Social work and social welfare

SOCIAL WORK AND

SOCIAL WELFARE

SHANKAR PATHAK

NIRUTA PUBLICATIONS#244, 3rd Main, Poornachandra Road,MPM Layout, Mallathahalli, Bangalore-560056Mob: 9980066890, Ph: 080-23212309E-mail: [email protected]

Price-`695/-

Shankar Pathak, of the Department of Social Work, Delhi University has made a commendable innovative attempt to study the growth and development of social welfare in India from the lowest rung of the ladder of civilization to its present plans of attainment….

Pathak comes out with great courage and individuality in his analysis of the contribution of social reformers like Ram Mohun Roy, Vidyasagar, Sasipada Banerjee, Jyotiba Phule and others… Extracts from the Review of Social Welfare-An Evolutionary and

Developmental Perspective. Macmillan-India 1981: Indian Express. N. Delhi

Your paper on social work manpower demand presented at the conference of social workers..... I need it for a course I am giving

-M.S. Gore

You have done well in providing concise and lucid clarification of some of the ‘foggy’ areas of social policy....It would be worthwhile continuing your scholarly and insightful writings on social policy in India.

- P.D. Kulkarni

Shankar Pathak is a retired Professor of Social Work, Delhi University.

He studied at Karnatak and Lucknow Universities with economics as a

major subject, and also political science, sociology and social

anthropology. He obtained the post-graduate diploma in social work at

the Tata Institute of Social Sciences and M.A at the Indiana University,

U.S.A. He has widely read in social sciences, and social work, and

uses this knowledge in all his writings. He has authored five books on

social work, contributed articles to the Encyclopaedia of Social Work in

India (1966 and 1987) and to several anthologies on social work. He is

a founder member of I.A.T.S.W, its first President of the Delhi Branch

and Editor of its quarterly journal-Social Work Forum (1969-71).

He was U.N.ECAFE (now ESCAP) Senior Lecturer at the Philippine

School of Social Work, Manila and the International Association of

Schools of Social Work Consultant on Family Planning, at the Faculty

of Social Administration, Thammasat University, Bangkok, during

1973-74.

The book traces the changing concepts and contours of social welfare

and social work practice in India from the Vedic times to the present

day. Divided into two parts, the first part begins with a theoretical

framework in a sociological perspective and then proceeds to trace the

historical development of social policy and social welfare in India until

the end of the colonial rule. Part two of the book begins with the evolu-

tion of social welfare in India since independence. It then proceeds to

discuss the quest for professional status and the practice of social work

in a cultural perspective. It is also a critique of contemporary social work

practice in India with suggestions for a new approach in a developmen-

tal perspective.

The treatment is authoritative and perhaps the first book to study

social work and social welfare in a cross-cultural perspective drawing

upon the Indian history, tradition and practice. It is well annotated with a

comprehensive bibliography.

SOME PAGES INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

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SOCIAL WORKAND

SOCIAL WELFARE

SHANKAR PATHAK

A Historical - Cultural Perspective

SOCIAL WORK AND SOCIAL WELFAREA HISTORICAL -CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE

By: Shankar Pathak, Rtd. Professor, Department of Social Work, Delhi University,

Delhi.

Publisher: Ramesha M.H. for Niruta Publications, 244, 3rd Main, Poornachandra

Road,MPM Layout, Mallathahalli, Bangalore-560056. Ph: 080-23212309,

Mob: 9980066890, Email: [email protected], www.niratanaka.org

Printed at: Niruta Print Solutions, 244, 3rd Main, Poornachandra Road, MPM

Layout, Mallathahalli, Bangalore-560056 Ph: 080-23212309, Mob: 9980066890,

Email: [email protected], www.niratanaka.org

© Shankar Pathak, 2012

ISBN : 978192342412

Pages : 374+xii

First Impression : 1000 copies

Paper : NS Maplitho 80 gsm

Price : ̀ 695/-

Size : 1/8 Demy

Cover Page : T.F. Hadimani

The views and opinions expressed in this book are the authors’ own and the facts are

as reported by him which have been verified to the extent possible, and the publishers

are not in any way liable for the same.

This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or

otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s

prior written consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is

published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on

the subsequent purchaser and without limiting the rights under copyright reserved

above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a

retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical,

photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both

the copyright owner and the above-mentioned publisher of this book.

To

M. Vasudeva Moorthy

and

G.R. Banerjee

Pioneers of Social Work

Literature in India

1. Introduction

2. Towards a Theoretical Framework for the Study of Social Welfare

3. Social Change and Social Welfare in Ancient India

4. Social Policy and Social Welfare in Medieval India (1206-1706)

5. Christian Missionaries and Social Reform in India

6. Social Reform During the Colonial Era

7. Social Policy and Social Welfare During the Colonial Period (1800-1947)

8. Social Welfare: A Comparative Historical Perspective

A Few Words About This Book xi

1

5

24

43

68

80

129

154

Contents

PART ONE

Social Policy And Social WelfareA Social Historical Perspective

vii

PART TWO

Social Work – Profession And Practice. A Cultural Perspective

Contents

viii

9. Evolution of Social Welfare in India

10. Professionalization of Social Work

11. Professional Social Work in India-1975 to 2012

12. Social Work Profession - A Provocation by S.S.Iyer

13. Voluntary Organizations and Social Welfare

14. An Indian Perspective of Social Work

15. Counselling in the Indian Culture

16. Helping Process in the Bhagawadgita

17. Sarvodaya Methods of Social Work

18. Developmental Perspective of Social Welfare

19. Roles and Functions of Social Welfare

20. Bhakti- Concept, Ideology And Spread

Appendix

I. Gandhiji’s Views on Social Work-B.N.Ganguli

II. Social Workers' Pledge: A Gift to Gandhiji on his Last

Birthday

Notes and References.

171

186

207

213

227

244

252

261

270

275

280

301

332

336

343

A FEW WORDS ABOUT THIS BOOK

At this stage of my life (82 years), I had thought, I would not take any

trouble, make any effort regarding my published work – collection of

papers, books and subsequently published articles in academic

journals. But certain events that took place about fifteen months

back, prompted (tempted?) me to reconsider my earlier decision. The

result is a selection of my published writings, mainly from two books

and addition of four chapters specially written for this selection, and

arranging them in one volume, grouped under a common theme.

The entire part one of my book, Social Welfare-An Evolutionary And

Developmental Perspective, Macmillan-India (1981) is included here

as part one. In the second part, I have included selected writings from

my other book – Social Welfare, Health and Family Planning in India,

Marwah Publications, Delhi, 1979. I have also added four chapters

especially written for this book recently (March, April 2012) namely,

Helping Process in the Bhagavadgita, Bhakti: Concept, Ideology And

Spread, Professionalisation of Social Work 1975-2012 and Develop-

mental Social Welfare. The notes and reference have been retained,

with appropriate deletions and renumbering, following the chapter

numbers in this book.

All my books are out of print. There may be a demand for these

books because the number of institutions providing social work

education at the under-graduate and post-graduate levels has

increased, and may be close to 200.

Having made the selection about a year ago, I had given up the

idea of publishing it, mainly due to some practical difficulties. M.H

Ramesha of Niruta Publications succeeded in persuading me in

publishing this book, by offering the necessary help for revising and

updating the previously published writings and in writing the new

chapters.

Though I retired in 1990, I was professionally active until 2000,

August 15, 2012

Bangalore

Shankar Pathak

and so I was in touch with the developments in the field of social

work. I have tried to revise and update the previously published

writings, by taking note of the relevant literature which I was aware

of and which was available to me. In particular, I should mention the

major academic project-Review of Fifty Years of Social Work Litera-

ture, special issue of the Indian Journal of Social Work, April, 1997.

Given my personal circumstances such as my location, age and

related problems, computer illiteracy etc, I have done my best to

improve the quality of the manuscript while revising and updating

it. I am aware that there may be some deficiencies and I hope the

readers will be indulgent and ignore them.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful to Nirmala .L, for her help in computer printings of

drafts; struggling patiently with my handwriting, T.F. Hadimani for

preparing a very attractive design for the cover of the book and M H

Ramesha for daring to publish it. Ponnaswamy .N, Venkatesh .K,

K.Anantha Murthy and Nayana M.K have also done computer

printing of some parts of the manuscript and I thank them. Pamela

Singla of the Department of Social Work, Delhi University, has taken

much trouble in securing for me the copies of the printed versions of

the talk, by B.N. Ganguli and Elmina Lucke which appear as Appen-

dix I&II and I greatly appreciate her help. Ms. Zakia S. Pathak had

gone through some of the chapters in the second part of this book and

made editorial improvement of the manuscripts when they were first

published; she also provided me with two books for my reading

which I appreciate. K.S. Ramesha has done the final typesetting of the

computer-script of this book very competently and I thank him.

M.A. Boratti translated a few lines of the vachana by

Chennabasavanna and I am greateful to him.

x

PART ONE

Social Policy And Social WelfareA Social Historical Perspective

CHAPTER-1

Introduction

In this brief opening chapter I propose to explain my approach in

studying the evolution of social welfare in India and the rationale for

it. In the process, I hope to alert the reader to the value-orientation

behind this approach, which is vitally important, because I strongly 1believe that all intellectual endeavors are influenced by ideology.

It is helpful to start with the definition of the terms 'social welfare'

and 'social work'. The task is not easy. There have been several

unsuccessful attempts to define these terms so that a uniform mean-

ing is attributed to them, both nationally and internationally. Social

welfare is used here as a term which is broader in scope than social

work. It may be defined as the organised provision of resources and

services by the society to deal with social problems. These services

may be provided by the state or by voluntary organisations, with a

view to ameliorating the conditions of the people affected by the

problems as well as to protect others who are likely to be affected in

the future. This definition is wide enough to include the traditional

and modern views of social welfare, i.e. the residual and develop-

mental concepts of social welfare. It also includes social work. The

term 'social work' refers to the work of voluntary social workers,

professional social workers and other social work personnel

employed in the field of social welfare.

The first part of this book deals with the history of social welfare

in India. The subject matter of history is not the frozen and mummi-

fied past, but the change and evolution of society. History 'is a

continuous process of interaction between the historian and his facts, 2an unending dialogue between the present and the past'. The study

of any history poses a serious problem because we look at past events 3

through contemporary concepts and mental framework. This

tendency cannot altogether be avoided (though it could be kept under

check by our awareness of its existence) because 'we can view the past

and achieve our understanding of the past, only through the eyes of

the present'.

Ahistoricity, both in a literal and a Marxist sense, is characteristic

of social welfare literature. It may be asked why one should study

history, which is concerned with the 'dead past'. It may even be

argued that such an endeavour is undesirable for two reasons: it may

lead to nationalistic chauvinism by glorification (even

mythologisation) of the past; and it may reinforce the existing

orientation to the past when we need an orientation to the future to

bring about planned social change. These questions raise very

pertinent issues because the dangers referred to are real and not

imaginary. Yet, it is both necessary and desirable that we study

aspects of Indian history because it provides us 'the key to the under-

standing of the present'. As pointed out by E.H. Carr, 'The past is

intelligible to us only in the light of the present; and we can fully

understand the present only in the light of the past. To enable man to

understand the society of the past, and to increase his mastery over 4the society of the present, is the dual function of history.’

There is a special reason why one should study the history of

social welfare, 'even if the past does not provide easy and clear

lessons'. Clarke Chambers has observed:

Historical study may, for example, remind us of experiments in social welfare or

in the delivery of social services which we have forgotten or never fully under-

stand. It may provide educators, administrators, and practitioners with profes-

sional models drawn from the past. Apprentice social workers especially, I

imagine, need to know that social concern did not begin with themselves ... it is

important to sense in both heart and mind that others have gone before, that one

2 SOCIAL WORK AND SOCIAL WELFARE

stands in a long and honourable tradition of both social service and social

prophecy, for many early social workers laboured to serve those in need while, at

the same time, they moved to elaborate public policies which might alleviate and

perhaps even resolve [and prevent] the complex social problems which were the 5source of human need.

In studying the evolution of social welfare in India from ancient

times to the present, I have broadly adopted the approach and

method of social history. According to Hobsbawm 'social history is at 6present in fashion', and 'it is a good moment to be a social historian'.

But it is not for these reasons that I have tried to follow the approach

of social history. An aspect of the tradition of social history is that 'it

referred to the history of the poor or lower classes, and more specifi-

cally to the history of the movements of the poor ["social move-7

ments"]’. In recent years it is also concerned with the study of social

structure and its transformation, i.e. the history of societies rather

than the dynastic history of rulers, their conquest of new territory

and their exploits in war. It is based on the conviction that 'the social

or societal aspects of man's being cannot be separated from the other

aspects of his being. They cannot, for more than a moment, be

separated from the ways in which men get their living and their

material environment. They cannot, even for a moment, be separated

from their ideas since their relations with one another are expressed

and formulated in a language which implies concepts as soon as they 8open their mouths.’

The study of social structure in its totality is the essence of social

history. This is elaborated in the next chapter, which provides the

theoretical framework for the remaining chapters (Chapters 3 to 7)

which cover the evolution of social welfare in India. If the reader is

disappointed in the application of the approach, it is not only due to

the lack of time and space, and my intellectual limitations, but also

because of the extreme paucity of historical evidence which enable

the historian to write reliable social history of the life and movements

3Introduction

of the poor. This deficiency is especially marked in relation to the 9ancient period and to a lesser extent to the medieval period.

An evolutionary and developmental perspective, is another major

aspect of the theoretical approach. Hoogvelt mentions three focal

elements of the concept of development:

Development as Process, i.e. as an evolutionary process of growth

and change of man's social and cultural organisation (that is of

society).

Development as Interaction, i.e. as a process of growth and

change of societies under conditions of interaction with other

societies; and

Development as Action, i.e. as a consciously planned and monitored 10

process of growth and change.

The theoretical framework as presented in Chapter 2 is based on

Hoogvelt's ideas of development as a process, i.e. as an evolutionary

process of development, and development as interaction. I believe

that the integration of these two theoretical aspects of development is

both appropriate and necessary for the study of the evolution of

social welfare in a society which has undergone the process of

colonisation. Hoogvelt's concept of development as action forms the

basis of the theoretical discussion in Part II.


CHAPTER-2

Towards A Theoretical Frame Work For

The Study Of Social Welfare

INTRODUCTION

A survey, whether in India or abroad, reveals the relative absence of

theoretical and analytical literature dealing with social welfare-its 1

nature, goal, function and evolution. This is more so with regard to

the Indian situation. A limited attempt at the theoretical analysis of

social welfare in the Indian social context has been made by only

Gore. Explaining his approach to social welfare, Gore makes refer-

ence to the relationship between social welfare and social structure in 2some of his writings. He also states that his approach is sociological.

The main problem in these brief discussions on social structure

and social welfare is the lack of a definition of the concept of social

structure. Blau writes:

The concept of social structure is used widely in sociology, often

broadly, and with a variety of meanings. It may refer to social

differentiation, relations of production, forms of associations,

value integration, functional interdependence, status and roles,

institutions, or combination of these and other factors. A generic

difference is whether social structure is conceived explicitly as

being composed of different elements and their interrelations or 3abstractly as a theoretical construct or model.

We shall view social structure in concrete terms and not as an abstract 4concept only. In other words, social structure has its parameters. A

study of Gore's writings reveals slightly varying views of social

structure at different places. In one of his later writings he has used 5

cultural themes in Indian social work as the basis of his discussions.

One gets the impression that social structure is conceived in func-

tional terms and that too with great emphasis on norms and norma-

tive behavior in society. This is broadly in keeping with the Parsonian

functionalist view of social structure.

LIMITATIONS OF FUNCTIONAL APPROACH

In our opinion, the Parsonian view of social structure with its

emphasis on the normative system is inadequate for the analysis of

social welfare. Firstly, this view of social structure excludes from its

considerations the political and economic components which in our

view are the most important and dynamic elements. Also, its concern

has been with social equilibrium and social order which introduce an

implicit and continuing bias towards stability and order as against 6

conflict and change.

