognized as phoneme which has a linguistic function - - - in distinguishing (or contrasting) word meaning - - -. For functional difference, the economical change a speakers innate knowledge of linguistics brings in does not always require change of a whole speech or even a complete word but many times just change of a phoneme. As the phonemes are made of phonetic features which are binary, their plus/minus () in a phoneme can count for functional alternation, i.e. alternation in meaning in which case the feature will become distinctive feature of the phoneme, e.g. Bilabial, plosive unvoiced = p in pet > Bilabial, plosive voiced = b in bet. Few more examples are given below;

The Minimal features in

Phoneme

Pair of the same phone

NIA-Pairs of words+ Plosive, + alveolar, voice t, + Plosive, + alveolar, + voice d, P. tin three / din day

+ Plosive, + velar, voice k, + Plosive, + velar, + voice g, H. kana one-eyed/ gana song+ Plosive, + alveolar, + voice, asp. d + Plosive, + alveolar, + voice, + asp. dh Sr. dan to give dhan rice grain

+ sonorant, + tense, nasal a, + sonorant, + tense, + nasal a, Sr. tar to watch / tan stretch

(cf. Katamba: 42-50)Some of the Indian features of OIA phonology as compared to that of the Indo-European (IE) languages are: the excessive presence of semantically propertied aspiration, implosives, nasalization of vowels and stress in off/on i.e. manner. One word becomes two words of different semantic properties with change of just one sound-segment or feature. Such words are called Minimal pairs (cf. Minimal pairs infra.). As said before, change of segment, even of a single phonological feature can bring change of meaning in words in NIA languages, more so in Sr. Major among such semantically propertied phonological features are v.-lengthening, v.-rounding, v.-nasalization, c.-aspiration, c.-implosivization, glide y insertion and stress, or gemination.The nasals and the nasalization;

Nasal are consonants like m and n as in NIA man heart, self < Sk. manas mind. Nasalization is a supra-segmental nasal effect appearing on a v. because of a nasal c. existing before, or in some cases, after it (Ref.?). All languages have nasal consonants with difference of type and number. The nasals in Sk. are summarized by Panini as follows;

(1) In vowels: = 1, i.e. m

(2) In consonants = 6: n, n, n, n, m, (Vedic) jn (Pan1: xi). R. L. Turner verifies this in one of his observations as follows; Primitive Indian as represented by the language of the Veda possessed the following nasals: n, n, n, m, m. Of these n and n are never found independently; - - - (Turner (1915: 18; cf. Writing system supra?).

The nasalization;

Nasalization is not frequent in Sk. and is rarely functional (semantic). One of fewer examples is kamsa (kamsya) bell metal, made of bell metal > Sr. kaja pottery made of bell metal and kasa cough > NIA khasi -, and more clearly, ahamkara [aham I, kara doing] self consciousness and samkhaya . NIA nasalization rarely has origin in Sk. Most of the NIA nasalized lexemes are derived from such Sk. source words without

t nasal, e.g. maja sweeping broom < marja in compound words, cleaning.

Nasalization in NIA has quite of few patterns:

(i) Is inherited from the source i.e. Sk., or Pk.

(ii) Compensatory, emerged as compensation to for a segment, or sound, or c.

cluster of the source word dropped in derivation. Such dropping of nasal c., or any c. is compensated after complete disappearance of the compensated segment, i.e. in compensatory nasalization, organs of speech will clearly stand apart.

(iii) As part of NIA tendency for shifting from oral to nasal cavity [as babys initial effort to distinguish between sounds].(iv) Directionality of nasalization in NIA is casual, i.e. it is mostly regressive, casually progressive, or even bidirectional.

(dropped Mostly irregular, i.e. is not rule based strictly.

(v) Is syl.-structured [in Sr. it appears on v. preceding a nasal placed in margin, amma but not ma (instead ma)]. An initial rule is, it appears on nucleus of first syl. of a polysyllabic word when the second syl. is relatively stressed. [to recheck]. Or that stress which is weaker and relative in Sr. and therefore remains unmarked in most cases in orientalists registers spreads prog. nasalization as in sani f. of animal to became ready to be milked is sani the contrast, the example to how absence of nasalization in minus stress cases is cana good < --? > canar good in eyes of elders < -- ?. [the rule for loss of g in Sk. canga good? > Sr. cana is after turning g into n through nasalization > -nn- the original nasal is lost, yet there is irregularity as in vanga bangles< ? and -ranga in veranga colorlss against rana I do color < ? which requires further interpretation.]

****

And there are deviations, e.g. pa skin disease in animals < paman -.

[contrasts like samga and sanga are scribble; aspiration however makes difference thus samga and sanga battle, contact > Sr. sang company, body of pilgrims, Sk. samgha association, a company also > Sr., P. sang -.]Nasalization is loose in NIA in general. In Sr., it is rampant, bidirectional and runs across word boundary. In many cases nasalization is historical in NIA, i.e. has emerged at some later stage, latter even than MIA i.e. without having trace in the source language(s), Sk. or Pk. A few cases of such rootless nasalization hard to be given a standard phonological explanation are H. akh eye < aksi -, H. phaasi fetter, noose < spasa -, Sr. pu pus < puya - and Sr. pan quarter of the paropi a wooden pot to measure of grains < pataka quarter of a village, or town also > Sr. para -.

--- Why v. is nasalized more frequently than other phonological shifts ? because nasals being continuants provide easy way for drastic shift of cavity without gap in sonority e.g. ca take, pick < vavayati causes to move > ca a bird < casa blue jay, sniper. 2. Reg nasalization in Sr reaches any v. except when blocked by any c except the nasal, or a semi v. e.g. pujan(jhan) to wipe < Pa. pronchati, Pk. pumchi, Sk. pronchati [forms of short v. nasalization in the source languages = m ] wipes offpunchati wipes vs. pujan to honor, worship < pujayati -, puran to fill a ditch, to bury < purayati fills etc.

--- 1. Nasals gets its full segmental properties when in margin of syl. thus m in Sr. tha place, room < sthaman station, place and in amma mother < matr - is more extensive than the m in Sr. ma mother < matr -.

2. Regressive nasalization is anticipatory and basic. Prog. nasalization is seepage.

3. There is compensatory nasalization without nasal c. around. Any c. dropped is compensated in v. articulation of which is easier through nasal cavity because velum raising is the first maneuvering we learn as baby in sucking milk. 4. There is historical nasalization in NIA without any trace of lexical nasal in source, thus random.---

How c. clusters might have lead to phonological alternations over time, e.g. Sk tm > N IA p in Sk. taman > atman self > NIA, K., pan human body, H. ap self. Many a sound segments in the highly inflectional Sk. were put together against the articulatory adjustment. Most problematic among these are the frequent c. clusters, e.g. tm- as word initial in tman vital breath > NIA, K. pan human body, S. pana reflexive prn.. A general phonological interpretation of the excessive nasalization in NIA therefore might possibly be in terms of NIA easy compensation for the elision of Sk. c. clusters. It might have been a way of skipping a Sk. complex c.-combination of Oral cavity by opting for nasal cavity [as children do] thus Sk. sthagha base, bottom > Sr., P. tha pot, space.

After the general perspective given above, some traceable patterns of historicity of nasalization of NIA derivatives of Sk., although inconclusive, will be as follows;

(i) Syllabic interpretation; In Sr., nasalization gets its full segmental properties

when margin of a syl., e.g. amma mother < amba -. Various derivative of this root differentiate between alternations. In the one, the nasal c. is retained without nasalizing v., e.g. Pa. amba, in the other the preceding v. is nasalized at the cost the nasal c. as in Pk. amba [i.e. aba], and in yet other, the v. is nasalized and the nasal c. is retained as in Pk. amma (cf. Tur. q.v.). This irregularity in the source languages from Sk. to Pa. to Pk. might be another factor behind maximization of the segment in the NIA like Sr.