The concept of culture is equally, perhaps more, inadequate as an

analytical tool for the study of social welfare. In the words of Mills, 7

culture is a spongy concept. What is more, culture as a concept

originated in a certain historical context which has influenced its

subsequent evolution considerably.

The concept of culture, as used in the parlance of the human science, arose from

a great human confrontation. The idea of culture was one of the principle

intellectual outgrowths of the worldwide meeting between the expansionist

West and exotic non-Western peoples. The configuration began with the

contacts of exploration and matured into the relationships of empire. From this

experience the West derived a growing need to find order in its increasing

knowledge of immensely varied human lifeways. As the emerging science of

anthropology developed the culture concept, it thereby provided an important 8means to this end of discovering order in variation.


CHAPTER -3

Welfare In Ancient India

In Indian literature on social reform and social work it is customary

to trace the heritage of modern social welfare to the beginning of the

nineteenth century, especially to the time of Rammohun Roy. If at all

any reference is made to an earlier period, it is by way of stray

remarks in passing about the social reform activities of some Muslim 1or Maratha ruler. Occasionally one comes across, however, vague,

global reference to social welfare in ancient India-mostly as a glorifi-2cation of the past.

Periodisation of Indian history is a complicated and controversial

issue. The popular classification is based on the religion of the rulers.

Accordingly, 2500 B.C. to A.D. 1000 is treated as the ancient period,

A.D. 1100 or 1200 to A.D. 1800 as the medieval period and the period

from A.D. 1800 onwards as the modern period. Thapar is of the view

that the end of the ancient period should be roughly eighth century 3

A.D. or possibly a little earlier. There is however, a rather more

specific problem in studying ancient Indian history. It covers a vast

period of more than three thousand years for most of which there is

little historical evidence, especially about the social structure.

Precisely for this reason, the approach here is chronological only in a

very broad sense and rather like a frog-leap through history, skipping

periods and details either because of the absence of adequate mate-

rial or their relative unimportance for our purpose.

Social Change And Social

INDUS VALLEY-THE FIRST URBANISATION

The earliest of the Indian civilisations is the Indus valley culture of

Harappa and Mohen-jo-daro (now in Pakistan) which was in exis-

tence roughly about 3000 to 2000 B.C. It ended about 1750 B.C. The

Indus civilisation is characterised by a high level of urbanisation and

affluence. Kosambi writes:

The Indus cities show town planning of a truly amazing nature. Besides the

straight streets meeting at right-angles, there was a superb drainage system for

carrying away rainwater and cesspools for clearing the sewage. No Indian city

possessed anything of the sort till modern times, far too many still lack these

amenities. There were enormous granaries far too large to be in private posses-

sion. They were accompanied by small tenement houses in regular blocks which

must have accommodated the special class of workers or slaves who pounded

and stored the grain. There was evidence of considerable trade, some of it across 4the ocean.

This indicates a well-developed agricultural system which could

support the population of large cities with surplus food, the presence

of a state, a system of government and the existence of a class-based

society where there was the rule of a few over many. Some kind of

slavery seems to have been practised. When we consider that the

Indus people were essentially peaceful and not violent, we can

assume that some type of social welfare was in existence which took

care of the minimum needs of the slaves and other lower classes.

Unfortunately, we know very little of their social structure, so that

any more conjecture will be historical fiction of little relevance.

THE VEDIC PERIOD (1700 TO 600 B.C.)

Sometime toward the end of the second millenium came from the

north-west, perhaps from Persia, a hymn-singing, pastoral nomadic

tribe, speaking an Indo-European language, and known in history as

the Aryans. From the first wave of the Aryans to the Buddhist period-

approximately one thousand years-we can observe the progress of

25Social Change And Social Welfare In Ancient India

CHAPTER-4

Social Policy And Social Welfare

In Medieval India (1206-1706)

Historical literature on the evolution of social welfare generally deals

with the modern period from the time of Rammohun Roy and

occasionally with the ancient period before the advent of Muslim 1

rule in India. This is a sad commentary both on the secularism of

modern, post-independent era of Indian society and in particular on

the tradition of scholarship among writers on social welfare. It is well

known that the British colonial administration was based on the

administration as it had evolved during the Mughal rule and that in

turn was influenced by the contributions of the Sultanate period. For

a proper understanding of the present social policy, a historical

perspective is necessary and desirable because it would reveal a

thread of continuity in social policy as a response to the prevalent

social structure.

This chapter deals with social welfare from the early thirteenth

century to the beginning of the eighteenth century, covering the

Sultanate and Mughal periods. The approach to the study of the

period is according to the method of social history. The focus is not

on individual kings and their achievements except to the extent they

contributed significantly to the changes in social institutions and

social policy. It is, for this reason, not strictly chronological, but

sequential. The institutional approach is also justified for another

practical reason. 'Chronologically, the Sultanate does not possess

continuity; geographically it lacks territorial definition, for its

boundaries constantly changed. It is only in the smooth evolution of 2

institutions that the Sultanate is revealed as a political entity.’ These

observations hold good equally for the Mughal rule which is inter-

rupted by the brief rule of Sher Shah and his son Islam Shah Suri.

And the territorial boundaries kept changing even after the long reign

of Akbar.

The Turkish and Afghan invasions of India and the establishment

of the Sultanate introduced a major new element in Indian society-

foreign conquerors with a new religion, which was so different from

the then prevalent Brahmanism as to be called by one eminent 3historian as 'a complete antithesis of their whole system.’

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SOCIAL WELFARE

DURING THE SULTANATE

The political structure was characterised by the autocratic rule of the

Sultan, whose word was law. This is best illustrated in the statement

of Muhammad Tughlak that 'He who obeys the Sultan, obeys the

Lord Merciful'. Though the Islamic tradition of polity was essentially

a republican system of government, in theory at least, the character

of the state during the Sultanate was contrary to the teachings of 4

Islam. Legally, the society was divided into two classes, i.e. the king

or the ruler and the subjects (riayya). In reality, there were many

classes such as the theologians (ulamas), the nobility (umrahs), the

slaves, the artisans and the peasants, the last two constituting the

mass of the people.

Very early during the Sultanate, the practical needs of consolidat-

ing conquered territory and providing effective administration in a

foreign country, where the mass of population followed the native

religions, impressed upon the rulers the wisdom of introducing

certain changes in the roles and functions of the king. These were

divided into two broad categories-one in his traditional capacity as


CHAPTER-5

Christian Missionaries And

Social Reform In India

The official religious policy of the East India Company was one of

neutrality towards the native religions. This was a continuation of the

policy followed by the Muslim rulers during the medieval period.

Their reason for continuing this policy was the belief that the earlier

Portuguese rule had come to an end because of attempts to forcibly

convert the Indian people to Christianity. As a result of this concern,

the Company government prohibited both the entry of missionaries

into the territories under their control and any attempts at conversion 1

of their subjects to Christianity. However, in 1793 two English

missionaries, William Carey and John Thomas, both Baptists, set out

to India with the clear intention of starting a mission. In view of the

ban on missionary activity they settled down in the Danish Colony of

Serampore, north of Calcutta. William Carey, along with two other

missionaries, Joshua Marshman and William Ward established the 2Serampore mission in 1799. These three missionaries who were to

play a major role in the renaissance of Bengal were known as the

'Serampore Trio'.

The Serampore missionaries were the first evangelical Baptist

missionaries in India. They were followed later by other missionary

groups belonging to different Protestant denominations. Before the

arrival of the Serampore missionaries, several centuries earlier, there

were Christian missions in the Portuguese territory of Goa, and also

on the Malabar coast. The work of the earlier missionaries was

limited both geographically and in terms of the number of conver-

sions to Christianity. Thus the major attempt at proselytisation began

during the nineteenth century with the establishment of the first

Baptist mission in Serampore.

The main aim of the missionaries was converting the native

heathans to Christianity, which they considered as the nobler object.

It was as an adjunct to this major activity that the missionaries began

their work of social reform and social service. The main missionary

attack against the native religions of Islam and Hinduism was aimed

at a variety of superstitious religious practices. The criticism of the

missionaries was particularly directed against the Hindus who

believed in idol worship and in several gods and observed a variety of

practices, some of which like the sati created a moral revulsion in the

minds of the missionaries. The proselytisation work of the mission-

aries did not succeed much. Firstly, the preaching of Christianity was

based on a negative approach. It involved crude and harsh criticism

of the religious convictions, superstitions and practices of the local

people. Secondly, the age-old resilience of Hinduism to adapt itself to

changing times by first permitting protestant sects to emerge and then

later absorbing these also, was a major factor.

A direct result of the proselytisation activities of the Serampore

missionaries was the birth of the Brahmo Samaj under the leadership

of Rammohun Roy. The Brahmo Samaj absorbed the best of Chris-

tian ethics and shed the earlier orthodox religious practices such as

idol worship and caste discriminations, which were the main targets

of the missionary attacks. While the Serampore and other mission-

ary groups who spread out in different parts of the then Bengal

province and southern India failed in their evangelical work, they

achieved great success in the spheres of social reform and social

work. In these two areas they made a lasting contribution, which is

acknowledged even today by discriminating and fairminded histori-3

ans.

69Christian Missionaries And Social Reform In India

CHAPTER-6

Social Reform During The Colonial Era

The long period of Mughal rule which is described as the golden era

of medieval India came to an end in 1757 with the victory of the

British army under Robert Clive at the Battle of Plassey in Bengal.

This event marks the beginning of colonial rule, though it took

another sixty years before the process of conquest could reach a

decisive phase following the defeat of the Peshwa army at Panipat in

1818. The colonial period represents an altogether new phase in the

life of the country. There had been invaders and conquerors before,

but they soon settled down as the natives of the country. The govern-

ments changed at the political centre of the time without disturbing

the continuing features of society, especially in the countryside. The

colonial rulers were different in this respect and with them came a

variety of new social forces like religion, technology, education, a

system of law and judicial administration, etc.

INTRODUCTION

Contact with the new culture (which was linked to politically power-

ful rulers) initiated a series of wide-ranging changes in Indian society

which began around the beginning of the nineteenth century,

gradually gained momentum and culminated in the achievement of

Independence by about the middle of the next century. While the

colonial rule lasted for practically two centuries, it is the nineteenth

century and the first three or four decades of the twentieth century

which have been the favourite periods of study for scholars from

India and abroad. Also, it has been studied by scholars from a variety

of disciplines. In the process, there has been a fragmentary analysis

of what in effect was an interlinked series of social changes. This

brings to mind the parable of the six blind men and the elephant.

Thus, for example, certain social movements have been labelled as

religious reform movements by some, social reform movements by

others and social changes associated with or part of national move-

ment by yet another group of scholars.

An attempt is made here to study these social movements, which

are more often described as social reform movements, in a wider

holistic perspective by a social structural approach. In other words,

these movements are studied by viewing them in their total social

structural context. To borrow a phrase from Smelser, this is applica-

tion of a fragment of social theory to a period in history. The period

covered is a long one, from 1800 to 1947. Emphasis is given to the

years 1815 to 1920. The social reform movements of this period can

be divided into three phases: The first phase covers 1815 to 1860,

during which the reform 'movements' originated as a response to or

as a result of interaction of several social changes. This may be called 1as the individual reform phase. The second phase, which covers 1860

to 1920, may be described as the associational or organisational

phase. The last phase which encompasses nearly a quarter century

from 1918-1920 to 1947-48 may be designated as the independence

movement or the Gandhian phase. This three-fold classification of

the total period is based on a set of major criteria which are relevant

for the study of the social reform movement. Each phase is character-

ised by significant political, economic and other social events.

It was during the first phase that the Christian missionaries began

their attack on native religions as part of their proselytising work and

along with it, or as part of it, initiated their social reform campaign

and social service. The period also witnessed the birth of indigenous

81Social Reform During The Colonial Era

CHAPTER-7

Social Policy And Social Welfare During

The Colonial Period (1800-1947)

The East India Company was established in 1600 and began its

trading activities in the southern part of India soon after wards. With

the acquisition of Diwani rights in Bengal in 1765, the Company

took on a new role as the colonial ruler of a part of the country. But

the Company had little interest in framing a social policy towards its

subjects, because of its preoccupation with maintaining and expand-

ing colonial territory. It was only by the beginning of the nineteenth

century that it was compelled to devote some attention to the other

aspects of administration, apart from the collection of revenue and

the maintenance of law and order. In this chapter we will discuss the

colonial government's social policy in broad outline from the begin-

ning of the nineteenth century. Social policy, in the final analysis,

pertains to governmental policy. When we take into account the

nature of colonial society and the government, it includes the policies

of the government in such areas as religion, social welfare and social

legislation, education and medical care.

Perhaps the most prominent area where a social policy existed

was in the field of education. No other social policy was subjected to

such detailed debate as the educational policy. Also, from the middle

of the nineteenth century onwards education claimed the lion's share

of the governmental expenditure as compared to other social sectors

like medical relief, famine relief and social work. Before the Charter

Act of 1813, the Company administration took hardly any interest in

providing education to its subjects. Until then what little was done in

this area was mostly due to the work of Christian missionaries. By

this Act, the Company had to accept responsibility for the education

of Indians and 'this was the beginning of the state system of educa-

tion in India under the British rule'. During the period 1813-54, very

little was in fact done by the colonial government to discharge this

responsibility. So the missionaries continued to be the main agency to

provide education to the people. This period, however, was character-

ised by many violent controversies which centred around the object

of the educational policy, medium of instruction and the method and

agency for the spread of education. The participants in the debate

included the emerging Indian leaders, Christian missionaries, and

officials of the government. Wood's Education Despatch of 1854 set

the controversies at rest, at least for some time, by declaring that the

main object of the educational system was to spread western knowl-

edge and science, and by acknowledging the inability of the govern-

ment to provide for all the educational needs of the country. So it

ernphasised that the bulk of the country's educational institutions

would have to be organised by private bodies and instead of the

education of the minority elite by the government, the education of

the masses should be the duty of the state.

Until 1854, the Company did not accept direct responsibility for

the education of the masses and its educational policy was influenced

by what is known as the Downward Filtration Theory. According to

this, the Company was expected to give a good education to only a

few persons and they were in turn expected to educate the masses.

The choice of the Downward Filtration Theory was dictated more by

the limitation of funds at the disposal of the government than by any

ideology.

Wood's Despatch stated that the education of the masses was the

duty of the state, and both English and vernacular languages should


CHAPTER -8

Social Welfare: A Comparative

Historical Perspective

In recent years there has been an increasing interest in social change

in many countries of the world. This interest is not confined to

developing countries engaged in the task of national development

(the socalled Third World) which are characterised by mass problems

of poverty, disease, illiteracy, etc. It is also evident in the affluent,

industrially advanced countries which are discovering problems of

persistent poverty amidst national affluence. The field of social

welfare is not unaffected by this resurgence of interest in social

change. Is this, then, an unthought of response to a currently popular

international trend or is this the result of certain developments that

have been taking place over the years? This is the question that merits

discussion.

EVOLUTION OF SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE U.S.A.

Social welfare which began as a religious, humanitarian activity to

provide relief to the poor, under-privileged and handicapped sections

of society, gradually emerged as a systematic organised service by

society to some of its unfortunate members. In this process, later

emerged a group of people who took to social welfare as full time

work, characterised by 'scientific' knowledge and methods of work-

ing with people. The latter development, briefly stated, is what is

called professionalisation of social work and the emergence of social

work as a profession. Though the seeds of professionalisation of

social work were to be found in the activities of the Charity Organisa-

tion Society in the U.K., the conscious attempt in developing it as a

profession started in the U.S.A. in the early twenties of the last

century.

The social welfare model, including the professional model of

social work as evolved in the U.S.A., has been influenced by a variety

of factors. These include early Judaeo-Christian ethics, particularly

the puritan ethic which emphasised individualism, self-help and the

moral character of the individuals; the liberal social and political

philosophy which advocated laissez faire approach by the state;

unexploited natural resources which seemed to provide plenty of

opportunities for anyone to make 'good' in life; a buoyant and

expanding industrial economy which made full use of the new

scientific discoveries by developing industrial technology, and a mass

consumption society which provided a demand for the products of

the growing industrial economy as well as benefited by the mass-

produced goods, which in turn led to a progressive increase in the

standard of living of the people. The great economic depression of

the 1930s came as a jolt which shook the very foundations of the

American society and led to some rethinking of the social and

political philosophy in that country. In the field of social welfare, this

led to the growing involvement of the government, particularly in

initiating legislative measures for social security. Yet, curiously, the 1field continued to be dominated by the philosophy of individualism.