(i) Phonologically, Nasalization is a type of assimilation also called Harmony.

Typically, it is anticipatory i.e. a Regressive nasalization can be marked as language specific phonological feature. The other i.e. the progressive Nasalization at its minimal degree is inescapable as the trongest of segments seeps out from a nasal c. to Onset of the immediate v. which follows it thus we hear a segmental difference in -i- in Eng. sid (i.e. seed) and -i- in sin (seen), the second having nasalization audible thus sin (cf. Carr: ?) [Data; Sr. tikkha quick, sharp < tiksna -, hot, pungent.

Sr. There are cases of archaic Sk. nasalization i.e. where it continues from Sk. sources e.g. why should Sk. aksi eye, spasa fetter, noose and puya pus > H. akh -, H. phaasi - and Sr. pu - respectively. However, in cases where nasalization of the NIA is rooted in the source language, is intensive in NIA in general and is rampant in Sr.

As noted elsewhere, nasal(ization) is present in some derivatives whose Sk. source has no such segment at all. It thus can be inferred that at some point in the historical development of NIA (especially Sr.) nasal and nasalization was used as handy escape in dealing with c. clusters frequent in Sk., e.g.[bring proper example] [to be shifted; in Sr. Pavanda name of tribal people in the districts of Dera Ismail Khan and Dera Ghazi Khan [< parvata belonging to the hills > H. parbat hill; Tur., with Tense -a- only, Mon. entertains both parvata for mountain (parvati mountain stream), and with Lax v. parvata knotty, rugged, (said of mountain). - - , with; appears is ].

By definition, nasalization is always a consonant feature which is assimilated by vowels notes Katamba and defines it further in terms of phonological process;

Nasalization is a process whereby an oral segment acquires nasality from a neighboring segment. Again the articulatory motivation for this is self-evident. In order to produce a nasal segment it is necessary to lower the velum (soft palate) and allow air to escape through the nose - - to produce an oral sound, it is necessary to completely block off access to the nasal cavity by raising th velum as high as it can go. - - typically some nasalization seeps through and effects an oral segment which is adjacent to a nasal (Katamba: 93).

Nasal is seen as one of strong sound-segments. Once a nasal c. is present in the vicinity, the neighboring non-nasal segments are contaminated one way or the other;

To maintain an absolute distinction between oral and nasal consonants would require perfect synchronization of velic closure with the other articulatory parameters of (a) Phonation (i.e. production of voicing), (b) the Place of articulation and (c) the Manner of articulation. This is not always possible. Typically some nasalization seeps through and affects an oral segment which is adjacent to nasal. In some languages the nasalization is prominently audible (ibid.).In Sk., Nasalization is not only present but well attended: Panini divides nasals into Anunasika (Lit. after nostrils) i.e. nasal consonant and Anusvara (or svara, Lit. after sound) i.e. vowel nasalized. Sk. orthography includes letter m in its Alphabet table to mark nasalized v. As against modern linguistic tradition (of English language etc.) which treats nasalization as assimilation and retains both the segment which spreads nasality and the segment which receives it, e.g. in grand > grand but not *grad (Katamba: 168), the Sk. treats it as morphemic i.e. nasalization is shown as part of segment (vowel) without trace of the source which it spreads from thus kamsa bell mettle and kana one eyed but not *kamnsa and *kamna. As far the questions, whether Anusvara is restricted to Tense vs., or also spreads on Lax vs., and whether one way, or bidirectional, it appears that orthographic evidence recognizes only reg. Anusvara [check] restricted to Tense v. and at the cost of removal of the trigger, thus either Sr. sag spear or sang - < sanku peg, spike. However, phonological principle discovers unavoidable segmental nasalization both reg. as well as prog. and on all vs. irrespective Tense, Lax. The only retrievable rule in this complex phenomena is, reg. nasalization spreads back only when the trigger i.e. Anunasika (nasal c.) is stressed, i.e. it sits in Margin of a polysyllabic word. This Sk. pattern is present in Sr., e.g. Sr. kana < kana, and chummi a kiss < cumba kissing.**** 12-08-14 The typology of nasals and nasalization in Sk. is summarized in Panini under two categories: (i) Anunasika (lit. anu- after, nasika nostril), which is a sound segment uttered through the nose (as one of five nasal consonants, or a vowel, or the semivowels y, v, l under certain circumstances - - -) as listed above and (ii) Anusvara (lit. anu- -, svara- sound), the effect of a nasal c. which always belongs to a preceding vowel. It is a penultimate vowel which is phonologically tensed in a combination, and is nasalized. Anusvara, traditionally transcribed as m/n (m in Tur.), or with macron above the v. as in this work, e.g. bhana share < bhaj, divide, share, or in some works, by underlining the nasalized segment as n in bandh embankment < bandha bond. According to the Sk. specific rules, nasalization is triggered by a nasal c. to appear regressively on a preceding (usually long) v. Thus nasalization in Sk. is a-, i-, u- > a-, i-, u- (consult Mon: Anunasika and Anusvara q.v.). In NIA nasalization can also take place progressively on the following v., short or long, thus a-a, i-i, u-u > a-a, i-i, u-u but less regularly. Thus the set of the variants of nasal c. given above are Anunasika, and all the rest is phonological variants of Anusvara. Neither the number of the Anunasika (the nasal consonants) nor the nature of the Anusvara (v. nasalized) is exactly same among different NIA languages. For instance, main varieties of H. lack Retroflex nasal n and that of P. are short of nasalization of final v., e.g. in canga good < Sk. canga of good understanding. The Anusvara, i.e. nasalization, is dealt within the subject of quality and quantity of vowel in Sk. and has developed into more complex type of segments in NIA.

The phonology of nasalization of vowels in NIA varies from language to language, for instance, the language in focus i.e. Sr. (and Sindhi) appear more sensitive to nasal harmony as compared to, say P. and H. where spread of nasalization in some relevant cases is either absent, or optional cf. Sr. cana, P. canga.In NIA in general, and Sr. in particular, nasalization is both way, progressive i.e. nasalizing the v. appearing after, and regressive, i.e. nasalizing the v. existing before the nasal c. There are cases like H. +nas. ma mother < matr- mother but Sr. nas. ma < dit. - where the nasal c. m does not progressively extend nasal harmony on -a in Sr. ma. This but abides some rules: (i) Sr. does not accept nasalization in mono syl. lexemes unless nasalization was inherited from Sk. before elision and other processes of derivation e.g. Sr. nava name > na - < naman -.- before . As far nasalization in the mono syl. tu (2sg prn.) you < tvam -, is possibly segmental retention of the nasal m part of the source word and nasalization in Sr. ka crow prob. < karand cry and not < kaka - the general source for NIA kava - etc., or the nasalization of Sr. ka, as in many cases, will be irregular. (ii) Progressive nasalization in Sr. is also blocked by v.-length in the v. appearing immediately after the source nasal c., thus Sr. nala string for trouser < nadi tubular stalk of any plant (Turner: q.v.) and not *nala. This must not be confused with Sr. mama mothers brother < mama - where nasalization is regressive originated from the medial -m-. To generalize, nasalization in Sr. appears both way progressive as well as regressive and on long as well as short v. as in nava new < nava - and nava written name < naman name. What the NIA languages inherited from Sk. in feature nasalization is casual functionality of this feature, i.e. in some cases, its plus/minus brings change of meaning as in these Sk. lexemes: kasa shine, kasa name of a cast and kasa to cough (Mon. q.v.) and in NIASr. ta heat < tapa heat, glow and ta then, consequence of, so, indeed < tatha so, in that way, or < tat thus, then. Another important point to register is nasalization in NIA is predominantly historical, i.e. a latter development as many NIA derivatives having feature nasalization are derived from Sk. stems having no nasal or nasalization, e.g. Sr. manja cleaning < marja to clean. Nasalization in NIA is a complex Phonological process which cannot be exhaustively captured by rules. Yet, some basic patterns of nasalization can be laid down as below;