This may be explained in some detail.

Due to a variety of factors which need not detain us here,

collectivistic political and economic theories did not emerge as strong

forces in the U.S.A. to shape the minds of the population as they had

done in the U.K. The political and economic philosophy continued to

be conservative-liberal in outlook rather than radical. This meant

155Social Welfare: A Comparative Historical Perspective

PART TWOSocial Work – Profession And Practice.

A Cultural Perspective

A human being is like all human beings,

Like some human beings and,

Like no other human being.

Clyde Klukhon and Henry A. Murray

CHAPTER-9

Evolution Of Social Welfare In India

In the evolution of social welfare in India, like in many countries,

two broad trends can be noticed: reform of the society and the

provision of specific services to the handicapped and disadvantaged

individuals and groups. Much before the beginning of social reform

during the nineteenth century, there were several religious reform

movements by the saints. They were revolting against the religious

inequality and in some cases against social inequality as well. They

fought against the prevalent practice of excluding the lower groups in

society from opportunities to worship God, and their access to

religious knowledge. Some of them attempted to remove the social

discrimination by preaching that all human beings were equal before

God.

The social reformers from Ram Mohun Roy to Gandhi also aimed

at reforming the Hindu society. They focussed their attention on the

abolition of some religious or social practices which were detrimen-

tal to the welfare of certain segments of the Hindu society, such as

sati, prohibition of widow remarriage, child marriage, idol-worship

and some features of the caste system. They approached their task of

reform, which concerned mostly women and children, from a

rational and critical analysis of the social system of the day. To

achieve their goal they relied heavily on state intervention and the

instrument of social legislation. The reform activities which began in

Bengal spread to several parts of the country. It was an elitist reform

movement confined mainly to the western educated, urban middle

class. It did not become a mass movement until the entry of Gandhi

on the social reform arena. The point to note here is the fact that

many of these social reformers who began their work with a broad

orientation to social problems and the need to change society in

certain respects, very soon found it necessary to provide specific

services to individuals affected by the harsh features of the society.

Thus institutions were established to provide shelter and education

for widows, orphans, and destitutes.

With the entry of Gandhi on the political and social scene of

India, we see the beginning of a new phase in social reform. For

Gandhi, the struggle against social inequality could not be separated

from the fight for political freedom. At the same time, he felt that the

fight for freedom and political equality has no meaning without

fighting for social equality. Gandhi was not content with his efforts

to change the society. He also established organizations to provide

services and to work for the welfare of the weaker sections of the

society. Unlike the social reformers before him, Gandhi's field of

action was not limited to urban areas. His analysis of rural poverty

led him to initiate measures for rural development through self-

sufficiency of the villages. While not agreeing with all the Gandhian

ideas and programmes, it must be pointed out that there was none

before him (and none after him so far) who had his breadth of vision,

the integral view of society (social and political, rural and urban) and

who had realised the value of' people's participation in the struggle

for social and political reform. For the first time social reform became

a mass movement drawing in its fold large number of men and

women from all strata of society.

I. Evoluation of the Role of Government in Social Welfare

Before India came under the British rule, social welfare activities

such as care of the handicapped and the destitutes, were the respon-


CHAPTER-10

Professionalization Of Social Work

There is a widespread belief among professional social workers that

social work in India had attained the status of a profession on the eve

of the Independence of the country. The assumption that social work

in India became a profession many years ago, deserves to be carefully

tested. This chapter attempts to discuss the professionalization of

social work in India, particularly during the past thirty years, in

historical perspective. The label 'professional social workers' is used

here in a broad sense to distinguish a group of social workers from

other types of social workers, such as sarvodaya social workers,

voluntary social workers and paid social workers who have had no

education in schools of social work. The analysis will focus on the

group of social workers who have completed their education at the

post-graduate schools of social work and have worked or are cur-

rently working in the field of social work in India; their impact on the

field of social work; and their achievements and failures in their quest

for professional status.

The terms 'profession' and 'professionalization' are used in a

specific sense in sociological literature. Professionalization is defined

as "the dynamic process whereby many occupations can be observed

to change certain crucial characteristics in the direction of a 'profes-

sion' and profession is defined as 'an ideal type' of occupational

organization which does not exist in reality, but which provides the

model of the form of occupational organization that would result if

1any occupational group became completely professionalized".

These crucial characteristics are variously stated by different authors.

The most commonly stated characteristics include a specific area of

operation, a specialized body of knowledge and techniques, the

establishment of educational programmes usually in the universities,

development of a code of ethics, establishment of a professional

organization, ideal of service, and public recognition of the profes-

sional status of the occupation.

Goode has stated that there are some characteristics which are

core or generating traits and the rest derive from these. According to

him, a basic body of abstract knowledge and the ideal of service are 2

the two generating traits. As Parsons and others have pointed out, it

is not helpful to differentiate occupations and professions on the basis

of the criterion of service, because both self-interest and the ideal of

service interpenetrate whether in the commercial occupations or

professions. In any case, the ideal of service has always been the hall-

mark of social work and in fact, the over-emphasis on this ideal has

proved to be a serious barrier to the professionalization of social work

in India. In our view, the three core traits of a profession are: (1) a

specific area of operation, (2) a basic body of knowledge and skills,

(3) and public recognition of the claim of the occupation for profes-

sional status. Other characteristics are derived from these core traits.

The public recognition is the most important of the three traits.

Because in the final analysis it is a political process. If an occupa-

tional group somehow succeeds in persuading or pressurizing the

government to act in favour of its claim, irrespective of the presence

or absence of the other two traits, it will achieve professional status.

Some sociologists have identified a sequence of steps in the

professionalization of occupations. As Goode has commented, this 3is neither empirically correct, nor theoretically convincing. Because

most of these processes are going on simultaneously and it is difficult

to state whether one actually began before another.

187Professionalization Of Social Work

CHAPTER-11

Professional Social Work In India

-1975 To 2012

After reviewing the literature for fifty years, pertaining to social

welfare, social work and development it was observed that

some key concepts like social change, macro-micro levels and structures, and

problem of inter-linkages between them, empowerment and so on, have neither

been adequately and clearly conceptualized nor discussed in operational

terms”….and the literature failed to provide guidelines for practice or testable

propositions which can be the basis for the further development of usable

theory, discovery of operational procedures and techniques for practice”. There

has been very little research on the theory building and practice of social

development and social welfare “(Pathak, 1997)

Reviewing the literature on group work Joseph observed that

“the written contribution of Indian authors to the literature of group work has

been extremely sparse or limited ….. There has very rarely been any addition or

challenge to the western literature on group work from the experience of social

work in India, though the reality in India is significantly different in many

ways”(Joseph, 1997).

Reviewing the literature on social action as a method, the author

concluded that

The changing social characteristics of social work, together with the reorganiza-

tion of the work and the market situation of social work, seem to suggest that the

scale of militancy in the profession will decrease rather than increase…. Social

action as a method, therefore will remain on the periphery rather than become a

central mode of intervention in India”(Siddiqui, 1997).

In her overview of all the reviews of social work literature during

the period of fifty years (1940-1996). Desai noted a declining ten-

dency in the articles published by social work writers in the Indian

Journal of Social Work. She concludes “one still comes across

masters and doctoral dissertations, which state that these are explor-

atory studies because no previous literature exists in that area!”

(Desai, 1997). If they are not exploratory studies, they may be survey

type of research of a field of social work, though this is also rare. A

study of medical social work in Bombay by Gita Shah and a study of

psychiatric social work in India by Ratna Verma are worth mention-

ing here. There has not been a single experimental research or

evaluative research of the quality and impact of social work interven-

tion. Even in U.K and U.S.A. this is very rare. There has been one

modest experimental research in the mental health field as part of an

M.Phil dissertation by an Iranian student (!) at the Tata Institute of

Social Sciences and it has not been published. Practice wisdom has

been talked about for a long time, both in the West and in India, but

remains elusive or even invisible to the eyes of the academic research-

ers. The need for documentation of the field experience and experi-

ment, and to attempt at conceptualization and testing has been

advocated (Joseph, 1997; Pathak 1997). Both of them have lamented

the loss of such valuable knowledge. Practitioners rarely write and

when they do, they tend to be either descriptive or recycle what has

been written and published before, mostly by the western academics.

One exceptional piece of publication of a very high quality of an

experiment of social work intervention in field practice, with a family

of a schizophrenic patient by Rima Balachandran, perhaps, remains

unnoticed and unutilized by social work educators. And the author,

alas passed away at a very young age, thus depriving us a possible

future contribution to knowledge based on social work practice in

India.

Finally, about the professional associations. The I.A.T.S.W went


CHAPTER-12

Social Work Profession -A Provocation

By S.S.Iyer

The profession of social work in India is more than thirty years old.

Yet, I am afraid, it does not seem to have come of age. Mature

thinking, broad perspective, sobriety born of the felt responsibilities

of work in a problem-ridden society, a sense of identification with

progressive thought, of belongingness to the community and the

culture of which it is a part, and a sense of mission and creative

innovation in the realm of thought and action-all these are the hall-

marks of a mature profession where clients are human beings as

individuals and as collectivities. We may scan the social work

horizon to discern the evidence of these, but we see a disappointing

and depressing picture. Professional social workers have not shown

themselves to be vitally concerned with the serious issues of our time

and our society. They are in a state of peace and contentment; they

have no right to be, given the living conditions of people in our

country today.

What are those conditions? A vast expanse of poverty and depri-

vation, millions on the verge of starvation, economic exploitation

and social degradation for the many, and power and luxury for a

small group, ranging from pedlars of potatoes to pedlars of the

intellect. This inhuman situation of apocalyptic contradiction will

*

* in 1967

confront the social worker, wherever he may choose to work. Here, in

brief, we give an idea of the character and size of the human prob-

lems social worker have to deal with.

At the outset, let me say a few words about the nature of a profes-

sion. The words are provoked by the constant emphasis laid by the

majority of professionals as well as non-professional social workers,

on one aspect of a profession, which is least important and not

unique; the question of remuneration. It is very tragic and unfortu-

nate that whenever social workers start discussing the nature of the

profession, this aspect is brought to the fore, to the exclusion of many

other vital issues pertinent to the discussion. I think it needs no

serious discussion to see that the social worker, like any other human

being, has certain natural, therefore, normal animal and human

urges and needs, which call for satisfaction and so he should have a

minimum of material well-being. Whatever may be said in theory, I

can say, with all the authority of my personal experience of twelve

years in the company of social workers of all types, Sadhus,

Sarvodayites, Quakers, Christian missionaries, professionals per se

and so on, that, whether formally drawing a salary or not, one and all

without exception, make a call on the resources of the community in

return for the services they render. If anybody, anywhere, at any time,

has made or still makes a statement to the contrary, a little searching

of his conscience is the only prescription for this malady!

Here, I would like to record a discussion I had recently with Shri

Dhiren Majumdar, the veteran Sarvodaya thinker, who, in spite of his

old age, continues to be a field worker. I requested him to throw some

light on the question of a social worker's standard of living. On this

issue, there is as much enervating confusion and contradiction

among Sarvodayites as among profesional social workers, because of

the religious insistence of the former on austerity in principle, most

often violated in actual practice. Dhiren Da, as he is affectionately

called, declared without reservation:


CHAPTER-13

Voluntary Organizations And Social Welfare

There has been considerable discussion in recent years regarding the

role of voluntary organizations in social welfare in India. An indica-

tion of the rethinking that is going on in the field is a recent spurt in

the publication of articles in the popular press and the discussion

following these publications. The debate seems to centre around the

roles of voluntary organizations in the changing social context, and

the national goal of the welfare state. There is also a feeling of

dissatisfaction about the role played by voluntary organizations since

Independence. Disappointment is expressed that inspite of consider-

able financial support by the government, the performance of

voluntary organizations in social welfare has been far from satisfac-

tory.

Before proceeding to discuss the new roles of voluntary organisa-

tions in social welfare, it is appropriate to define a voluntary organi-

zation. A voluntary organisation is an association of people orga-

nized to meet the needs of a section or the whole of that community.

In other words, the voluntary organizations originate in the sponta-

neous, altruistic, humanitarian feelings of a few leaders in the

community, who are concerned for the welfare of the disadvantaged

among their fellow human beings. A corollary to this definition is the

support extended to the voluntary organizations by the local commu-

nity. The financial resources that are necessary for the existence of

voluntary organizations and for the services rendered by them are to

be collected from within the local community. The reference to the

local community need not exclude large-scale state or national level

organizations. Such large-scale organizations may result through a

process of federation or affiliation of a number of local level volun-

tary organizations working in a particular area of welfare. It is also

possible that a national or state level voluntary organization may be

first established with a clear intention to work for the welfare of a

certain group of people, and this may be followed by the opening of

branches or local units of these large-scale organizations in different

parts of the country.

The voluntary organizations as defined above needs to be distin-

guished from the non-official organizations. As the Study Team

Report has rightly pointed out, a voluntary organization is spontane-

ous in its origin, while a non-official organization is sponsored by the 1government. A sponsored non-official organization may not have

roots in a local community as a voluntary organization would. As a

result, the non-official organization may fail to arouse popular

support. In other words, the non-official organization is an instance

of induced voluntarism by the state which may or may not secure

popular support.

Historically, the origin of voluntary organizations in India may be

traced to the period when the Indian society started to undergo

certain significant changes coincident with the establishment of the

rule of the East India Company towards the end of the 18th century.

In a feudal society where primary group ties are very strong, such

groups predominate in the life of the people. The family, the kinship

group, the caste and the village community have been powerful and

familiar primary groups in the Indian society. In the past they have

generally performed the functions which we now define as social

welfare functions. Following the establishment of the East India

Company rule, certain changes took place in the political and

economic life of the country.

Broadly speaking, there were three major factors which led to a


CHAPTER-14

An Indian Perspective Of Social Work

During the past two or three decades, there has been much talk of

the need for developing an indigenous model of social welfare. Very

rarely this idea has been pursued seriously to the point of making a

beginning in that direction. The reason for this is obvious; it is easy to

criticise but difficult to create. G.R. Banerjee is one of those very few

Indians who has tried patiently and persistently to be creative by

continually thinking and writing on an Indian perspective of social

work. Her contributions have been brought together in a book of

essays-Papers on Social Work-An Indian Perspective. In the first

thirteen papers, she propounds the basic concepts which form part of

Indian social work. They are: concepts of social welfare as kalyan or

mangal; concepts of love, duty or Dharma and Ahimsa; Concept of

detachment or Nishkama Karma; concepts of self, professional self,

self-help, and Karma theory; concept of social functioning and social

consciousness. According to Banerjee, the ancient Indian concept of

social welfare was broader in scope than the western concept. It

included not only remedial but also preventive measures. It was not

restricted to a particular group or class but was meant for all, rich, or

poor, normal or handicapped. The goal of human activity was the

welfare of all human beings; i.e. loka sangraha. It was the duty of

human beings, particularly the leaders to work for the welfare of

society.

Banerjee is critical of the overemphasis on the rights of an individ-

ual in western societies. She equates rights with concern for material

comforts, though it implies obligations or duty, which is neglected.

She asks whether this extreme craving for material comforts based on

conviction of individual rights, can bring about human happiness.

An individual cannot be made to love another person by emphasizing

the right or by legislation. The Indian concept of duty or dharma is

superior to the concept of right. While right makes people selfish and

thus divides them, the concept of duty with its emphasis on obliga-

tion, unites people. But the concept of duty is not based on social

pressures. In that case it will be bitter. It becomes sweet when "love 1greases its wheels". Duty also implies self-denial.

Self is an indivisible whole which provides continuity to the

otherwise changing personality. It includes body, mind, intellect and

awareness or consciousness. It has a spiritual element, the soul,

which is immortal. Dichotomy of self, as professional self which

operates in one's work life from the 'other' self is not valid. It is the

same self whether in private life or professional sphere. When we

speak of professional self we refer to the manifestation of self in our

work life. Self cannot have a different set of values and behaviour in

private life and in professional work. Love is not a quantity or a thing

to be bargained or negotiated. It is a quality of the self developed on

the basis of awareness of its identity with the whole of humanity. It

implies imaginative emphathy. Ahimsa is an aspect of love. It does

not mean non-killing or avoidance of physical violence. It has a

positive meaning. Ahimsa is not possible without love. It is akin to the

western social work concept of acceptance.

Banerjee's description of the concept of rights is too narrow. It is

not correct to say that the rights emphasize only the privileges and

comforts of the individual. The concept of rights of man originated

in the context of a social philosophy based on man as a rational being,

capable of taking decisions in his best interests. It implied freedom of

action consistent with the rights of other men. As noted by Banerjee,

it implies obligations or duty. Such rights as freedom of speech and

245An Indian Perspective Of Social Work

CHAPTER-15

Counselling In The Indian Culture

Counselling is a form of psychological help provided by profes-

sional persons to people who need it in order to cope with their

problems. Such help is offered in a face-to-face relationship through

discussion between the counsellor and the counsellee. There is no

agreement on what constitutes counselling and how it is different

from case work and psychotherapy. And there are different types of

counselling based on a large number of psychological theories. The

term counselling has been in use in social work literature since the

early thirties. Almost all authors on case work consider counselling

as a part of case work. It was classified as one of the techniques of 1direct treatment (psychological help) by Hamilton.

Aptekar, however, refers to case work, counselling and psycho-

therapy as three distinct independent forms of helping. According to

him counselling is and could be practised by social workers. But it is

different from both case work and psychotherapy. Case work is

geared to the provision of a concrete service such as financial relief,

adoption and foster placement. Psychological knowledge and skills

may be necessary for administering a concrete service. But it is

different from counselling which is discussion of personal or inter-

personal problems of individuals. On the other hand, psychotherapy

which is also a form of psychological service, and has personality 2

change as its goal. Rogers who propounded 'non-directive counsel-

ling', does not make any distinction between psychotherapy and

counselling, and uses these two terms synonymously. He considers

environmental help as outside the scope of counselling and thus takes 3the same position as Aptekar. It is generally accepted that counsel-

ling requires psychological knowledge and skills. Depending on one's

preference,a counsellor may choose anyone of the major psychologi-

cal theories: Freudian, Neo-Freudian, Adlerian, Jungian, Rankian

etc. or he may be an eclectic choosing concepts and skills useful from

any of these. In addition, a counsellor needs knowledge pertaining to

the problems characteristic of a field e.g. educational problems,

problems of employees in industry, vocational problems, marital

problems etc. There are two broad types of counselling- directive and

non-directive counselling. A prominent advocate of non-directive

counselling is Carl Rogers. Most Freudians and other psychoanalyti-

cally oriented counsellors also believe in non- directive counselling.

The objective of counselling is stated variously as personality

growth, developing self-knowledge and self-awareness, strengthen-

ing the capacity to perceive the problem realistically and deal with it,

enabling the person to learn to exercise the choice wisely etc. This is

to be achieved by discussion between the person and the counsellor.

The discussion is focussed on the feelings and attitudes of the person.

There is greater emphasis on emotions and comparatively less

attention to the need for providing knowledge through information

and explanation. The establishment of rapport or relationship is

considered as an essential and vital element. Self-determination is a

cardinal principle for most writers on counselling. The counsellee

should be left free to select his own goal in relation to the solution of

the problem. The non-directive group takes an extreme position on

this point. In fact, if we have to select one single characteristic that

distinguishes non-directive counselling from directive counselling, it

is the great value attached to this principle. Other distinctive features

of non-directive counselling include: the emphasis on minimal

activity by the counsellor; authority as incompatible with counsel-

253Counselling In The Indian Culture

Chapter-16

Helping Process In The

Bhagawadgita

It should be made very clear at the beginning that this paper does not

deal with the religious issues raised in Bhagavadgita. I am not

competent to do it nor am I interested in that exercise. There is a vast

literature published in English and most Indian languages, which

should be referred to by those interested in Bhagavadgita as a reli-

gious text. My purpose is non-religious and limited to exploring the

model of the helping process in the Bhagavadgita. In other words, I

take the problem faced by Arjuna at the battlefront as an eternal

human problem – what is one’s duty when faced with a critical

situation? Self-interest? Interest of “others”? Who are these “others”?

What are the guiding principles to make the correct or the right

choice?

The Context

Most people in India know the story of Mahabharata in some

form or the other. While the details may vary, the main features of the

context, the dilemma faced by Arjuna while both the armies of

Kauravas and Pandavas are facing each other, ready to fight to the

finish at the battlefield of Kurukshetra would be the same. At that

time –a short while before the actual beginning of the war, Srikrishna,

the charioteer of Arjuna (Parthasarathy) takes the chariot in the

middle of the battlefield –between the two army formations and asks

Arjuna to look in front of him, the Kauravas – the enemy. Shriranga

states that Krishna did this deliberately. He asks Arjuna to look in

front and not at the back-his own army and then in front-the

Kauravas. Why? Perhaps Krishna is aware with his superior knowl-

edge and ability to look ahead in future, what might happen. He does

not want that to happen which would be a catastrophe i.e after the

war has begun Arjuna to say that he did not wish to fight and in the

process kill his own people (swajana) and commit a serious sin which

would surely drive him to hell after his death. He wants Arjuna to face

it now and deal with it, get it over with, so that he is fully determined

to fight the Kauravas – without wavering in his mind by the feelings

of “swajana” (my people).

So, Krishna says take a look in front of you and see all the people

ranged against you-the patriarch of the Kuru dynasty, highly revered

Bheeshma Pitamaha, the great teacher Drona, who taught archery to

both Kauravas and Pandavas, the other teacher before him

Kripacharya, and then his cousin Duryodhana and his brothers,

hundred of them. When Arjuna looks at all of them, suddenly there

is a panic reaction. The feelings of “swajana” is so overpowering that

his reasoning faculty fails. And he reacts by saying I will not fight and

kill these people, they are my own kith and kin. It is at this crucial

point that Krishna intervenes and his exposition of the great message

follows, at the end of which Arjuna with his emotions in control,

retrieving his sense of reasoning, knowing what is right and wrong in

a proper perspective, unhesitatingly decides to fight and lead his army

to victory. Rest is history.

Shreeranga says Arjuna had faced a similar situation before, at the

time of Gograhana battle (seizure of cattle) as Brihannale (neither

man nor woman) as part of forest-dwelling incognito (Ajnatawasa).

But, he was then in the employment of the king Virata as the chief of

the army (Senapati), fighting for his employer, the king. His mind was


Chapter-17

Sarvodaya Methods Of Social Work

In September 1964 the Gandhian Institute of Studies, Varanasi,

appointed a Working Group consisting of Gandhian constructive

workers and professional social workers with the purpose of develop-

ing a bridge between the two which might ultimately lead to the

"fusion of the traditional concepts of social work as visualised by

Mahatma Gandhi and the professional concepts of social work

developed in the Western countries". The Report of the Working

Group has already been published. The Gandhian Institute organ-

ised another seminar at Varanasi from March 20 to 22, 1967, to

continue the dialogue between the two groups of social workers. The

purpose of this seminar was to develop a greater insight in the

sarvodaya methods of social work by making "a comparative analy-

sis of some of the important techniques as practiced by a few out-

standing leaders of the sarvodaya field".

During the seminar a sentence in Prof. Dasgupta's paper led to a

lively discussion. He had said that "the end of social work is the end

of social work". This, Shri Dhirendra Mazumdar queried. “Is it

possible, he asked, to conceive of a society at any point of time where

there will be no need for social work?” He felt that whereas there

could be an "end" of social workers in a particular community, he

believed that in any society, however wellorganised and developed,

there would always be a need for social work.

Acharya Ram Murti addressed a question to the professional

group. He explained that the Sarvodaya group makes a difference

between welfare work and liberation work. Welfare work is in the

nature of providing relief to people suffering from various problems.

Liberation work refers to the total, fundamental change in social

relationship and the institutional structure of society; it implies

mobilising the people's power and leading a movement to break

deadlocks created by powerful vested interests in a community. The

Acharya asked: Are the professional social workers willing to lead or

participate in such a people's movement? In reply, some pointed out

that social action is a method of social work and the professional

social worker is supposed to participate in a programme of social

action. Dr. Ruby Pernell answered the question: Theoretically a

professional social worker believes in participating and leading a

movement or direct action programme. However, in practice,

professional social workers are unable to do this because they are

employees of government or government-aided organisations The

service rules and their own concern for job security prevent them

from participating. in such direct action programmes.

Dr. Chatterjee's paper attempted to analyse the Gandhian concept

of change of heart by comparing it with the theories of different

schools of psychology. He pointed out that "to Gandhian logic, the

change of heart was a total, revolutionary, cataclysmic event, encom-

passing the entire 'philosophy of life', so that all actions subsequent to

the change of heart are in conformity with the radical change that has

taken place at the core", Like professional social workers, Gandhians

also believe that "mere intellectual acceptance, on grounds of logic, is

not enough; the change has to be at the levels of emotions and

feelings too-the involvement has to be total, at the cognitive, conative

as well as the affective levels." According to Dr. Chaterjee, there is

one essential difference between the Gandhian and the Freudian

concept of personality change. In Gandhian technique, change of

heart is sought through strengthening the" control of the super-ego.

271Sarvodaya Methods Of Social Work

Chapter-18

Developmental Perspective Of

Social Welfare

Two models of social welfare are usually mentioned in historical

reviews of social welfare. The dominant and popular model is usually

referred to as the remedial or residual model which is contrasted with

the other model described variously as the institutional-redistributive

or developmental model of social welfare. It is frequently argued by

some wellknown western and Indian writers that the latter model is

more suited to the developing countries which include India.

Social work education in India has been based on the traditional

model of social welfare and social work practice with some modifica-

tions to suit the Indian situation. At the beginning of the decade of

1970's a few social work educators in India (including this writer)

began to advocate developmental orientation to social welfare and

social work education which was also the emerging new trend both

regionally and internationally. The factors responsible for this have

been discussed elsewhere. An official committee endorsed this new

orientation to social work practice and education by recommending

that social work education should be in tune with social reality and it

should have a rural bias in contrast to the prevalent urban-industrial-

metropolis model (UGC 1980). While almost all social work educa-

tors publicly seem to be committed to the developmental model of

social welfare and social work education, there is very little evidence

of the implementation of this commitment either in social work

practice or social work education. We need not go into the reasons for

this here.

A brief explanation of developmental social welfare, a convenient

shorthand term for the new model, will be made before illustrating

some of its features in a few selected areas of social work practice.

The term ‘development' and 'social development' are frequently used

in the literature dealing with this model. There are no widely

accepted definitions of these concepts in the disciplines concerned

such as economics, sociology and social welfare. The economist's

perception of development is based on his own discipline's bias and

expansiveness which has been described as economism by

Nieuwenhuize, a wellknown Dutch sociologist. Conceptually the

economists have moved from economic growth and later economic

development as the central objective of planned nation-building by

the newly independent countries of the world to a broader but not

significantly different concept of development. They include in it

some non-economic variables which together are referred to in a

residual meaning of the term ‘social’ as social development. It may

mean either or both of the following: social prerequisites to economic

development and social consequences of development (considered

as undesirable). In U.N literature it tends to be stated as economic

development plus institutional change without clearly defining

institutional change, but with occasional references to family plan-

ning and land reforms as programmes or to the objective of social

justice, sometimes also referred to as redistribution or distributive

justice. Gradual elimination of the mass problems of illiteracy,

unemployment and poverty are included in this view of develop-

ment.

The sociologists tend to take a holistic view of the term social

development which includes economic development as one of the

many components rather than as the dominant feature of it. In a

major treatise on development a western sociologist defines social


Chapter -19

Roles And Functions Of

Social Welfare

The historical evolution of social welfare, which was presented in the

previous chapters pointed out the changing emphasis on social

welfare at different periods of history. In India, the earliest concep-

tion of what has now come to be known as social welfare, was dana,

and the philosophy underlying it was known as dana dharma or

dhamma. Dana literally meant sharing, and Dharma had a variety of 1

meanings, ranging from duty or obligation to charity or equity.

During the medieval period when Muslim kings ruled the country,

charity was known as khairat. The goal of social welfare has been

described at different times in Indian history as lokasangraha, loka 2sreya and sarvodaya.

In the west, it was known as charity or philanthropy before the

industrial revolution and even after, until about the second decade of

the nineteenth century. After the middle of the nineteenth century,

during the Charity Organisation Movement in England, the term

'scientific charity' gradually gained currency. As late as 1897 in the

U.S.A., Mary Richmond was saying that the new profession had no

name and for want of a better name she called it ‘the profession of 3

applied philanthropy’. The term 'social work' was introduced in the 4

U.K. by about the 1920s. We do not know when the term 'social

welfare' came to be used.

Recently there have been several attempts in the west to identify

the different conceptions of social welfare and sometimes these are

also referred to as models of social welfare. Wilensky and Lebaux

referred to the antithetical conceptions of social welfare:

Two conceptions of social welfare seem to be dominant in the United States

today: the residual and the institutional. The first holds that social welfare

institutions should come into play when the normal structures of supply, the

family and the market break down. The second, in contrast, sees the welfare 5services as normal 'first line' functions of modern industrial society.

Somewhat similar to the institutional view of social welfare is the

developmental concept of social welfare which was defined as:

'Welfare activities as a frontline function of modern industrial

society, in a positive collaborative role with other major social 6institutions working toward a better society. Later, Richard Titmuss

formulated the wellknown three models of social policy which

incorporated the two previously mentioned concepts of social

welfare.

The Residual Welfare Model is based on the premise that there are

two 'natural' (or socially given) channels through which an individ-

ual's needs are properly met; the private market and the family. Only

when these break down should social welfare institutions come into

play and then only temporarily ....’

The Industrial Achievement Performance Model incorporates a

significant role for social welfare institutions as adjuncts of economy.

It holds that social needs should be met on the basis of merit, work

performance and productivity ....’

'The Institutional Redistributive Model sees social welfare as a

major integrated institution in society, providing universalist services

outside the market on the principle of need. It is based on theories

about the multiple effects of social change and the economic system, 7and in part on the principle' of social equality ....’

281Roles And Functions Of Social Welfare

Chapter -20

Bhakti- Concept, Ideology And Spread

The title of this chapter has been carefully chosen, after much

deliberation. Bhakti as a religious concept is said to be present in

rudimentary form even during the vedic period, while it is widely

believed to have its origin in the Agamas and post-Agamic religious

literature, culminating as BhaktiYoga in Bhagavadgita. Here we are

concerned with its manifestation during a period of almost thousand

years from the seventh century, originating in Tamil territory' (Tamil

Nadu) moving upwards to Kannada speaking territory (Karnataka)

from there to Marathi (Maharashtra) and Gujarati (Gujarat) speak-

ing territories. It also erupted in the north-eastern U.P., spread

towards the eastern India (Assam, Bengal, Bihar and Odisha) and

downwards to the central parts of the country (Rajasthan, M.P). A

religious concept developing into a religious ideology, modifying in

major respects the earlier version of Bhakti, with mass appeal,

attracting in significant numbers the middle and lower strata of

society, cutting across all barriers of jati (caste), gender, occupation,

social status, and even religion. This phenomenon has been

described, debated, eulogized and critically assessed by scholars from

different parts of the country over a period of several decades. It has

been labelled as an "event", socio-religious, socio-political and social

protest movement, etc. Some writers have gone so far as to call it a

revolution'.* So some preliminary clarifications and observations

seem to be necessary on the choice of title, before proceeding further.