>Needless to say, regressive nasalization is triggered by presence of a nasal c. in the word, which nasalizes an adjacent long v. e.g. Sr. kandha call to wedding ceremony < kuvvanita sounded, and casually, a short v. e.g. Sr. kani a drop of water, slight rain < kana- -. As far progressive nasalization, cf. above.< In some cases nasalization in a NIA word takes place where the source is not present within the lexeme, but in the root-stem in Sk., e.g. H., Sr. bud drop < bindu m. drop, spot. That in bud it is nasalization and not a nasal c. can be checked through articulation of the word which will show that the tongue does not touch the Alveolar ridge or any part of the roof of mouth before reaching d. For the history of bindu > bud we can infer a chain of process: (i) assimilative alternation of -i- with -u- (ii) loss of the final v. i.e. u compensated in lengthening of medial -u- > -u- thus bund and finally (iii) loss of the nasal c. -n- after nasalization of the lengthened, medial -u- > -u-. The process thus might have been like Sk. bindu > MIA bundu > NIA bund > bud. If we term the process of nasalization as assimilation, or harmony, it is fundamentally regressive, i.e. a vowel is nasalized in anticipation of a nasal c. which is to follow, e.g. H. pac (panc) five < panca - and Sr. kandha (ibid.). Progressive nasal harmony is also seen but with some intra-NIA inconsistency observed in multiple forms as in Sr. ma mother (above), but amma - < matr - and Sr. sama cause to sleep < svapayati to cause to sleep (Mon. q.v.) as against H. ma - and sama mutual fascination, charm < sam-vanana propitiating, causing mutual fondness (Mon. q.v.); also cf. Sr. kama to work to earn < karmayati to employ, to work, nikamma idle, workless < niskarman inactive and and kana one eyed < kana -. Except for partially applicable syllabic explanation (infra.) it is irregularity governing the complex phonology of nasalization in NIA. If to form a rule, regressive nasalization is a pattern while progressive nasalization takes place in some NIA including Sr. when the source i.e. nasal c. is placed in margin of the first syl. followed by an open syl. which will receive nasalization, for example, Sr. bhanna broken < Pk. bhagga broken in turn < bhajyate is broken, but bhanak f. a breaker female, or destroys female i.e. no nasalization because the rhyme i.e. -ak is a closed in the margin k. And yet nasalization remains irregular.

In NIA, nasalization is functional, i.e. the feature, in many cases, is semantically propertied (serves change of meaning) e.g. Sr. n. pa quarter < pada foot versus n. pa itch disease in animal < paman skin disease, and is more significant in Sr. vb. pres.part. 2p infl. ede versus 1p infl. -ede as in vede he/she goes < vyeti goes away versus vede you go < dit., -. Another, relatively less regular pattern is, nasalization of v. prefers close v. and accepts close-mid or open v. if unrounded. Therefore close-mid rounded nasalized i.e. o as in hod being < bhavati becomes, are scarce.

A set of selected lexemes is placed in table below which will help reach the contrasts in nasalization in plus and minus (+/);

nasalized

+ nasalized parallel

H. panna page < parna plumage, foliage(of tree) Sr. panna - < dit. -

Sr. bana make < vanati desires, makes ready Sr. banna m. bridegroom, beloved < vanva desiring

Sr.banna (Tur. Sindhi bano) small bank to keep back water < bandha m. bond

Sr., H. bud drop < bindu m. drop, spot

Sr. kuara m. unmarried < kumara boy (Mon; ku

deterioration, deficiency + mara death, easily dying

[seems problematic; may instead connote with deficient

chances of death]

Sr. cud corner < cundati becomes small in turn Sr. cud become fucked < codati copulates

< cunut narrow, cut cut off Sr. cudh dim sight, bleary eyes < culla -Sr. cuda womans hair < cudavati plaits of hair of woman, in turn < cuda protuberance, word for hair Sr. cudan to eat by biting < cutati cuts off

Sr. bhu, bhuh chaff of grain < busa chaff (Tur.) Sr. bur pollen, husk of wood < bura power

[Add in above some clear contrast]The nasal n and n ( and ) ;

With in situ phonological variations given, the Bilabial nasal consonant m, the Alveolar nasal n and the Retroflex nasal n, are relatively stable as compared to the Palatal nasal n (IPA, ) and the Velar nasal n (IPA, ). The IA languages vary in articulation of both the sounds. For his Bhasha, Panini, recognizes n in combination with j which precedes the first, thus -jn-. Panini describes the nasals in Panini (7.3.79) as nasal vowels = 1, i.e. m, and nasal consonants = 6, i.e. n, n, n, n, m, (and Vedic) jn. (cf. supra.) About the last, i.e. jn (and ng), he points to a process of phonological change in the sutra which together with its narration reads as follows;

jna-jan-ja the substitute morpheme ja replaces [the whole of the ref. 1.1.55 i.e. the sounds of anga-s, 6.4.1 of the verbal stems], i.e. 6.4.1 is anga sya, and 1.1.55 is aneka aL SIT a saravasy - -, implying that in the morphemes grouped as anga type and as aneka which have Sk. phonetic properties of jn will be lost in such and such conditions [also applies on N (ng)]. What remains to be checked is the shift of the conditional jn and [and gn > n] to nj [and ng] in some NIA, is not a misperception at any point (Pan2: xi, 7.3.79, 1.1.55, 6.4.1: 21, 933).In above sutra (Lit. thread) Panini has given a rule about the change, or loss of the Vedic -jn-. The sutra, however, does not explain the phonetic characteristics of the segment but just phonology of its alternation. As far its presence as nj in the NIA, at first it seems the two members of what we can call c.-cluster have swapped their positions at some point in history, i.e. the second member of the Vedic jn appears first in nj, for instance in Sk. sanjana act of fastening > Sr. sanjan to fasten saddle on horses back. As far n, as in srnga horn > Sr. sin -, it is also referred to as member of the Paninis aneka group of nasals attended in 1.1.5 and in 1.1.6 (ibid.: 4, 26). Modern Sk. grammarians, such as Macdonell2 characterize the two nasals as follows; The guttural n appears finally only when a following k or g has been dropped, - - - medially n appears regularly only before gutturals; e.g. anka m. hook; ankhaya embrace; anga m. limb; jangha leg. (Macdonell2: 9) Guttural being the old term for Velar, the above explanation indicates that in Sk. Velar nasal n appears immediately before k or g [which means k and g being Velar by place possibly cause regressive assimilation to turn the Alveolar nasal n in -nk-, or -ng- combinations into Velar nasal n, thus -nk- or -ng-. A similar assimilation process can be assumed in the case of n +j > nj. But it is not as simple as this interpretation. To be precise, the phonetic description of n and n is: +palatal, +nasal = n, and + velar, + nasal = n respectively, and as every nasal has to be, both are + voice. In conventional transcription of NIA, these are marked both as n and n, and also as nj and ng. And in some NIA these exist free from the condition of appearing before k or g, for instance, in Sr. and Si. where these serve as independent sound units thus Sr. sun deserted place < sunya empty and sin (above) and not sunj and sing (cf. Wordlist infra).