Bhakti as a concept refers to devotee’s love for God, a personal

God who may be formless, Nirguna or Saguna, a supreme reality or

power to whom he surrenders himself, a total surrender based on

unconditional and intense love. This may take the form of marital

love as in the case of Andal for Krishna, Meera Bai for Girdhar Gopal

and Mahadeviakka for Chennamallikarjuna (Shiva). These

instances, incidentally illustrate the Saguna form of Bhakti. In

Saguna Bhakti, the God may be one of the two- Shiva or Vishnu in

human form as Rama or Krishna. Sometimes one may notice the

blend of both Nirguna and Saguna Bhakti as witnessed in Narasimh

Mehta and Kabir, though in Kabir Nirguna Bhakti is dominant.

.Bhakti becomes an ideology when it attempts to convert the masses

to the particular concept of Bhakti with prescribed rules of conduct

and forms of worship. We notice this in the Warkari saints of

Maharashtra and Veerashaiva saints of Karnataka. As a result sects

emerge, forming their own community of fellow worshippers,

providing mutual support, solidifying the bond of kinship among the

followers. The emergence of sects may be a spontaneous process or a

byproduct of the teachings of the leaders of the particular type of or

form of devotion as in the case of Kabir and Warkari saints or a

deliberately organised collective or group as in the case of Sikhs or

Shivasharanas (Veerashaiva saints) of the medieval Karnataka.

The word "movement" widely and popularly used to refer to the

emergence of Bhakti ideology and the establishment of new sects or

*. D.P.Mukerji, my teacher at Lucknow University, was a great scholar and he was

one of the founders of the discipline of sociology in India. He stated that “their

(Bhakti movements) larger number much about the same period would entitle us to

include them in one broad movement” and “the movement had the spirit of a

revolution”. Later, he called it a “mirror revolution”. Indian Culture, 1946, reprint

Roopa and Co. Delhi 2006.


CHAPTER -1

1. Cf. Romila Thapar's paper 'Interpretations of Ancient Indian History', in

Ancient Indian Social History,1 (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1978) in which

she explains how historical writing on India was influenced by the dominant

ideology of the period.

For the problem of objectivity see E.H. Carr, What is History? (London:

Penguin, 1976) (especially Chapter 1, The Historian and His Facts). See also

Peter Leonard, 'Explanation and Education in Social Work', The British

Journal of Social Work, Vol. 5 (Autumn 1975), p.325.

2. E.H. Carr, What is History?, p. 30.

3. Louis Dumont, 'On the Comparative Understanding of Non-Modern

Civilizations', Daedalus, Vol. 104, (Spring 1975), pp. 153-8.

4. E.H. Carr, What is History?, p. 55.

5. Clark A. Chambers (ed.), A Century of Concern, National Conference of Social

Welfare, Columbus, n.d., pp. 1 and 2.

6. E.J. Hobsbawm, 'From Social History to the History of Society', in Essays in

Social History, (eds.) M.W. Flinn and T.C. Smout (Oxford: Clarendon Press,

1974), pp, 1 and 20.

7. Ibid., p. 2.

8. Ibid., p. 5.

9. 'Much of our ancient source material refers comparatively more fully to the

upper sections of society; the study of the lower sections has to be far more

deductive.' Romila Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History, p.122.

10. Ankie M.M. Hoogvelt, The Sociology of Developing Societies (London:

Macmillan, 1976), p. 5.

CHAPTER -2

1. Among the few earlier attempts, mention must be made of Helen Witmer,

Gordon Hearn and Harriett Bartlett in the U.S.A., and recently Zophia

Buttrym, Peter Leonard, Robert Pinker and Ramesh Mishra in the U.K.

2. M.S. Gore, Social Work and Social Work Education (Bombay: Asia Publishing

House, 1965), p. 6.

3. Peter M. Blau, Presidential Address: ‘Parameters of Social Structure',

Notes and References

American Sociological Review, Vol. 39 (October, 1974), pp. 615-35.

4. Ibid.

5. M.S. Gore, 'The Cultural Perspective in Social Work in India', International

Social Work, Vol. 9 (July, 1966). p. 6.

6. There is a vast amount of literature which critically examines the Parsonian

theory of social system and social change. For a selection of these see Anthony

D. Smith, The Concept of Social Change (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

1973) and P.S. Cohen, Modern Social Theory (London: Heinemann Educational

Books, 1968).

7. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination (New York: Oxford University

Press, 1959).

8. Charles A. Valentine, Culture and Poverty (Chicago: University of Chicago

Press, 1968), p. 1.

9. A comprehensive anthropological definition has been recently given by

Edmund Leach: 'The sum of culture at a particular place and time is a totality,

a way of living, a system'. According to Leach the key word is system and the

most fundamental fact that we learn from anthropology is that 'our affairs are

organised in systems, that our institutions hang together'. Cf. Edmund Leach,

'Anthropology', in The Social Sciences Today, (ed.) Paul Barker (London:

Edward Arnold, 1975), p. 12.

10. 'This social system encloses, besides the so-called economic factors, all non-

economic factors of relevance for the movement of the system, including, for

instance, educational and health facilities, but also more fundamentally the

distribution of power in society, more generally economic, social and political

stratification, and broadly institutions and attitudes to which we have to add,

as an exogenous set of factors, intentionally induced policy measures applied

in order to change one or several of these endogenous factors.' Gunnar

Myrdal, 'The Unity of the Social Sciences', Human Organization, Vol. 34

(Winter 1975), p. 328.

11. As early as 1942, Helen Witmer in a classic study, Social Work (New York:

Rinehart and Co., 1942) had defined social welfare as a social institution par

excellence.

12. For a critical discussion of these views, cf. G. van Benthem van den Bergh, 'Is a

Marxist Theory of the State Possible?', Occasional Papers, No. 61 (The Hague:

Institute of Social Studies, 1977); Paul Corrigan and Peter Leonard, Social

Work Practice under Capitalism-A Marxist Approach (London: Macmillan, 1978).

See especially Ch.9, 'The State'; and Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of


the Advanced Societies (London: Hutchinson, 1973).

13. R. M. MacIver and Charles H. Page, Society-An Introductory Analysis (New

York: Rinehart and Co., 1957).

14. Neil J. Smelser, 'Sociological History: The Industrial Revolution and the

British Working-Class Family', in The Essays in Social History, (eds.) M.W. Flinn

and T.C. Smout (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), p.24.

15. Ibid., p. 24.

16. Ibid., p. 25.

17. Anthony Smith criticises this concept of structural differentiation because it

fails to explain what acts as a motivating force towards differentiation. In his

view it is only a descriptive concept. But even he concedes some explanatory

power to the concept. Cf. Anthony D. Smith, The Concept of Social Change.

18. Cf. for example the concept of metropolitan and satellite relationship. Andre

Gunder Frank, On Capitalist Underdevelopment (Bombay: Oxford University

Press, 1975).

19. Indian social anthropologists 'sometimes relabelled as sociologists' generally

tend to view Indian society as homogeneous. This idea is more implicit than

explicit. Cf. M.N. Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India (New Delhi: Orient

Longman) [Indian Edition], 1966. Srinivas hardly takes note of the Muslim

segment of the Indian society. An exception to this approach is Yogendra

Singh, Modernization of Indian Tradition (New Delhi: Thomson Press, 1973).

Singh also treats Indian society as homogeneous society, because of his

reliance on the modernisation theory which does not permit recognition of the

disruptive role of conflict and change. He tries to synthesise a number of

theoretical approaches which are not easily reconcilable. As a result, what we

find is, in the words of Mills, a paste-book eclecticism.

Both Srinivas and Singh explicitly exclude from consideration the

economic institutions and forces, which cause considerable problems for them

in their analysis of Indian society and social change. Whereas Srinivas

completely ignores the political institutions, Singh makes a perfunctory

reference to this by discussing electoral behaviour. From our point of view,

both these books are unsatisfactory for the study of Indian society and social

change. For a lucid criticism of Srinivas's homogeneous view of Indian society

cf. Imitiaz Ahmed, 'For a Sociology of India', Contributions to Indian Sociology

(New Series), No. 6 (1972). P. 172. To quote briefly; 'Indian society comprises

not only Hindus, who constitute the dominant majority, but also Muslims,

Christians, Parsees, Jews and the adherents of the three major offshoots of

Hinduism, namely, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism. Each of these groups

claims inheritance from a distinctive socio-cultural and religious tradition.

Ideally, a sociology of India should encompass all these groups and their

traditions. It is, however, one of the characteristics of the discipline today that

it has tended to emphasise the study of Hindus and their religious tradition; the

study of non-Hindus and of their traditions has been sadly neglected by both

Indians and foreigners.'

20. Harold S. Wilensky and C.N. Lebeaux, Industrial Society and Social Welfare

(New York: The Free Press, 1965).

21. Romila Thapar, 'Ethics, Religion, and Social Protest in the First Millenium

B.C.' in Northern India', Daedalus, Vol. 104 (Spring 1975), p. 119; see also Raja

Ram Shastri, Social Work Tradition in India (Varanasi: Welfare Forum and

Research Organisation, 1966).

22. Cf. Readings in Social Evolution and Development, (ed.) S.N. Eisenstadt (Oxford:

Pergamon Press, 1970); also Industrialization and Society, (eds.) Bert F. Hoselitz

and Wilbert E. Moore (Paris: Mouton, UNESCO, 1963).

23. Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (Delhi: Arnold Heinemann)

[Indian Edition], 1974.

24. Cf. Smith, The Concept of Social Change; S. Chodak, Societal Development (New

York: Oxford University Press, 1971); and Giddens, The Class Structure of the

Advanced Societies.

25. Bernice Q. Madison, Social Welfare in the Soviet Union (Stanford: Stanford

University Press, 1968).

26. Ibid.

Some elements of professional social work such as employment and training

of labour welfare workers are found in Czechoslovakia. Interestingly, the

nature of labour welfare programmes and tasks performed by welfare workers

in industry are in many respects similar to those found in the field of labour

welfare in India, which is a developing country with a small but significant

industrial sector. There are some important differences also and one of these is

the influential role of the trade unions in the formulation of social policy for

the welfare of industrial workers and in directly implementing some of the

labour welfare programmes. This once again highlights the impact of the

political-economic structure of the Czechoslovak society. See, Vladimir Tesar,

'Social Welfare Programmes in Czechoslovak Enterprises', International

Labour Review, Vol. 117 (July-August, 1978), p. 441.

27. For this view cf. Roy Bailey and Mike Brake (eds.), Radical Social Work

(London: Edward Arnold, 1975) and Ramesh Mishra, Society and Social Policy

(London: Macmillan, 1977) for an excellent discussion of Marxist approach to

social welfare. Even the functionalists like Smelser have stated that social

welfare is part of the social control processes of society. Cf. Neil J. Smelser,

Theory of Collective Behaviour (New York: Free Press, 1962). However, Corrigan

and Leonard while presenting a Marxist approach take a different view of the

nature of the state and the social control function of social welfare. They argue

that the welfare state in advanced capitalist countries like U.K. contains an

element of autonomy and so it reflects the class struggle and the contradictions

of that society. According to them, it is possible for social workers to work for

the radical transformation of the society, even when they are part of state

apparatus. Cf. Corrigan and Leonard, Social Work Practice under Capitalism.

28. Paul Halmos, The Faith of the Counsellors (London: Constable, 1966).

29. Cf. Alvin Gouldner, 'The Importance of Something for Nothing' in For

Sociology (Hammondsworth: Penguin, 1975), p. 266.

30. For a brief statement of Marxist theory of social change cf. Cohen, Modem

Social Theory, pp. 180-6; and J.A. Banks, Marxist Sociology in Action (London:

Faber and Faber, 1970).

31. Peter Leonard, 'Towards a Paradigm for Radical Practice', in Radical Social

Work, (eds.) Roy Bailey and Mike Brake, p. 46.

32. Cf. for a similar criticism, book review by Arthur Maglin, 'Role of Radical

Therapy', Monthly Review, Vol. 28 (April, 1977). He says: "the question of the

active oppositional strategy that might build a movement is talked around in

Radical Social Work, but is never directly confronted. The book recognizes the

interface of therapy and politics, but ultimately leaves unresolved the problem

of how they are to be combined. The vaguely implied solution is that psycho-

therapy has to be augmented by a more important 'social therapy', but this just

serves to indicate the problem without solving the riddle" [p.55]Very recently

Corrigan and Leonard in their book, Social Work Practice Under Capitalism, have

made a further attempt to meet some of these criticisms by pointing out how to

link up the Marxist practice of social work to the political movement. The

authors acknowledge the limitations of their work.

33. Cf. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (London: Oxford University Press, 1972),

pp. 48-50. My idea of reflective analysis is adapted from Rawls' concept of

reflective equilibrium.

34. Giddens, The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies; J.A. Banks, Marxist

Sociology in Action; Irfan Habib, 'Problem of Marxist Historical Analysis in

India' in India-State and Society, (ed.) K. Mathew Kurian (New Delhi: Orient

Longman, 1975), p. 20.

347Notes and References

35. Paul D. Wiebe, Social Life in an Indian Slum (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House,

1975).

36 J. H. Boeke, Economies and Economic Policy of Dual Societies (New York:

Institute of Pacific Relations, 1953).

36. Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne H. Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition

(Bombay: Orient Longman) [Indian Edition], 1969.

CHAPTER 3

1 Cf. S. Natarajan, A Century of Social Reform in India (Bombay: Asia Publishing

House, 1962).

In fairness to Natarajan, it should be stated that he was commissioned to

write the history of social reform movement during the nineteenth and

twentieth centuries in India, and so he was not concerned with reform

movements before that period.

2. Cf. G.R. Banerjee, 'Social Welfare in Ancient India' in Papers on Social Work: An

Indian Perspective (Bombay: Tata Institute of Social Sciences), n.d. (1972?),

p.59; Sugata Dasgupta, 'Asoka's Concept of Social Welfare', The Indian Journal

of Social Work, Vol. 19 (December, 1958), p. 197; and Raja Ram Shastri, Social

Work Tradition in India (Varanasi: Welfare Forum and Research Organisa-

tion, 1966).

Dasgupta gives a fairly detailed and accurate description of social welfare

programmes during the period of Asoka, though at times he tends to exagger-

ate the positive aspects. The monograph by Shastri has several merits. Unlike

most social welfare literature, it is not confined to the discussion of social work

in Hindu tradition; he also uses, though in a loose and vague manner, the social

structural approach; and what is more significant is his explicit recognition of

the role of ideology in social work tradition in India. On the other hand,

Shastri does not clearly spell out the chronology of the period he is discussing,

which may create considerable confusion for the reader. Also the latter part of

the monograph which deals with Islamic and Parsee traditions is very

superficial and inadequate. Banerjee's account is essentially a glorification of

the past and it has the same weakness as in the case of Shastri, namely, non-

specification of the period dealt with. None of these books gives the historical

source material.

3. Romila Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History (New Delhi: Orient Longman,

1978), p. 22.

For a recent comment on this point cf. Barun De, 'A Historiographical

Critique of Renaissance Analogues for Nineteenth Century India', in


Perspective in Social Sciences, l, (ed.) Barun De (Calcutta: Oxford University

Press, 1977), p. 178.

4. D.D. Kosambi, The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient India in Historical Outline

(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965), p. 54.

5. Georges Dumezil, quoted in Louis Dumont, 'On the Comparative Under-

standing of Non-Modern Civilizations', Daedalus, Vol. 104, (Spring 1975), p.

162.

6. Raja Ram Shastri, Social Work Tradition in India, pp. 2-5.

7. Ibid., p. 4.

8. Romila Thapar, 'Ethics, Religion, and Social Protest in the First 'Millenium

B.C. in Northern India', Daedalus, Vol. 104 (Spring 1975), p. 120.

9. This point has been made before by a well-known author. The published work

could not be traced.

10. Dumont, 'On the Comparative Understanding of Non-Modern Civilizations',

p. 167.

11. Romila Thapar, 'Ethics, Religion, and Social Protest', p. 126.

12. Ibid., p. 127.

13. Ibid., p. 129.

14. Ibid., p. 130.

15. Raja Ram Shastri, Social Work Tradition in India, p. 6.

16. Romila Thapar, 'Dana and Daksina as Forms of Exchange', Ancient Indian

Social History, p. 105. According to her Dana 'refers to the act of giving,

bestowing, granting, yielding and presentation, irrespective of what is being

given and when', p. 106.

17. Ibid., p. 110.

18. Ibid., p. 111.

19. Ibid., p. 115.

20. Ibid.

21. B. Tirumalachar, 'Economic Organisation in Ancient India', Indian Journal of

Economics, Vol. 22 (1941-42), p. 380.

22. Kautilya's Arthasastra, Translation by R. Shamasastry (Mysore: Wesleyan

Mission Press, 1929), p. 38.

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid., p. 47.

25. Ibid.

26. B.P. Sinha, Readings in Kautilya's Arthasastra (Delhi: Agam Prakashan, 1976),

pp. 1-18.

27. Kautilya's Arthasastra. p. 350.

28. Ibid., pp. 305-6.

29. B.P. Sinha, Readings in Kautilya's Arthasastra, pp . 64 and 146-7.

30. Ibid., p, 144.

31. Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 125.

32. B.P. Sinha, Readings in Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 81.

33. Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 161.

There is a reference to managers of charitable institutions. It is my guess

that those who could not be employed by the state and who could not provide

for themselves, were kept in these institutions.

34. B.P. Sinha, Readings in Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 17.

35. D.D. Kosambi, The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient India, p.150.

36. Romila Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 1963), p. 1.

37. Sugata Dasgupta, 'Asoka's Concept of Social Welfare', p. 197.

38. Romila Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, p. 212.

39. D.D. Kosambi, The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient India, p.162.

40. Romila Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, p. 118.

41. Romila Thapar translates it as virtue and Kosambi as principle of equity.

42. Romila Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas , p. 140.

43. The introduction of social security by Bismark in nineteenth century Prussia

was in somewhat similar conditions for the integration of the new working

class with the rest of the society, when Germany was struggling to emerge as a

new nation in Europe.

CHAPTER 4

1. Cf. S. Natarajan, A Century of Social Reform in India (Bombay: Asia Publishing

House, 1962).

2. I.H. Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi (Lahore: Sh. Muham-

mad Ashraf, 1944), p. 2.

3. K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (Delhi: Jivan

Prakashan, 1959) p. v.


4. Ibid., p. 14; and M. Mujeeb, Social Reform among Indian Muslims (Delhi: Delhi

School of Social Work, 1968), p. 2.

5. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign

(Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1975), p. 17.

6. I.H. Qureshi calls it a theocentric state cf. Qureshi, The Administration of the

Sultanate of Delhi, p. 44; and A.L. Srivastava calls it a theocratic state cf. Akbar

the Great, Vol. II (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala and co., 1973), p. 5.

7. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign, p.

17.

8. A.L. Srivastava, Akbar the Great, Vol. 1 (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala and Co.,

1962), p. 82.

9. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign,

p. 18.

10. K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p. 94.

11. Ibid., Part 1, Political Condition.

12. Ibid., p. 94.

13. Ibid., pp. 214-21.

14. Ibid., p. 120.

15. Ibid., n. 4, pp. 120-1.

16. A.R. Fuller and A. Khallaque, The Reign of Alauddin Khilji, translated from

Zia-ud-din Barani's Tarikh- I-Firuz Shahi (Calcutta: Pilgrim Publishers, 1967).

17. For cases of individual charity cf. K. M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People

of Hindustan, p. 222; and I.H. Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of

Delhi, p. 192.

18. M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1967),

p. 61.

19. For this section I am relying mainly on M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims, Chs. VI

and VII.

20. M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims, p. 120.

21. Ibid., p. 144.

22. Ibid.

23. I.H. Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, p. 192.

24. Quoted in K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, pp. 74-5.

A slightly different version of this well-known saying is attributed to

Mirza Aziz, who was very close to Akbar. Differing with Akbar on his

advocacy of monogamy, Aziz stated his opinion that a man needed at least

four wives. When pressed for giving his reasons, he replied: 'A man must

marry one woman of Hindustan to rear up children; one wife from Khurasan

to do the household work; one woman from Iran to keep company and talk.'

And what about the fourth? Mirza Aziz submitted, 'Why? One woman from

Trans-Oxiana to whip the other three and keep peace.' Mohammad Yasin, A

Social History of Islamic India (Lucknow: The Upper India Publishing House

Ltd., 1958), p. 125.

25. K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p. 224.

26. Ibid., p. 228.


p. 18.

28. Afif, quoted in I.H. Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, p. 193.

29. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign.

30. The Ain-I Akbari, Vol. 1, (Blochmann's translation) (New Delhi: Oriental

Books Reprint Corporation) [Third Edition], 1977, p. 279.


p. 416.

32. The Ain-I-Akbari, p. 278.


p.p68.

34. A.L. Srivastava, Akbar the Great, Vol. 2, p. 82.

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid., pp, 278-9.

37. Ibid., p. 281.

38. H. Beveridge, translator of Akbar Nama says that Akbar was both ruthless and

self-indulgent, and gives an example of his cruelty. Cf. Introduction, Akbar

Nama of Abu-L Fazl, Vol. 3 (New Delhi: Ess Ess Publications, 1977), reprint,

pp. xiii-xiv; Also cf. Iqtidar Alam Khan, 'The Middle Classes in the Mughal

Empire', Social Scientist, Vol. 5 (August, 1976) pp. 36-7.

39. The Ain-I Akbari, pp. 288-9.

40. Yusuf Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture (Bombay: Asia Publishing

House, 1957), p. 91.

41. W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar (Delhi: Atma Ram and Sons, 1962,

p. 260.


42. Ibid.

43. Alam Khan, 'The Middle Classes in the Mughal Empire', p. 38.

44. Ibid., p. 39.

45. W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, p. 260.

46. The Ain-I- Akbari, pp. 287-8.

47. Akbar Nama, Vol. 2 (New Delhi: Ess Ess Publications, 1979), reprint, p. 45, .

48. Bisheshwar Prasad, Bondage and Freedom, Vol. 1 (New Delhi: Rajesh Publica-

tion, 1977), p. 451; K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan,

p. 146; and Tara Chand, Society and State in the Mughal Period, Sardar

Vallabbhai Patel Lectures (Delhi: The Publications Division, Government of

India, 1961),p.51.

49. M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims, p. 95.

50. I am grateful to Mr. Rifaqat Ali Khan for this point. He drew my attention to

the role of Banjaras, especially about the supply of the essential goods during

Akbar's Kashmir campaign. Ashraf says ‘Until the last century, the old class of

grain-carriers, known as Banjaras of Rajputana, still employed hundreds of

thousands of oxen in their trade. Some of their caravans amounted to as many

as 40,000 head of oxen.' Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p. 106.

51. Akbar Nama, Vol. 3, p. 1087.

52. The Ain-I -Akbari, pp. 276-7.

53. Ibid., pp. 285-6.

54. Ibid., p. 278.

55. Ibid., p. 210.

56. Akbar Nama Vol. 3, p. 354.

57. W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, p. 260.

58. Ibid., pp. 261 and 278-80.

59. Bisheshwar Prasad, Bondage and Freedom, p, 442.

60. For a favourable account of Aurangzeb, see Sheikh Mohammad Iqbal, The

Mission of Islam (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1977).

CHAPTER 5

1. While the East India Company took the official posture of neutrality, many of

its officers were sympathetic to the cause of the missionaries; and these

officials helped the missionaries covertly, if not overtly, especially in their

social reform work. The Company's officials in south India did not strictly

follow any particular principle or policy in religious matters. They were more

pragmatic in their approach and were operating on the basis of a quid pro quo

arrangement with the missionaries. This approach, coupled with the social

conditions prevailing there, accounts for the widespread missionary activity

and their greater success in religious conversion in the south.

For an illuminating discussion of the Company's religious policy see

Chapters, 1 to 3, Arthur Mayhew, Christianity and the Government of India

(London: Faber and Gwyer, 1929). For a comparison of the Portugese, Dutch

and Danish policy with the British policy, see Chapter 2.

2. For a historical account and the role of Serampore missionaries cf. E. Daniel

Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India 1793-1837 (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1967).

3. N.S. Bose, The Indian Awakening and Bengal (Calcutta: Firma K.L.

Mukhopadhyaya, 1960).

4. Bisheshwar Prasad, Bondage and Freedom, Vol. I (New Delhi: Rajesh Publica-

tion, 1977), p. 441.

5. Arthur Mayhew, Christianity and the Government of India, p. 39.

6. N.S. Bose, The Indian Awakening and Bengal, p. 127.

7. Bisheshwar Prasad, Bondage and Freedom, Vol. 1, p. 435.

8. There was a mutiny of Indian soldiers in 1806 at Vellore which was attributed

to the orders against wearing caste-marks and the turban.

9. E. Daniel Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India, p. 146; Bisheshwar Prasad

says "that 275 widows were burnt in Calcutta in 1803 and the monthly average

of cases of sati was 20 in 1804, Bondage and Freedom, Vol. 1, p. 435.

10. Quoted in Kenneth Ingham, Reformers in India 1793-1833 (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1956), p. 47.

11. Interestingly, while Ingham feels that the estimate of 10,000 cases of sati in a

year is an exaggeration, Bisheshwar Prasad states that Grant's estimate of

15,000 cases is not an exaggeration, cf. Bisheshwar Prasad, Bondage and

Freedom, Vol. 1, p. 435; Ingham, Reformers in India, p.47.

12. Bimanbehari Majumdar, History of Indian Social and Political Ideas (Calcutta:

Bookland Private Ltd., 1967), pp. 7-8.

13. According to Bisheshwar Prasad, 'many of these Brahmins could count their

wives in scores or sometimes into hundreds as well', Bondage and Freedom,

Vol. 1, p. 432.

14. E. Daniel Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India, p. 142.

15. Ibid., William Ward quoted, p. 143.


16. Benoy Ghosh, 'Calcutta: The City of Renaissance', Frontier, Vol. 8 (October 4,

1975), p. 34.

17. Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House,

1976), p. 48. The role of missionaries in Travancore is discussed in Chapter 2,

and the following paragraphs are based on it.

18. Kenneth Ingham, Reformers in India, Chapter 5, 'The Status of Indian Women';

and N.S. Bose,The Indian Awakening and Bengal, pp. 143-6.

19. Kenneth Ingham, Reformers in India, p. 86.

20. Ibid., p. 55.

21. E. Daniel Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India, p. 244.

22. Dumont, 'On the Comparative Understanding of Non-Modern Civilizations',

Daedelus , Vo1. 104 (Spring 1975), 167; see also, Romila Thapar, 'Ethics,

Religion, and Social Protest', pp. 125-6.

CHAPTER 6

1. Charles H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform (Bombay:

Oxford University Press, 1964), pp. 6-7.

2. B,M. Bhatia, History and Social Development, Vol. 1, 'Elites in Modern India'

(Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1974), pp. 86-7.

3. Debendra Bijoy Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, (Calcutta: Firma KLM,

1978), especially Chapter 5.

4. V.C. Joshi (ed.), Rammohun Roy and the Process of Modernization in India (Delhi:

Vikas Publishing House, 1975).

5. Charles H. Heimsath, 'Rammohun Roy and Social Reform' in V.C. Joshi (ed.),

Rammohun Roy and the Process of Modernization in India, p.149.

6. Ibid., David Kopf, 'Rammohun Roy and the Bengal Renaissance', p.37.

7. Ibid., Ashis Nandy, 'Sati-A Nineteenth Century Tale of Women, Violence and

Protest', pp. 190-1.

8. Ibid., Charles H. Heimsath, p. 156.

9. Benoy Ghosh, 'Calcutta: The City of Renaissance', Frontier, Vol. 8 (October 4,

1975), p. 34.

10. Ibid.

11. B.N. Ganguli, Concept of Equality: The Nineteenth Century Indian Debate (Simla:

Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1975), p, 45.

12. Y.D. Phadke, Social Reformers of Maharastra (New Delhi: Maharashtra

Information Centre, 1975), p. 3.

13. Ibid., pp. 5-10.

14. Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Competition and Collaboration in

the Late Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968),

p. 9.

15. Ibid.,; and J.C. Masselos, Towards Nationalism (Bombay: Popular Prakashan,

1974).

16. Sukomal Sen, Working Class of India (Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi & Co., 1977).

17. Dipesh Chakrabarty, 'Sasipada Banerjee: A Study in the Nature of the First

Contact of the Bengali Bhadralok with the Working Classes of Bengal', The

Indian Historical Review, Vol. 2 (January, 1976) p. 339.

18. Charles H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform.

19. Cf. Appendix IV, Memorial of the National Muhammadan Association 1882',

in Bimanbehari Majumdar, History of Indian :Social and Political Ideas: From

Rammohun to Dayananda (Calcutta: Bookland Pvt. Ltd. 1967).

20. M. Mujeeb, Social Reform Among Indian Muslims (Delhi: Delhi School of Social

Work, 1968), p. 18.

21. Ibid., p. 22.

22. Ibid., p. 20.

23. Cf. Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism, see especially Chapter 5,

'The Politics of the Associations'.

24. B.N. Ganguli, Gandhi's Social Philosophy: Perspective and Relevance (Delhi: Vikas,

Publishing House, 1973), p. 123.

25. B.N. Ganguli, Ideal Social Order-Gandhiji's Vision (Hyderabad: Andhra Mahila

Sabha, 1972), p. 37.

26. Ibid., pp. 37-8.

27. S. Natarajan, A Century of Social Reform in India (Bombay: Asia Publishing

House, 1962), pp. 152-61.

28. Ammu Menon Mazumdar, Social Welfare in India: Mahatma Gandhi's Contribu-

tions (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1964), p. 155.

29. Ibid., pp. 162-3.

30. B.N. Ganguli, Ideal Social Order, pp. 29-30.

31. Ibid., pp. 34-6.

32. Ibid., p. 40.

33. B.N. Ganguli, Concept of Equality, Op.cit, p. 1.

34. Ibid., p, 2.

35. Ibid., p. 17.

36. Ibid., p. 45.

37. Gunnar Myrdal, 'The Secret Vice', Ceres, Vol. 10 (July-August, 1977).

38. Ganguli, who is sympathetic in his assessment of the social reformers of the

nineteenth century, states that they had deep sympathy for the poor and the

down-trodden. 'But their contact with the masses and the numerically

significant minorities was not as wide and effective as the circumstances

required.' Cf. B.N, Ganguli, Concept of Equality, p.55.

39. Ibid., p. 46.

CHAPTER 7

1. J.P. Naik and Syed Nurullah, A Student's History of Education in India (Delhi:

Macmillan, 1974), 6th Edition.

2. John W.D. Megaw, 'Medicine and Public Health', in Social Services in India,

(ed.) Edward Blunt (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1938), p. 185.

3. Report of the Health Survey and Development Committee, Vol.1 (Delhi: Manager

of Publications, Government of India, 1946), p. 24.

4. Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 42.

5. Ibid., p. 44.

6. Edward Thompson and G.T. Garratt, Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India

(Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1966), p. 491.

7. B.M. Bhatia, 'Famine and Agricultural Labour in India: A Historical

Perspective', 'Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 10 (April, 1975), p. 575.

8. J.K. Samel, Orissa Under the British Crown (New Delhi: S. Chand and Co.,

1977). Cf. Ch. I, 'Famine of 1866'.

9. B.M. Bhatia, 'Famine and Agricultural Labour in India'. pp. 583-4.

10. Edward Thompson and G.T. Garratt, Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India.

11. B.M. Bhatia, Famines in India (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1967), p.185.

12. Ibid., p. 289.

13. Arthur Mayhew, Christianity and the Government of India (London: Faber and

Gwyer, 1929).

14. E. Daniel Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1967), p. 140.

15. T.G.P. Spear, 'Stern Daughter of the Voice of God: Ideas of Duty among the

British in India', in The Concept of Duty in South Asia, (eds.) Wendy

D.O'Flaherty and J.D.M. Derrett (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1978),


p. 173.

16. Ibid., p. 176.

17. Ibid., p. 180.

18. Government of India, Report of the National Commission on Labour, (Delhi:

Manager of Publications, 1969).

19. Tove Stang Dahl, 'State Intervention and Social Control in Nineteenth

Century Europe', Contemporary Crises, Vol. 1 (April, 1977).