A bit doubtful but possible phonetic interpretation of the two sounds is to consider the nj and ng as c.-clusters with the first segments i.e. n/n weakened. The place of articulation of the segments n and j is the same i.e. the Palate. It is also same in articulation of n and g i.e. Velum. The only difference is, in articulation of n and n the Velum is raised to let the air escape through nose to turn them into nasals while in the case of j and k/g the Velum remains lowered blocking the air from going through nose thus keeping them oral. The phonetic process of nj and ng thus is: each starts as nasal with the Velum raised and the air let to flow through nose but is released with the Velum lowered before the release changing the nasal n/n to nj/ng without insertion of vowel lest provide time and space required for segmental separation. Contemporary phonetics does not recognize the popular NIA nj and ng as single sound units. The IPA recognizes both as pure the nasals n() and n() without the features of approximation, or that of being plosive found in j and g respectively. Accordingly, these serve as independent sound units in many languages including Sr. and Si. Some languages recognize Velar nasal as n but opt for the cluster in the case of Palatal nasal nj e.g. Eng. thus king is marked in the column of pronunciation in the Eng. dictionaries as ki but plunge, as plndz = planj. The Sk.-Eng. texts and dictionaries have nj/ng predominantly with casual accommodation of n/n. Below we describe some more NIA-Sr. patterns in nasals and nasalization.

A simple problem with nj and ng is these do not fit in the basic rule of Phonetics which says a sound is one phonetic unit only if it is produced with single articulatory action as n() and n() do. Plausibly, as against Sk. archaic n() and n(), the nj and ng are latter development [successor of glide Sk. y or y-clusters] as noticed by a Sanskritist in the context of j sanj = hang on, attach; j is a new palatal. (Kanta: 259).The case of Sk. canga of good understanding > Sr. cana good, nice, P. canga - provides with interesting example of the real nng alternation in Sr., Si., H., and P. etc. The internal phonological process this lexeme goes through in its Sr. (and Si.) version is possibly like this; the nasal n in original version of Sk. canga triggered both progressive and regressive harmony on almost segments: nasalized the first v. i.e. a which preceded it thus canga-, in harmony with the following Velar, +voice plosive g, it altered itself from nasal c. n to Velar, nasal, +voice -n- (IPA, --) thus canga-, nasalized the final v. i.e. a spreading on all segments of the word except for the initial c. thus canga and finally, the features Velar and +voice preserved in n itself, brought about redundancy of the Velar voiced plosive g thus Sr. cana. The H. and P. versions fall short of most of these processes retained the Sk. canga only by adding quantity of the last v. a > canga. Turner (in Turner 1915 supra) noticed similar phonological process in the history of the group ama > ava > ava [day of the new moon, time before dawn < amavasya- born on a new moon night].In the phonetic contrast between n/n and nj/ng (cf. sun and sin above) the historical-linguists generalize the second i.e. nj/ng. Masica (1991), for instance, has characterized the nasal type in nj and ng as the voicing of voiceless stops after nasals and has added a brief list of the relevant Sindhi derivatives of Sk. which is reproduced below;Skt. (for Sk.)

H.

P.

S. (for Si.)Sk. aka mark

a`k

ag

agu panca five

pa`c

panj

panju kanta thorn

kata kanda kando danta tooth

dat dand

dandu campa name of tree cap camba

cambao

(Masica 1991: 203; cf. Whitney, Turner, ibid.). We could also follow above analysis in the Sr. san relation as mere loss of g i.e. sangat companionship > san but the claim for loss of j in sun desolated place < sunya empty does not confirm this view. A rather simpler explanation could be in partial assimilation of the place of articulation by assuming movement of tongue from place for n which is Alveolar to that of j and g which are Palatal and Velar respectively. This rule but fails in cases like Sr. pandh distance, journey < panth path, and ant end < anta end where nothing stops tongue from properly reaching the place of articulation for n and instead compromising with > for assumed *padh and *at respectively. The explanation left with us is as against j and g, the place of articulation of t and d being in immediate neighborhood n in the sequence, no articulatory maneuvering is required. If to rephrase the problem in simpler words, it is: (i) The phonological features of n and n when followed by Palatal plosives j and Velar plosive g respectively as in kunji key < kuncika - and sang- togetherness, company < sanga battle, contact (cf. sang- infra), in fact, are not the same as the perceived phonetic properties of n and n as sound units but of their versions reduced to nasalization of preceding v. If examined through spectrographs, it should emerge that in many cases where the segments are traditionally scribed as nj and ng, what materializes is the nasalization of preceding v. and not any form of the consonant n thus kuji and sag. This analysis, however, cannot be taken for claimed deviation from the tradition. (ii) The sound units viz. Palatal nasal n and Velar nasal n frequently appearing in Sr. (and Si.) are independent sound units different from and in addition to the popular NIA nj and ng. In the latter, segments j and g appear before release of the v. which follows them and block the effect of the preceding nasal c. from reaching the v. which follows them. To sum up, in this case, the v. before g and j is nasalized and the v. after g and j is denasalized. The proper Palatal and Velar nasals i.e. n and n without segment j or g added to them are features found in some of the NIA, mainly Sr. (and Si.) cf. Sr. sun and san above. The Sr. versions of P. janj wedding procession < janya -, and rang dye, color < ranga thus are jan and ran respectively. The n/nj and n/ng contrasts in Sr. (and Si.) also exhibit functionality (properties of semantic variation), for instance, kun snakes slough < kancu skin of snake but kunj put together, corner < kuncana contraction and san (above) as against sang (above). Table below presents some more cases;

[Brief; The process of Sk. ranga and sunya > Sr. ran and sun, nut P. rang and sunj can be summarized as this: in Sr. derivatives c. clusters -ng- and -ny- squeezed into single phonetic units n and n as against P. where the following Palatal and Velar plosives g and j (< -ny-) simply dominated to freeze n/n and block nasalization.]Table; Lexemes consisting the semantically propertied n/nj and n/ng contrasts;

n

nj __

__

NIA

< Sk.

NIA < Sk.

Kun snakes slough kancu skin of snake kunj put together kuncana contraction

kunj2 corner krunca -

kunji key kuncika -

kunji key kuncika -

jan wedding procession janya -pun charity, virtue punya beneficial, pleasant panj five panca -

run desert region arnya foreign land

sun deserted place sunya empty

sanjog/k) good chance samyoga junction, union

van to go

vraj go

-- -- possibly < vyeti goese awy

-- -- -- vancati moves

-- -- -- vyeti goese awy

-- -- -- vancati moves

n

ng __

__ran color, dye -- ranga -

with Sr. variable rang

ranan to color, to dye -- ranga -san of animal ready -- sank doubt, fear sang- togetherness < sanga battle, contact to be milkedsin horn -- srnga -

with Sr. variable singh --- The over stretched complexity of nj and ng can finally be attributed to the multiple, overlapping sources of NIA derivatives in Sk. The much adored NIA morpheme sang (above), then will be seen as having gone through multiple alternations due the nasal segment in it. Sk. sanga is an alternative if not derivative from the relatively stable root sanj to cling, or stick or adhere to, or be attached to, or occupied with. To another possibility, sanga is a compound formed from Sk. sam to drive together and gama going as is preserved in NIA sangam meeting point of two streams, or paths and sang (above).

Similarly, Sk. sam- is a widely appearing stem turned pref. in Sk., as in NIA. The NIA lexeme samaj society but does not show a direct source in Sk. The probabilities are: (i) is < samajatiya homogeneous, of same cast, (ii) is < samavada speaking together, i.e. samaj is a compound < sam together and vac to speak. A list of sam- derivatives in Sr. is given in the Table below;

Table; The derivatives of Sk. sam in Sr.

NIA

< Sk

MeaningSr. sanj put together sanj cling, attached with

Sr./H/ sanjog good chance

samyoga junction, union

Sr./H. sang- together

sanga battle, contact H. sangam meeting pointsamgama to drive together

H. samaj

societysamajatiya homogeneous----

Aspiration;

- - there is a slight delay between the release of the stop - - and onset of voicing of the [next] vowel. An aspirated stop is released with greater force then a un-aspirated one. (ibid: 70).