20. Jyotsna Shah, Probation Services in India (Bombay: N.M. Tripathi, 1973), p. 8.

21. C.F. Strickland, 'Voluntary Effort and Social Welfare', in Edward Blunt (ed.),

Social Services in India, p. 391.

22. Ibid., p. 390.

23. Cf. 'Introduction' in J.T. Ward (ed.), Popular Movements 1830-1850 (London:

Macmillan, 1970).

24. John Rosselli, Lord William Bentinck: Making of a Liberal Imperialist, 1774-1839

(Delhi: Thompson Press, 1974).

25. E. Thompson and G.T. Garratt, Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India,

p. 495.

26. Christopher Baker, 'Figures and Facts: Madras Government Statistics' in South

India: Political Institutions and Political Change 1880-1940, (eds.) C.J. Baker and

D.A. Washbrook (Delhi: Macmillan, 1975). pp.205-6.

27. Ibid., p. 207.

CHAPTER 8

1. For a brief introduction of the evolution of social welfare in U.S.A. cf. Clark

Chambers (ed.), A Century of Concern: 1873-1973 (Columbus: National

Conference of Social Welfare),n.d. (1973 ?); Steven J. Diner, 'Scholarship in

the Quest for Social Welfare: A Fifty-year History of the Social Service

Review', Social Service Review, Vol. 51 (March, 1977), p. 1. For a detailed

account cf. Nathan Cohen, Social Work in the American Tradition (New York:

The Dryden Press, 1958).

2. Cf. C. Wright Mills, 'The Professional Ideology of Social Pathologists', in (ed.)

Irwing Louis Horrowitz, Power, Politics and People- Collected Essays of C. Wright

Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967 p. 525; and Paul Halmos, The

Faith of the Counsellors (London: Constable and Co., 1966).

3. Dick Atkinson has argued that Freudian theory permits revolutionary change

of society. Cf. his book, Orthodox Consensus and Radical Alternative (London:

Heinemann, 1971).


4. Cf. Steven J. Diner, 'Scholarship in the Quest for Social Welfare'; for the

concept of cyclical change, cf. Wilbert E. Moore, Order and Change: Essays in

Comparative Sociology (New York: John Wiley, 1967), pp. 12-13.

5. G.R. Banerjee, 'Social Welfare in Ancient India' in her book, Papers on Social

Work (Bombay: Tata Institute of Social Sciences), n.d. (1972 ?), p. 59.

Banerjee's approach is uncritical and it is a glorification of the past. Also see

Chapter 3 of this book.

6. Yogendra Singh, 'Political Modernization in India: Concepts and Processes' in

A.R. Desai (ed.), Essays on Modernization of Underdeveloped Societies (Bombay:

Thacker and Co., 1971), Vol. 2, p. 591.

7. M.M. Desai, 'Social Case Work and Cultural Problems', 'The Indian Journal of

Social Work, Vol. 17 (December, 1956), p. 189.

8. G.R. Banerjee, Papers on Social Work.

9. Anita Herlekar, 'The Articles on Social Work in the Indian Journal of Social

Work', Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol. 25 (January, 1965), p.299.

10. For a documentation of this dialogue, cf. Sugata Dasgupta (ed.), Towards a

Philosophy of Social Work in India (New Delhi: Popular Book Services), n.d.

(1967?)

11. Frances M. Yasas, 'Gandhian Values and Professional Social Work Values', in

S.K. Khinduka (ed.), Social Work in India (Allahabad: Kitab Mahal, 1965),

p. 75. Also cf. Jayaprakash Narayan, 'Social Sciences and the Gandhian

Movement', Social Work Forum, Vol. 3 (October, 1965), pp. 53-4.

CHAPTER-9

1. The Report of the Committee on Labour Welfare, Vol. I, Government of

India, New Delhi, 1969, Chapter III.

2. M. Y. Pylee, India's Constitution, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1962,

p-144.

3. First Five-Year Plan, Planning Commission, Government of India, New

Delhi, 1951, p.616.

4. Training for Social' Work : Fifth International Survey, United Nations, 1970,

(Mimeographed) p.1.

5. M.S. Gore, Social Work and Social Work Education, Asia Publishing House,

London, 1965, p. 26.

6. Ibid, pp. 26-27.

7. Ibid, p. 26.

8. Ibid, p. 66.

9. Ibid, p. 67.

10. Sugata Dasgupta, 'Role of the Profession In Social Reconstruction' Social Work

Forum, Jan. 1967, p. 1.

11. Ibid, p. 2.

12. P.D. Kulkarni, 'The Role of the Social Work Profession in Social Reconstruc-

tion', Social Work Forum, April. 1967, pp. 2-3

13. First Five Year Plan, Govt. of India Planning Commission, New Delhi

14. (i) P.Ramachandran and A.Padmanabha, Professional Social Workers in

India, United Asia Publications, Bombay, 1969.

(ii) Shankar Pathak, Social Welfare Manpower-A Regional Study, Suruchi

Publications, Delhi, 1983.

15. (i) K.N. Vaid, The Labour Welfare Officer, Delhi School of Social Work, 1962.

(ii) K.K. Jacob, Personnel Management in India, SJC Publications, Udaipur,

1973.

16. (i) S.H. Pathak, Family Planning in Schools of Social Work in India.

(ii) 'Social Welfare and Family Planning in Maharastra State, India', Social

Welfare and Family Planning, United Nations, New York, 1976, pp. 129-148.

17. (i) Neera Dave, A Study of Medical Social Work in Bombay, Delhi School of

Social Work, 1972 (Unpublished).

(ii) Ratna Sen, Medical Social Work in Calcutta, Delhi School of Social

Work, 1965 (Unpublished).

(iii) Veena Goyal, Medical Social Work in Delhi, Social Work Forum, July,

1969.

(iv) Aiyar, S.P. & Rao, Malathi K. Medical Social Work in Bombay, Indian

Journal of Social Work, Vol. 25. No.3. October, 1964.

18. I.E. Soares, The Evolution of the Department of Social Welfare of the

Government of India, Delhi School of Social Work, Delhi, 1969, pp. 3-4.

19. (i) ibid

(ii) A.B. Bose, Social Welfare Planning in India, United Nations, Bangkok,

1970.

20. A.B. Bose, Social Welfare at the Cross-Roads

Hearsey-Saiyaddin Memorial Lecture, Dept. of Social Work, Delhi Univer-

sity, 1995

CHAPTER-10

1. H.M. Vollmer and D.L. Mills quoted in John C. Baird, 'Issues in the Selection

of Growth Goals for Social Work', Journal of Education For Social Work, Vol. 8,


No.1, 1972. p.9.

The sociologists of the functional School in U.S.A. have provided a highly

idealised conception of a profession. Reacting to it, Everett C. Hughes who is a

leading sociologist of the Chicago group gave the following definition to

"expose the puffery" of the other group: "Profession is nothing but an

accolade, which the members of an occupation seek to have bestowed upon

themselves by the public in order to enhance their own role dominance,

honorific standing and market punch."

Robert W. Habenstein has argued that, ' ''Profession' is basically an

ideology, a set of rationalizations about the worth and necessity of certain

areas of work which, when internalized, gives the practitioner a moral

justification for privilege, if not licence and which, when recognised by society,

legitimates their penetration into the personal or social relations of people who

need or believe they need help." Quoted in Walter P. Metzger, "The American

Academic Profession in Hard Times," Daedaulus, Winter, 1975.

2. William Goode, 'Theoretical Limits of Professionalization' in A. Etzioni (Ed.)

Semi-Professions, The Free Press, New York, 1969.

3. William Goode, op. cit.

4. J.M. Kumarappa, 'Education for Professional Social Work', Indian Journal of

Social Work, June 1952.

5. A. Etzioni, Ed. Semi-Professions, op. cit.

6. Harold, L. Wilensky and Charles N. Lebaux, Industrial Society and Social

Welfare, Free Press, New York, 1958.

7. (i) William Goode, op. cit.

(ii) Harriett. M. Bartlett, Common Base of Social Work Practice, National

Association of Social Workers, New York, 1970.

8. Clifford Manshardt, Pioneering on the Social Frontiers of India, Lalwani

Publishing House, Bombay, 1967.

9. M.C. Nanavatty, "Development of Social Work Profession in India', Indian

Journal of Social Work, December, 1952.

10. S.N. Ranade, 'Social Work as a Profession', Indian Journal of Social Work,

December, 1954.

11. N. Nanjan, 'Professional Social Work', Indian Journal of Social Work, Septem-

ber, 1955.

12. This writer was one of the speakers at the Symposium. He then took an

optimistic view. His view has changed since then as is evident from this chapter

13. This writer was the first participant from India to go to U.S.A. under this

programme.

14. M.S. Gore, Social Work and Social Work Education in India, Asia Publishing

House, Bombay, 1965, p. 94.

15. Brian J. Harraud, 'British Social Work: A Profession in Process', Social Case

Work, June, 1971,p. 350.

16. Indian Express, New Delhi, dated 27.1 0.1972 carried a news report of a

seminar held at the Indian Instititute of Advanced Study, which was attended

by 50 experts representing different social sciences. According to it the

participants "felt that the Indian social sciences had been influenced by foreign

concepts and models and consequently their own contributions lacked

relevance. The concensus was that it was essential to develop concepts and

theoretical frames of analysis more suited to Indian ethos." They also felt that

"the subject had not yet developed in the country so as to claim the status of

science of social engineering."

17. K. Mukunda Rao, 'Social Work in India: Indigenous Cultural Bases and the

Process of Modernization', International Social Work, Vol. XII, No.3 (1969).

18. M.S. Gore, op. cit.

19. cf Anita Herlekar, 'Articles on Social Work,' Indian Journal of Social Work,

Vol. 15, No.1 (April, 1964).

20. A survey of articles published in Social Work Forum, during the past nine years

shows that, approximately 40 per cent of the articles were from social work

educators, 22 per cent from social workers at the field level, 8 per cent from

social workers who are administrators and policy makers at the national or

state level. The rest of the articles were from foreign social scientists and

others. These statistics are based on an analysis made by the author for this

paper. It covered the nine volumes of Social Work Forum from 1963 to 1971.

21. See, Social Work Forum, January, 1970 for a list of topics for doctoral disserta-

tion in four universities, and also, The Social Work Educator, Vol. III, No.2, July,

1978.

22. P. Ramachandran and A. Padmanabba, op. cit. and Shankar Pathak, Social

Welfare Manpower-A Regional Study, Suruchi Publications, Delhi, 1983.

23. cf. P. Ramachandran and A. Padmanabha, op. cit. and 'Students' Perception

of Social Work' by a Research Team, Indian Journal of Social Work, October,

1971.

24. An indication of the popular image of social work is provided by the Republic

Day awards to honour citizens who had distinguished themselves in various

fields of public activities including social work.

25. P.D. Kulkarni, Key Note Address, Seminar on 'The Role of Professional

Organizations in Development of Social Work Profession', Social Work Forum,


April, 1963. Nava Arad, 'The Role of Professional Association of Social

Workers in Influencing Social Policy, International Social Work, Vol. XV, No.1,

1972.

26. Figures taken from the I.A.T.S.W. Secretary's Report published in Social Work

Forum, January, 1964, and P. Ramachandran and A. Padmanabha, op. cit.

The 40 p.c. rate of attrition is calculated on the basis of the percentage of

'women among trained social workers which was 29 p.c. in 1964. cf. P.

Ramachandran, and A. Padmanabha; the percentage of women at present

may be higher which may be 30 p.c. at least. Most of the women either do not

work or leave work after a short period of employment for domestic reasons.

The same source mentions that 15 p.c. of the trained social workers were

working outside social work.

27. cf. M.C. Nanavatty, 'Growth and Problems of the Profession of Social Work in

India' Indian Journal of Social Work, April, 1967; K.N. Vaid, A Note from a

Branch President, Social Work Forum, October, 1969; Editorial, Social Work

Forum, January, 1968.

28. P.D. Kulkarni, ibid.

29. Richard.A. Cloward and Irwin Epstein, 'Private Social Welfare's Disengage-

ment from the Poor' in Social Welfare Institutions, Mayer .N. Zald (Ed.) John

Wiley & Sons, New York, 1965.

30. P. Ramachandran, and A. Padmanabha, op. cit,

31. J.M. Kumarappa, op. cit.

32. Harry Specht, "The Deprofessionalization of Social Work," Social Work,

Vol. 17, No.2 (March, 1972).

Postscript: Professionalization of the client is the reverse side of the

process of professionalization of an occupation or human activity. This

neglected aspect of professionalization process has been discussed recently by

Dewar. He states that the professionalization of the client is a form of

voluntary socialization which is"typically undergone, willingly, gradually, and

optimistically." It is a 'process whereby persons being helped take on as their

own some of their helpers' theories, assumptions and explanations" and "it

actually extends the dominance and control exercised by professionals ... in

effect, the key to a successful help experience becomes the extent to which

persons being helped come to understand themselves and their problems from

the perspective of the helper. This is as true for personal helping as it is for

technical helping, except that in the case of personal helping there is less to

learn." cf. Thomas R. Dewar, 'The Professionalization of Client', Social Policy,

January, 1978, p. 4.

CHAPTER - 11

1. Bose .A.B: Social Welfare at the Cross-Roads, Hearsey-Saiyaddin Memorial

Lecture, Delhi School of Social Work, Delhi, 1995.

2. Desai, Murali : Overview-50 Years of Social Work Literature, Indian Journal

of Social Work. April, 1997.

3. Gore .M.S, Profession of Social Work in India - A Perspective, Indian Journal

of Social Work, July, 1997.

4. Indian Professional Social Worker’s Association, Secretary’s Report,

Souvenir, 2012.

5. Joseph, Helen: Social Group Work, 50 Years of Social Work Literature , op.cit

6. Pathak Shankar, Social Work and Social Development-Some Unresolved

Issues, in Social Work and Social Development ed. R.K. Nayak and

H.Y. Siddique, Gitanjali Publications, New Delhi, 1989.

7. Payne Malcom, Modern Social Work Theory, Macmillan-Palgrave, New

York, 2005.

CHAPTER-12

Note: The author had not provided any references, when this article was

published first in Social Work Forum in 1967.

CHAPTER-13

1. Report of the Study Team on Social Welfare And Welfare of Backward

Classes, Committee on Plan Projects, New Delhi, 1959, p. 23.

2. (i) Ibid, p. 39.

(ii) Study of the Working of Voluntary Agencies in Social Welfare

Programmes, Programme Evaluation Organization, Planning Commission,

New Delhi, 1974.

3. D.P. Chowdhry, Voluntary Social Welfare in India, Sterling Publishers, New

Delhi,1971, p. 252.

4. P.D. Kulkarni, The Central Social Welfare Board, Asia Publishing House,

Bombay, 1961, p. 3.

5. D.P. Chowdhry, op. cit, pp. 284-285.

6. For a summary of various roles for voluntary organizations advocated in the

past, cf. R.M. Varma, 'Voluntary Agencies and Government', Voluntary Action,

Vol. 18, No.3 and 4, (March-April 1976) and for a symposium on this theme,

articles by M.V. Sastri, Devaki Jain and Gunanda Mazumdar in the same

issue. Also cf. V.M. Kulkarni, Voluntary Action in a Developing Society,

'Indian Institute of Public Administration, New Delhi, 1969; and S.N.


Ranade, 'Voluntary Action and Social Welfare', David Horton Smith, Ed.,

Voluntary Action And Research, D.C. Heath & Co., Lexington, 1974.

7. Devaki Jain, op. cit.

8. In 1888 the new educational policy proclaimed that the government 'pioneers

the way, but having shown the way, it recognises no responsibility to do for the

people what it can do for itself,' cf. Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian

Nationalism, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1968, p. 20.

9. Adrian Webb, Legley Day and Douglas Weller, Voluntary Social Service:

Manpower Resources, Personal Social Services Council, London, 1976, Book

Review by Diana Leat Social Work Today Vol. 8, No.7 (16, November 1976).

10. Richard Crossman, 'The Role of the Volunteer in the Modern Social Services,'

in Traditions of Social Policy, A.H. Halsey, Ed, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1976.

He explained that the availability theory was based on the assumption that, "in

a free democratic community with mass poverty abolished, all that was

required was the provision of social services available to everyone who needs

them," p. 267.