The segment Aspiration is as unstable and fluctuant in its phonetic features and the positions it takes in lexemes as is frequent in appearance. It appears both as independent sound unit as ha heart < hrdaya - and as feature attached to other sound units as in dhovan to wash < dhauvati washes. As against many other languages such as Eng., aspiration is less accentual and more functional in Sk. and the NIA. A wide range of minimal pairs is formed through use of the phonetic means of +/ aspiration in NIA. A brief list of Minimal pairs on this feature is given in the table below;

Table; Minimal pairs formed through +/ aspiration (Asp.)

Asp.

+Asp.

galh word, blame, abuse < garha blame.

galan to cause to flow, press out < galyati causes to drip.

cattan to lick, taste < catt lick, taste

Sr. chattan to scatter < chatt scatterSr. dan to give dhan rice grainSr. rukk gold < rukta bright

Sr. rukkh tree < ruksa tree.Sr. rukk gold [< r [to here]The Aspiration;[ has to be taken up]

The Implosives

Stops made with the glottis ingressive airstream mechanism are called implosives (Katamba: 49). Extract from Amna Latif;

4.1 Comparison of Voiced Implosives and Voiced PlosivesBy comparing the spectrograms of voiced implosives and oral stops, it was observed that the documented facts available were correct i.e. the amplitude of the voiced implosives increased during the oral closure indicating the lowering of the larynx. In addition to this the duration of oral closure of voiced implosives was less than that of their plosives respectively. Refer to Appendix E for spectrograms of voiced implosives and their respective plosives.--- Keerio;Some of the unique acoustic-phonetic features of Sindhi highlighted in this study are determining the

acoustic features of the large number of the contrastive voiced implosives of Sindhi and the acoustic

impact of the language flexibility in terms of the insertion and digestion of the short vowels in the

utterance (Keerio: ii)The phonology of bilabial voiced implosive b, in this case resulting from regressive assimilation of -dm- with bilabial unvoiced plosive p- is in addition to the known pattern of dv > b (cf. Tur ?; cf. Sybtax supra).

[This is a rule that Pushing the vocal cords wide apart augments the airflow through the glottis and inhibits voicing. The gesture which is associated with voicelessness and aspiration, is absent in nonspread sounds (Katamba: 48). What this entails is, the voiced stops when aspirated become voiceless, thus +v g when added with aspiration h becomes v gh.] The implosivization of the Velar voiced stop g exhibits complex parameters: (i) g remains plosive when initial in an open syl., or in a closed syl. having a voiced stop in coda thus g- in gada cart< gadda - and in gadvi water pot < gadduka -. (ii) In all other cases, the Velar voiced stop g, initial, medial or final, turns implosive e.g. galh word < garha blame. And yet there appear deviants e.g. baga white, of fair complexion < valga beautiful where g, although initial in an open syl., could not be implosivized because of adjacency with the preceding Coronal voiced stop b which remained plosive sharing the rule (i) above with g.

[ has to be taken up]

The glide insertion and the j development;

The glide insertion;Among NIA, glide insertion is more prominent in Sr. with the rules almost corresponding to the Sk. glide insertion rules given above (cf. Hiatus supra). Here we briefly attend the process of glide y insertion which is recurrent in Sr. in declensions, i.e. in verbs and nouns ending in semantically propertied inflections. As per phonetic compulsions, y interacts with the Front close, and mid close i and e. It is the affixes or inflections which Panini has termed vibhakti partition which is defined in as defined by Monier;

inflection of nouns, declensions, an affix of declension, case (according to Pan. a termination or inflection either of a case or of the persons of a tense; certain Tadhita affixes which are used like case terminations have also name Vi-bhakti - - - (Mon. q.v.)

The typical phonological case of glide y insertion between sequences of long v. are the vb. pres.prt. ending in case infl. e and are added with a case affix reduced to a v. of same quality i.e. -i or -e e.g. karedi f. sg. she does + pl. infl. -a > karedia > karediya they do. A related process is reduction in value of the syl. taking the glide i.e. -diya- = 1 syl. and not -di-, -ya- = 2 syl. (cf. Syntax and the word order. supra).

The would syl. value of -- similar v. f in Pan In Panini rve as prn.-case with multiple semantic propropertied with .used in middle which seems n Sr. the v. sequences in with appearance in and e. Mid principle, The -y- appears in v. sequences, other This phonological feature we include in the Functional (semantically propertied features) features of Sr. However, glide insertion offers some grammatical patterns such as,

The j development;

Development of Sk. j is historical. Initially, y > j and the alternation is traceable only through the forms where y remains preserved. A general rule is, y sequenced after unrounded front, or middle v. i.e. iy-, -ey- > -ij-. This provides Sr. with grammatical rule for construction of passive vice forms e.g., vikijan to be sold < vikriyate to be sold, divijan to be given< diyate is given. But ungrammaticality of Sr. *ajat i.e. ade instead < Sk. yati is to come is rare, (Cf. Turner (date?): 310-5 for detailed analysis of y > j).Assimilation, dissimilation and Elision;

For whatever cognitive reasons, languages go through syntactic as well as phonetic and phonological change which is best recorded in the case of Indo European (IE) languages, segment by segment e.g. - - because there is so little evidence for Proto-Ido-European b in the framework of obstruents, the phonological system of Proto-Indo-European was assumed to be changing (Lehmann: v). A general process in historical phonological change from Sk. to NIA has been that of reduction in segments which is understandable under the rule of effort-saving. Another general rule is, segments of same or nearer place and, or manner of articulation go through phonetic adjustments through processes such as: assimilation, dissimilation and elision, which are defined below;

(i) Assimilation - - is the modification of a sound in order to make it more similar to some other sound in its neighborhood (Katamba: 80).

(ii) By dissimilation, differences between sounds are enhanced so that sounds become more distinct make speech perception easier (ibid.: 94.

(iii) Elision, or deletion is a way change of phonetic change where a segment gets elided (is not uttered in certain cases (Carr: 41).

If we look at the inconsistencies in the phonological features which we tried to grasp above, it is caused, mainly by one factor which is a phoneme is combination of Allophones and each Allophone tends to be sensitive to adjacent allophone. The effect Allophones accept from each other is called Assimilation (Sandhi joint in Panini). Carr explains assimilation with case of the English word input;

The nasal in input is, however, uttered as an [m]: try it and you will see that one needs to use conscious effort not to utter it this way. This is because the /n/ assimilates in place of articulation to the following stop. What this means is that we must allow that the phoneme /n/ has an /m/ allophone. (Carr: 29)

[Come with a note on nature of v. length here]but is verified in the International phonetic alphabet (IPA)[the subchapter Nasal and nasalization better to be taken from the file, Temp]

Sr. is sensitive to nasal harmony. For example, Sk. canga of good understanding, Syllable pattern [Sk. Letters are perceived as syl. thus ka and not as pure phonic/sound (impossible to retrieve out of syl.). The alternate for syl. is matra (Lit. measure) weighs equal to a Pluta i.e. a Lex. v.] Syllable (syl.), is a unit between morpheme and segment. As far its relevance, it is phrased by Katamba as follows;One of the most basic functions of the syllable is to regulate the ways in which lower level units (consonants and vowels) of the phonological hierarchy can combine. Knowledge of the phonological system which speakers of a language have consists in part of knowledge of the phonemes of that language and their allophones. (cf. Katamba: 164).

It is believed that the concept syl. and the relevant terms have been borrowed in linguistics from music where foot-metrics is assessed on the basis of syl.-count. The syllable has two constituents, namely the Onset which comes at the beginning and the Rhyme which follows it (ibib: 153-5). The Onset can be absent from a syl., and can usually consist of a c., or a v., or more than one segment in any combination (in Sr. up to three, e.g. in vana destroy [three, excluding the inherent vowel in v-. ] < vinasayati causes to be ruined). The Rhyme is the second but central part of syl. which can optionally have a Margin if the syllable has one more segment in closing. Analysis of syllable informs as how words or morphemes of similar number of phonemes can be phonologically different on the basis of difference of their syllabic properties. If the syl. ends in v., it is called open syl., if otherwise, it will be marked as closed syl. (cf. ibid.). For instance, in Sr. pakka [pk a ] adj. cooked, ripe and paka [p ka] vb. cook < pakvaka cooking, the second is different in its number of syl. which is one, than the first, which is two. The feature which causes difference is stress (cf. Stress infra.). In the first case i.e. pakka, the Onset of first syl. consists p followed by ak to form a Rhyme with k as its Margin. The Onset of the second syl. starts from the second, unstressed part of the k (normally marked as repeated k) followed by Rhyme a which having no Margin makes the second syl. an open one thus [pa[k]]-[k[a]] and [pak[a]]. In the first case, it is the stress on the first syl. which forwards part of segment k to make onset of the second syl. There can be a syl. as small as a, or na which are less then, or equal to one morpheme depending on the semantic context in which they appear, and as large as Sr. bhanak adj. breaker, destroyer, problematic person < bhagna broken, torn, lost (cf. Katamba: ibid., for Internal structure of Word see Carr: 33-5).

Stress;

The notion accent which stems from intonation overlaps with the notion stress. Stress is defined as greater auditory prominence which is,

a syl. receiving pitch, loudness and duration more than other syl. in a word. Such a syl. is called stressed syl. in contrast to the one which is unstressed. However, observing that every syl. in a multisyllabic word receives stress to greater or lesser degree, some linguists divided stress into primary, secondary and week, only to conclude that prominence is relational and stress is contrastive (Katamba: 221-24, 242).Phillip Carr is precise on syllables and the sequence in which -stress syllables take place in the English foot matrix;Sequences of rhymes (and therefore syllables) consisting of a stressed syllable plus one or more unstressed syllables are said to form constituents called stress feet. (Carr: 215).

Languages are divided into tone-languages and stress languages, the

matter is however more complex (Katamba: 208). If the division

matters, Sk. is the second type and so are NIA but with gradual historical

weakening of the feature. Intricate contrasts apart, accent, stress and tone are same thing except that the tone is functional in Tone-languages in which a speaker conveys some meaning or aspect of meaning by changing the tone. And yet intonation also has attitudinal function i.e. a speaker may use tone to express attitude (ibid: 208, 246). In presence of the notions like syllable-stress, word-stress and foot-stress one may like to be precise as where does stress lie?; the answer is, on the vowel. But stress is not an inherent vowel feature. It is an autosegmental property of the word (Katamba: 225). Tied in the joint of c. and v., it is v. where stress finds expression. The dilemma that follows is, stress, which is marked in this work by way of underlining the stressed segment(s), also sounds as if placed on the preceding segment as in the case of pakka where stress which is on Rhyme of the first syl. which is a, seems having regressive effect on preceding p. By paying a little more attention one will observe that even if on p, the stress, and the p itself are realized only after the inherent v. in p is released. In other words, stress appears on the v. whether the inherent v. of p or the v. which immediately follows, i.e. the first a in pakka. Counting in reverse order, stress appears on the second last, i.e. the penultimate v. of the word pakka. This is precisely what is ruled by Panini about accentuation (stress) in the Bhsha.; The general rule for accentuation of affixes is stated under 3.1.3; however, in many polysyllabic affixes it may fall on the penultimate syllable - - - (Panini2: xxv).

After dividing the multiply inflected thus complex Sk. vb. forms into preverb and verb in his comparatives of Greek and Sanskrit, Ghosh has summarized the Sk. accent/stress pattern in verb as following;

Of several preverbs prefixed to a finite verb-form usually only the last gets the accent in

Sanskrit. (Ghosh: 141).Contextual fluctuations apart, accentuation is realized on penultimate v./syl. of the word in Sk. and the feature is retained in almost all NIA. However, with exceptions like the Mianwali, or the N variety of Sr. (and the Pashtu language), the stress in NIA is not as prominent as in Sk. To understand it further, a couple of examples form languages where stress is not on penultimate, but on anti-penultimate v. will be relevant.

The anti penultimate v. stress in Eng. as in America and Canada and in Ar. as in tarbiyat training, brought up > NIA, Sr. penultimate v. stress thus America and Canada and tarbiyat respectively.

Stress on a segment then translates into stress on the syl. and then on the word in a clause to the extent that in some cases word stress can become a factor in change in semantic properties of a word, in turn of a clause.

To conclude, stress on penultimate v. is a general pattern in Sk., and

NIA thus Sk. gramdara village boy > Sr., P. grai -, and on the same pattern, Sr. trakri scale, tirvanjha fifty three (H. trippan -) and Sr. angil-bhanna one whose finger is broken. This rule also applies on loan words but not as consistently as on original IA data hence Sr. tarbiat training, but U. tarbiat (< Ar. tarbiat).

Whereas gemination (a same consonantal articulation held for the duration of two consonantal beats) e.g. -ss- in dassan to tell < darsyati shows, c. cluster e.g. -sr- in visran to become forgotten < visamri (vi- without, samri memory) to forget, be unmindful and intensification of vowel e.g. -a- in Sr. kirana grocery, H. kariyana - < karayana- buying are most of the time perceived as synonymous to stress, these feature may not necessarily entail stress in principle (cf. Katamba: 170).The typical consonant-vowel sequence in Sk. allows appearance of tense v. in adjacent syllables. To an extent, this continues in most of NIA, but in Sr. and P. such sequences are avoided and altered with Tense-Lax, or Lax-Tense sequences e.g. Sk. patala a region under earth > H. patal but Sr. and P. patal under earth, a feature which makes part of syl.-pattern of respective languages. The feature of distinction between primary stress and secondary stress being less prominent in Siraiki, Shackle has defined this feature as follows; The commonest word-pattern consists of disyllables with accented first syllable: this pattern, together with than of monosyllables, accounts for the great majority of all words. (Shackle: 28). ---

The minimal pairs; When two words are identical in all respects, except for one segment, they are referred to as a MINIMAL PAIR. (ibid: 22)

For instance, read ~ lead, rice ~ lice, mice ~ nice and card ~ guard (cf. ibid: 23).A useful method is testing the distinctive features/phonemes by listing words in minimal pairs where difference of only a single segment/ feature will count for functional difference of phonemes, in turn, of word to serve semantic alternation, as the difference of t and d does in Eng. bet and bed (ibid.:21-2). Distinctive feature made with alternation of phoneme is common place, e.g. Sr. ruk pure, shining, gold < rukma - and luk disappear < luk (lunc/lup) a grammatical term for dropping out, disappearance. A set of Sr. minimal pairs distinguished by alternation of a single feature is produced below (the implosive off/on , however scarcely counts for functional distinction); Minimal pairs;

Feature Word +feature Word with -feature

glide y insertion vaede you go

vedye while going < vrajati goesnasalization khave you may eat

khave he may eat < khad eat

aspiration -h sukh comfort, ease

suk dry up < suska dried

implosive g gol look for < goll -

gol round < gola ball

-- j jau pitch, wax < jatu lac

jau barley < yaya --- d didh one and a half < dvyardha - didh [dhidh] belly, womb < dhidha --- b banni f. forest < vana -

banni (also vanni) bride < vanva desirous______The semantic shift;

One of the stems, now suf. of wide use is NIA (H.) -vad speak for as in Brahminvad (?) < vada speech, sounding a musical instrument, in turn < vas cry with stems as vadaka- musician, a probable source of Sr. vaja, (NIA vaja, baja) musical instrument. There is a thin line of s/s contrast between the Sk. vas cry and vas dwell, Cf. vasa will, authority, power.---

The case; [Should go into subhap Syntax] >The Sr. Syntactic and morphological structure having reasonably shifted from that of its source language few initial aspects, among these the Pronoun (prn.), the Case, the Affixes and the initial word order in declarative sentences will be attended below.

Sr Case;

1sg. 2sg. 1.pl

2pl.

direct

m tu asa

tusa

oblique

-- tae/tao--

--

possessive

mda tda sada

tuhad*

directional

mdo tdo sado

tuhado

dative/accusative mku tku saku/asaku tuhaku/tusaku

(Shackle: 58)

Some other cases in Sr. can be:

(i) Genitive; jane da ghora mans horse (for basic definition,

see Wilson: 8-10; for Definition see Radford: 439).

(ii) A morphophonological marker to distinguish the genitive case-forms from the possessive case-forms is where the voiced alveolar plosive d of the free morpheme-genitive case da m. sg. of, di f. sg., de m. pl., diya f. pl. turn bound morphemes in the possessive case and are retroflexed and implossized when preceded by a back vowel thus da in uda 3p. sg., of his/her/its but -da, -di, -de, -diya in mda mine, tda your sg., tuhade your m. pl., tuhadiya your f. pl.

(iii) Ablative; for example, in Sr. moho in moho ala do say by/from

mouth.

(iv) Instrumental; for example, Sr. postposition nal by means of > case infl. -e as in akkhre bhir takkare na bir fight with words do not fight with blows.

(v) Certain Sk. allomorphemes having gone through both change of form as well semantic shift make it difficult to identify the connection, e.g. -vam (Cf. Macdonell:181) connoting perfectness in participle became NIA bound morph -va to facilitate constructions such as the passive perfect, or the numerical adjectives lukava made hiden < Sk. lupyate is lost and possibly is the same -vam modified and attached to Sr. satva seventh < Sk. saptama and satavam, in turn sapta seven.

____ Conjunctions;ta then, as consequence of, so, indeed, then < tatha so, in that way, or < tat thus, then

tore[-e] although < todati to disregard; tud split + jo (obl. jae) so, so that, who < ya-, yasmin (for gen., loc., sg. nom) so, thus, which, which > Sr. torejo although.

matta, mattan (negative used in conj.) may, may not < ma negative of prohibition, imperative, and used + conjunctive

vat again (vattan to wander) < vartate turns, moves

vi also, even < api - > Sr. vatvi yet, even, in spite of that not

je (je inst. conditional) if < ya- (relative prn.) so that + kar act, do < kr to do, act > Sr. jekar if this being so

je, as relative prn.) so, so that < ya- (relative prn.) so that IMPORTANT, FROM PhD;

- Sk. t > Sr. r, kukuta cock > kukkur - y > j, yatna effort > jattan- dv- > b and b > Sr. (S.) b, dva two > S. ba, Sr. bia

- b > v, bila- hole, pit > vila

- b > b, bubba womans breat > ditto- dy- > j, vadyate is made to sound > vajde sounds to sound

- v > v, vismarati forgets > visrede,

- v > b, vrkka- m. kidneys > bukki f. kidney

- v > b (is rare),

- g > g (impl.) thus garbhini pregnent > gabban,

- d > d, draghman- m. lenght > drigh

- d > d, drsi- seeing, ability to see > dis,Sk v > NIA b,Sk. b and dv- > Sr. b OIA v > NIA b a frequent occurrence, Sk. Vikrami > Bikrami, Sk. vanati desiresires, gains, makes ready > Sr. banan, to be made banavan to make (H. banna, banana). As per findings, Sr. has very limited number of entries containing the bilabial voiced plosive b (fewer like, and the rest will be loans from Pers.Ar. stock). All the relevant Sk. roots from dv- and b went implosive i.e. b which offers scope for investigation into an interesting historical development.

---

>>There has been little attempt to define exact phonetics of the widely occurring nasals n and n IN Siraiki. Recognized in IPA as palatal nasal and velar nasal respectively, each appears in two orthographic forms, i.e. as n/nj, and n/ng respectively which has a reason. The NIA languages show in situ alternation between phonetic properties of n which is propertied with nasal sonority in both, its onset vowel and its concluding (release) vowel as in Sr. kun (Si. kuna) snakes slough < kancuka snakes skin and the phonetic properties of nj which is propertied with nasal sonority in its onset vowel but with oral sonority in its concluding (release) vowel as in Sr. kunj to put together < kuncana contraction, or < kuncati to make crooked (Monier q.v.). In other words, in n of kun Velum or the soft plate is lowered to let the airstream pass through nasal cavity and remains lowered until end of the articulation of n. In nj in kunj the Velum is lowered at the start of the articulatory move to let the air stream pass through nasal cavity but is raised to block the nasal cavity and turn the vowel into oral type in the end. The n-nj alternation is neither universal, nor is always semantically propertied in languages which have this feature. Similar is the case with the Velar nasal with transcription undifferentiated between n and ng as in Sr. sanan of animal to be ready to be milked < sankte is afraid in turn < sank doubt, fear and Sr. sang togetherness, company < sanga battle, contact (cf. sang- infra). Going by phonetic parameters, the nj and ng do not fit in definition of phonetic unit. The IPA-marking is unambiguous hence correct. The inconsistency in transcription, in not less than Turner (1966; q.v.), e.g. in L. manja cleaning but majan to clean < marja to clean and marjat rubs, cleans is possibly functional thus overlooked. The data generated by these two nasals is in great volume with some interesting cases given below;

Sr. n and n whether root based, or made by internal phonology of Sr. version, to check As far the nasals (and some Sr. specific sound segments such as y), these carry semantic value, i.e. these effect change of meaning in NIA

more so in Sr. Major among such semantically propertied phonological features in Sr. are v.-nasalization, v.-lengthening, v.-rounding, c.-aspiration, c.-implosivization and glide y insertion.

Sr. is more sensitive to nasal harmony. For example, Sk. canga of good understanding, H., P. canga > Sr. cana. What cannot be properly scribed except in International phonetic alphabet (IPA) is the internal phonological process this lexeme went through which is, the n triggered both progressive and regressive harmony on all segmentsnasalized the first a which preceded it, thus ca-, changed the Velar voiced plosive g to Velar voiced nasal -n- (--) thus can- and also nasalized the final a i.e. spreading on all segments of the word except for c. But the alternation of g with n left the n, the source of the nasal effect itself redundant, i.e. no proper sound n left in cana. Turner (1915: 19) noticed this in the history of the group ama > ava > ava [day of the new moon, time before dawn < amavasya- born on a new moon night]

The popularly scribed, n and n which have two different versions as we will discussed below are marked as nj and ng without any differentiation between the two types i.e. n and n and nj and ng such as by Masica who characterized these nasals in the Sr. derivatives of Sk. as the voicing of voiceless stops after nasals. His examples are;Sk. anka mark > ang panca five > panj kanta thorn > kanda danta tooth > dand campa name of tree > camba

(Masica 1991: 203; cf. Whitney, Turner, ibid.).

Starting by Panini, the Sk. original version of n appears reverse of the modern adoption nj, i.e. in Sk. rendition is jn of which Panini does not explain phonetics, but makes a phonological note of the conditions of its loss as follows;

jna-jan-ja the substitute morpheme ja replaces [the whole of the ref. 1.1.55 i.e. the sounds of anga-s, 6.4.1 of the verbal stems], i.e. 6.4.1 is anga sya, and 1.1.55 is aneka aL SIT a saravasy, implying that in the morpheme grouped as anga type and as aneka which have Sk. phonetic properties of jn will be lost in such and such conditions [also applies on N (ng)]. What remains to be seen is the shift of the conditional jn and n [and gn] to nj and ng in some NIA, is not misperception at any any point (Pan2: 7.3.79, 1.1.55, 6.4.1: 21, 933). In Sr. and Si., if we see anything is loss of j and g from original jn and [gn].

.less attended problem Sk. segment origin of the reverse to by him as e Panini grouped as -jn- will be altered with j when 6.4.1. is jana now and - - - jan- born] ja will replace jna- jan-ja

given its phonological given noted popular type second from

What can be added is the rule is blocked by some irregular forms like panth family < ?, ant end < anta end and some regular forms when the nasal preceeding the voiceless stop is itself preceded by a tense v. thus kank cry of dog < ?, janc judgment < ?, dhanta pst. having had sowered < ?, kuhant camles hump < ?.

The phonological behavior of the palatal nasal nj, and the velar nasal ng might require some review particularly in the perspective of Sr. and Si.:

(i) The n and n when followed by Palatal plosives j and Velar plosive g respectively as in kunji key < kuncika key and sang- togetherness, company < sanga battle, contact (cf. sang- infra) in fact are not the sound sound units with the perceived phonetic properties of n and n but their versions reduced to nasalization of preceeding v. and the lexemes may better be written as kunji and sang. (ii) The n and n in Sr. and Si. show phonetic properties different from the general NIA nj and ng where j and g segments are heard before release of the v. which follows them, i.e. the v. before g and j is nasalized and the v. after g and j is denasalized. The proper Palatal and Velar nasals i.e. n and n with the segments j and g added to them are Sr. (Si.)-specific as these manifest in Sr. sun deserted < sunya empty and san of animal to be ready to be milked < sank doubt, fear, vb. sankte is afraid. The Sr. versions of P. janj wedding procession < janya ibid., and rang dye, color < ranga thus are jan and ran respectively (i.e. these are minus j and g segments).

But representation of NIA nj and ng each as single sound units (mono-phthongs) really does not fit in the basic rule of Phonetics which says a sound is one phonetic unit if it is produced in single articulatory action which is n() and n() and not nj and ng as each of the latter pair exhibits combination of two clustered segments. The Sr. n() and n() again are Sk. archaics retained in Sr. but modified in P. etc. as clued by an Sk. philogist in his grammatical note on a lexeme which reads; sanj = hang on, attach; j is a new palatal. (Kanta: 259). There is alternate appearance of ng and nj in NIA which is rooted in similar alternation in Sk. e.g. in NIA sang- togetherness, company and sanj put together, sanjog (Sr. sanjog) good chanc is either < sanga battle, contact with (enemy), or prob. < sanj to cling, or stick or adhere to, or be attached to, or occupied with.

Nasal , a powerful segment seems has complex forms in Sk. an d NIA phonology, especially in Sr. .caused formatic shift in morphemes. The much adored NIA morpheme sang- togetherness, company, for instance, went hrough alternations due the nasal segment in it prob. Sk. sanga battle, contact with (enemy) is in turn an alternative if not derivative from the relatively stable root sanj to cling, or stick or adhere to, or be attached to, or occupied with. To another possibility, sanga is a compound formed from Sk. sam to drive together and gama going as is preserved in NIA sangam meeting point of two streams, or paths and sang company. Similarly, Sk. sam- is a widely appearing stem turned pref. The NIA lexeme samaj society but does not show a direct source in Sk. One of the possibility is in samvada speaking together, i.e. NIA samaj is a compound < sam together and vac to speak (Cf. vad supra). Lastly, exhaustive investigation into a phenomenon like nasalization remains near impossible where every rule is challenged by some irregular case as in Sr. refusing to nasalize -a in ma mother as against H., P. ma. The perception that nasalization of v. is condition with tense vs. is not binding (cf. Shsackle: 201).

NIA

Meaning < Sk

MeaningSr. sanj put together sanj cling, attached with

Sr./H/ sanjog good chance samyoga junction, union

Sr./H. sang- together

sanga battle, contact H. sangam meeting point samgama to drive together

H. samaj

society

samvada speaking together. ----

From Temp;

The nasal;

The i-vowels, the u-vowels, and r, before a dissimilar vowel or diphthong, are regularly converted each into its own corresponding semivowel y or v or r.(Whitney 1889: 44).Panini:

Sutra 1.1.1

vrd-dhir aT aiC vrd-dhi denotes the vowel phonemes long a(=aT) and the diphthongs ai, au(=aiC).

1. aT = long vowel class a (by 1.1.70 below) with supra-segmental of three accents and + nasality. Unmarked vowels by marker T stand for their, associated with the supra-segmental feature of length (=3): short (hrasva), long(dirgha) and extra long or prolated (pluta) (1.2.27) and accent(=3): udatta high pitched, anudatta low pitched and varita rising and falling tone or circumflex (1.2.29-31), + nasality. The short vowels have a duration of one Mora, the long of two and the prolated of three Mora, while consonants have half a Mora each. By 1.1.70 aiC following the marker T of aT represents the diphthongs ai, au, having a duration of two moras only.

2. as a non-technical term vrd-dhi denotes increase, growth, interest (or principal), etc. Cf. 5.1.47. (Pan1: 7).

[Ref. Pan1; Panini (1987, edn. 1989) Astadhyayi of Panini, transliteration and Eng. translation by Sumitra M. Karte, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi]

Pan on v. distribution;

U-kalah aC hrasva-dirgha-plutah (1.2.27: 38).

-- on Tone;

yajna-karmani a-japa-nyunkha-samasu in a sacrificial act, (yajna- karmani) the enunciation [is monotone 33] except I (1) silent repetition (japa) (of a sacrificial formula), (2) nyunkha insertion of (0) and (3) saman melody.(Op.cite, 1.2.34: 40).

---

Nasals in Panini;

(1) In vowels: = 1, i.e. m

(2) In consonants = 6: n, n, n, n, m, (Vedic) jn (Pan1: xi). [does not scribe nj and ng ] Sk. Letters are perceived as syl. thus ka and not as pure phonic/sound (impossible to retrieve out of syl.) --

Method of transliteration; compounds separated by hyphen when separated components involve Sandhi. (cf. Note on System of transliteration: xi, Op.cit.)

---

The nasal n and n;

Panini 7.3.79

jna - jan - ja (in certain contexts) jna is replaced by jan > j [As if Panini had observed the trend to loss of Sk. -jn-.] There has been little attempt to define exact phonetics of the widely occurring nasals n and n in Sr. Recognized in IPA as palatal nasal and velar nasal respectively, in general works, each appears in two orthographic forms, i.e. the /n/ as n and nj, and /n/ as n and ng which has a reason. The NIA languages show in situ alternation between phonetic properties of n which is propertied with nasal sonority in both, its onset vowel and its concluding (release) vowel as in Sr. kun (Si. kuna) snakes slough < kancuka snakes skin and the phonetic properties of nj which is propertied with nasal sonority in its onset vowel but with oral sonority in its concluding (release) vowel as in Sr. kunj to put together < kuncana contraction, or < kuncati to make crooked (cf. Monier q.v.). In other words, in n of kun Velum or the soft plate is lowered to let the airstream pass through nasal cavity and remains lowered until end of the articulation of n. In nj in kunj the Velum is lowered at the start of the articulatory move to let the air stream pass through nasal cavity but is raised to block the nasal cavity and turn the vowel into oral type in the end. The n-nj alternation is neither universal, nor is always semantically propertied in languages which have this feature. Similar is the case with the Velar nasal n () with the usual transcription undifferentiated between n and ng confusing, for instance, Sr. san of animal to be ready to be milked < sankte is afraid in turn < sank doubt, fear and Sr. sang togetherness, company < sanga battle, contact (cf. sang- infra). Going by phonetic parameters, the nj and ng do not fit in definition of phonetic unit. Their as IPA-marking as and is unambiguous hence correct and the inconsistency in transcription, in not less than Turner (1966, cf. L. kunj snakes slough, q.v.) and Sumitra (1989) is possibly functional. The data generated by these and other nasals appears in great volume. Some interesting cases given below;