Hans Daudt defines the welfare state as "that phase of a Presidential or

Parliamentary democracy in which the large mass of citizens chooses, through

the free exercise of the general suffrage, to empower the government to

intervene on its behalf in the economic processes in order to secure advantages

which, without such intervention, it would be impossible to realize", p. 89.

For a lucid discussion of the concept of welfare state, its implications and

problems in practice cf. Hans Daudt, 'The Political Future of the Welfare

State', The Netherlands Journal of Sociology, Vol. 13, No.2, (Dec. 1977). For a

detailed and critical discussion of the subject see, William A. Robson, Welfare

State and Welfare Society, George Allen and Unwin; London, 1976.

11. Crossman, op. cit., pp. 268-269 and 276.

12. Jo Grimond's Speech, reported in Social Work Today, Vol. 8, No.5 (2, Nov.

1976) p. 7.

13. Kamla Bhasin and Baljit Malik, 'The Legitimacy of Social Work', Pax India,

Vol. 5, No.1, Feb. 1975.

14. Ibid.

CHAPTER-14

1. For a brief but an excellent critical analysis of the concept of Dharma see,

Arnold Kunst, 'Use and Misuse of Dharma', The Concept of Duty in South

Asia, Wendy D.O' Flaherty and J. Duncan M Derrett, Eds., Vikas Publishing

House, New Delhi, 1978. According to his view, the "Concept of duty is part

of the totality of the idea of Dharma". In other words, the concept of Dharma

is wider in scope than the concept of duty.

2. M. Hiriyanna, Outlines of Indian Philosophy, George Allen and Unwin,

London, 1956, pp. 129-130.

3. Ibid.

4. This point was originally made by William L. Rowe of Duke University in his

paper 'The Values, Ideology and Behaviour of Emerging Indian Elites'

presented at a seminar in 1964. I am not aware if it has been published

subsequently.

5. Louis Dumont, Homo Hierarchicus, Vikas Publications, Delhi, 1970.

6. S. Radhakrishnan, Hindu View of Life, George Allen and Unwin, London,

1949.

7. Bertrand Russell, The Impact of Science on Society, George Allen and Unwin,

London, 1952, pp. 20-22.

8. In a recent book, Martin Seliger has made an interesting revealation: "Marx's

famous remarks on religion convey a wrong impression since for the most part

they are quoted out of context. The full passage reflects not so much disparage-

ment of religion as an explanation of that which requires its opiate effect: The

religious misery is on the one hand the expression of the real misery and on the

other the protest against the real misery. Religion is the sign of the hard-

pressed creature, the feelings of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of the

spiritless situations. It is the opium of the people". Cf. his book, The Marxist

Conception of Ideology, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1978.

p-186.

CHAPTER-15

1. See, Gordon Hamilton, Theory and Practice of Social Case Work, Columbia

University Press, New York, 1967; and, Florence Hollis, 'The Techniques of

Case Work', Social Case Work, June, 1949.

2. Herbert H. Aptekar, Dynamics of Case Work and Counselling, Houghton

Mifflin Co., Boston, 1955.

3. Carl R. Rogers, Counselling and Psycho-therapy, Houghton Mifflin Co.,

Cambridge, 1942.

4. Ibid, p. 28

5. G. Gurin, J. Veroff, and S. Feld, Americans View Their Mental Health, Basic

Books, New York, 1960.

6. John P. Spegal, 'Some Cultural Aspects of Transference and Counter-

transference', Mayer N. Zald, Ed., Social Welfare Institutions, John Wiley and

Sons, New York, 1965.

7. John E, 'Mayer's review of the book, Kinship and Casework, by Hope J:

Leechter and William E. Mitchell, Social Case Work, June 1968, p. 368-69.

8. John E. Mayer and Noel Timms, The Client Speaks, Routledge and Kegan

Paul, London, 1970 ..

9. William J. Reid and Barnard Shapiro,'Client Reactions to Advice', Social

Service Review, June 1969.

10. Quoted by Milton Singer, The Concept of Culture, International

Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences, The Macmillan & Co. and the Free Press,

p. 528.

11. J. Milton Yinger, 'Contra-culture and Sub-culture,' American Sociological Review,

October, 1960, p. 626.

12. J.F. Bulsara, 'Toward Human Welfare: The Eastern Way', The Survey,

February 1952; S.N. Ranade, 'Training for Social Work', Economic Weekly, 4th

September, 1964; P.T. Thomas, Problems of Social Work Education in India,

Indian Journal of Social Work, April, 1967.

13. P.T. Thomas, op. cit.

14. M. M. Desai, 'Social Case Work and Cultural Problems,' Indian Journal of

Social Work, December 1956; G.R. Banerjee, Papers on Social Work: The

Indian Prespective, Tata Institute of Social Science, Bombay, 1972, K.D.

Gangrade, 'Conflicting Value System and Social Case Work', Indian journal of

Social Work, January, 1964.

15. Clyde Kluckhon and Henry A. Murray, Eds., Personality in Nature, Society

and Culture, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1956, p. 53.

Chapter-16

1. Bhagavadgita: (with the commentary of Sri Sankara). Translated by Alladi

Mahadeva Sastry 1897, corrected reprint, Samata Edition Madras, 1981.

2. Mukunda Rao, Vijaya, Bhagavadgita and Social Work Values, (Unpublished

Ph.D, Dissertation), University of Pennysylvania, Pittsburg, U.S.A., 1962

3. Radhakrishnan S, Bhagavadgita, Harper Collins Publishers, 1973

4. Shriranga: Geeta Gambhirya (Kannada)- Social Science of Srikrishna, Revised

2nd edition, Sharada Mandira, Mysore, 1968.

5. Shriranga, Geeta Darpana (Kannada) (Mirror of Gita) Akshara Prakashana,

Sagar, Karnataka (Mysore) 1972.

Chapter -17

1. Dasgupta Sugata Ed . Towards A Philanthropy of Social Work in India. Popular

Publisher, New Delhi, 1968.

2. Ganguli B. N . Gandhiji’s Views on Social Work Appendix I in this book.


3. Parel Authony J, Gandhi: Hind Swaraj and Other Writings, Centenary edition,

Cambridge university press, 2011

4. Yasas, Frances M: Gandhian Values and Professional Social Work Values, in

Social Work in India. Ed S K Kinduka. Kitab Mahal, Allahabad ,1965

Chapter-18

1. Gore, M. S. Some - Aspects of Social Development. University of Hongkong,

Hongkong, 1973.

2. Kendall, Katherine A,. ‘Focus on Prevention and Development'. New Opportu-

nities for Social Work Education, a Developmental Outlook for Social 'Work

Education, International Association of Schools of Social Work, New York,

1974.

3. Kulkarni, P. D., 'Developmental Function 'and Inter-disciplinary Nature of

Social Welfare’ in P.D. Kulkarni, Social Policy and Social 4.Deve lopment in

India, Association of Schools of Social Work in India, Madras, 1979 .

4. Myrdal Gunnar, The Unity of The Social Sciences, Human Organization, Vol.

34, Winter, 1975.

5. Pathak Shankar, Social Welfare- An Evolutionary and Developmental Perspec-

tive; Macmillan India, New Delhi, 1981.

6. Pathak Shankar, Social Development’ in the" Encyclopaedia of Social Work in

India, Ministry of Social Welfare, Government of India, New Delhi, 1987.

7. Sovani, N. V., Whither Social Planners and Social 'Planning ' ? in S, D. Gokhale

ed., Social Welfare-Legend and Legacy, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1975.

8. Thomas P.T. Has Social Work Education a Future in India, Samaja Karyada

Hejjegalu, June 2012.

9. University Grants Commission, Review of Social Work Education: The Report

of the Second Review Committee, U.G.C . New Delhi, 1980.

10. Van Nieuwenhuize, C.A.O., Development Begins At Home, Pergamon Press,

London, 1982.

CHAPTER-19

1. Romila Thapar, 'Dana and Daksina as Forms of Exchange', Ancient Indian Social

History (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1978), p. 105.

2. Lokasangraha which is mentioned in the Bhagwadgita literally means care and

protection of the people. Loka Sreya was the term used by Rammohun Roy,

which means 'welfare of collective humanity' (cf. B.N. ,Ganguli, Concept of

Equality [Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1975] p. 17). Ganguli says

that Roy Indianised the Benthamite concept of the greatest good of the greatest

number by using this Indian expression, Loka Sreya-people's welfare (cf. p. 73).


Ganguli has pointed out the distinctive character of Indian social consciousness

in the ancient times as follows: In India, the exaggerated sense of social con-

sciousness rooted in the narrow culture and community had always dimmed the

political sense, the sense of political identity as a wider group. By separating

society from the State, Indians sustained their narrow and artificial social

autonomy at the cost of political servitude. Political consciousness, as distinct

from social consciousness, was more or less undeveloped, prior to the contact

with the west and the conflict with the British rulers, particularly in the arrogant

phase of their hostility to the educated middle-class. According to our old

tradition, it was society, not the nation, which mediated between the individual

and the universal humanity. First came the welfare of the social group and its

distinctiveness and exclusiveness, symbolized by the phrase Go-Brahmana-

hitayacha, the cow and the Brahmana being the emotional symbols of identity.

Next came Jagaddhitaya, the welfare of universal humanity. The nation was

missing in this configuration. Perhaps, the other extreme was found in the west,

the nation not merely mediating as the intermediary, but actually engulfing

society so that social consciousness lost its autonomous character and merged in

national consciousness [pp. 10-11].

3. Mary Richmond quoted in Ralph E. Pumphrey and Muriel W. Pumphrey (eds.),

The Heritage of American Social Work (New York: Columbia University Press,

1961), p. 287.

4. Enid Harrison says that the term was perhaps invented during the early eighteen-

nineties, but it was sparingly used until the 1920s. Cf. 'The Changing Meaning of

Social Work', A.H. Halsey (ed.), Traditions of Social Policy (Oxford: Basil

Blackwell, 1976), p. 83.

5. Harold L. Wilensky and Charles N. Lebeaux, Industrial Society and Social Welfare

(New York: The Free Press, 1965), p. 138.

6. Quoted in John M. Romanyshyn, Social Welfare-Charity to Justice (New York:

Random House, 1971), p. 4.

7. Richard Titmuss, Social Policy (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1974),

pp. 30-1.

8. John M. Romanyshyn, Social Welfare-Charity to Justice, p. 33; see Chapter 2,

'Changing Concepts of Social Welfare', for a good summary and discussion of

various concepts.

9. P.D. Kulkarni, 'Developmental Function and Interdisciplinary Nature of Social

Welfare', Education for Social Change: Human Development and National Progress

(New York: International Association of Schools of Social Work, 1975), p. 24.

10. For an example of cost-benefit analysis used in the traditional type of social

welfare, cf. David W. Young and Brandt Allen, 'Benefit-Cost Analysis in the

Social Services: The Example of Adoption Reimbursement', Social Service

Review, Vol. 51 (June, 1977) p. 249.

11. A.J. Culyer, The Economics of Social Policy (London: Martin Robertson, 1973);

see especially Chapter 2, 'The Fundamental Economics of Social Policy'.

12. Charles K. Rowley and Alan T. Peacock, Welfare Economics: A Liberal Restatement

(London: Martin Robertson, 1975).

13. A.K. Sen and K.A. Naqvi, 'Social Welfare in Relation to Economic Develop-

ment', in Report of the Seminar on Social Welfare in a Developing Economy (Planning

Commission, Government of India), n.d, (1964?), p. 29.

14. Kingsley Davis, 'Social and Demographic Aspects of Economic Development in

India', in Simon Kuznets, Wilbert E. Moore and E. Joseph J. Spengler (eds.),

Economic Growth: Brazil, India, Japan (Durham: Duke University Press, 1955),

p. 263.

15. Lydia Rapoport, 'The Concept of Prevention in Social Work', Social Work, Vol. 6

(January, 1961). p. 3.

16. Katherine Kendall, 'Focus on Prevention and Development: New Opportunities

for Social Work Education', in A Developmental Outlook for Social Work Education

(New York: International Association of Schools of Social Work, 1974), p. 19.

17. This point was originally made by Solidad Fernando during a seminar at

Singapore in November, 1973.

18. Report of the Committee on Local Authority and Allied Personal Social Services

(London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1970), p. 137; see Chapter 14 for a

good discussion of the concept of prevention.

19. David Drucker, An Exploration of the Curricula of Social Work in Some Countries of

Asia with Special Reference to the Relevance of Social Work Education to Social

Developmental Goals (Bangkok: ECAFE, and UNICEF, 1972), Mimeographed,

p. 16.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid., pp. 16-17.

22. M.S. Gore, Some Aspects of Social Development (Hongkong: University of

Hongkong, 1973), pp. 44-7.

23. Allen Pincus and Anne Minahan, Social Work Practice: Model and Method (Itasca:

F.E. Peacock, Publishers, 1973), p. 15.

24. The Social Work Task-A BASW Working Party Report (Birmingham: British

Association of Social Workers, 1977), pp. 36-42.


25. Ibid., pp. 15-17.

26. S. Boye, 'The Cost of Social Security', International Labour Review, Vol. 115 (May-

June, 1977), p. 308.

27. Peter Kuenstler, 'The Nature of Community Work and Developments in

Training in Different European Countries', Teaching Community Work: A

European Exploration, Thelma Wilson and Eileen Younghusband (eds.) (New

York: International Association of Schools of Social Work, 1976), pp. 17-18.

28. S. Boye, 'The Cost of Social Security', p. 312.

29. Richard Crossman, 'The Role of the Volunteer in the Modern Social Service', in

A.H. Halsey, Traditions of Social Policy (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1976), p. 259.

30. The term 'animator' is commonly used in French and so it is popular among

Francophile nations. Some of the U.N. documents in English also have used it in

place of the term 'catalyst'. For further discussion of the concept cf. Jean-Yves

Calvez, Politics and Society in the Third World (New York: Orbis Books, 1973). Cf.

especially Chapter 21,'Education and Animation'.

31. T.L. Blair, The Poverty of Planning (London: Macdonald, 1973). Cf. especially

Chapter 12, for advocacy planning.

32. Ibid.

33. M.S. Gore, Some Aspects of Social Development, pp. 45-6.

34. T.L. Blair, The Poverty of Planning, p. 153.

35. Richard Crossman, 'The Role of the Volunteer in the Modern Social Service', p.

267.

36. Edgar K. Browning, ‘Welfare-A Reconstruction', The Humanist, Vol. 37 (March-

April, 1977), p. 12.

CHAPTER-20

1. Dharwadker, Vinay, Weaver’s Song-Kabir, Penguin-India, New Delhi, 2003.

2. Fraser Nelson, and Marathe K.B, The Poems of Tukaram. The Christian

Literature Society for India, Madras, 1913.

3. Hoskote, Ranjit, I Lulla, Penguin-India, New Delhi 2011.

4. Kalburgi, M.M. Ed. Basava Vachana Samputa (Kannada), Directorate of

Kannada and Culture, Government of Karnataka, Bangalore, 1993.

5. Karantha, Kota Vasudeva, Dana Maadabeku (Practice Charity), Kannada,

Ananta Prakashana, Bangalore, 1993.

6. Mutalik Keshav, M Songs of Divinity- Songs of Bards (Dasas), Focus, Popular

Prakashan, Bombay, 1995.

7. Pathak, Shankar. Social Development, Encyclopaedia of Social Work,

Government of India, New Delhi, 1987.

8. Pathak, Shankar. Samaja Karyada Parikalpane in H.M.Marulasiddaiah Ed.

Bhakti Panthadalli Samaja Karyada Berugalu, (Kannada) Bangalore, 1994

9. Pathak, Shankar, Social Work and Development. Review of Literature 1936-

1996, Indian Journal of Social Work, 58(2), April 1997.

10. Ramanujan.A.K, Speaking of Siva, Penguin-India, New Delhi, 1973

11. Singh, Khushwant, Social Reform Among the Sikhs, Delhi School of Social

Work Delhi, 1973

12. Shobha R. Women in Sanskrit Literature-A Feminist Perspective (Kannada),

Samaja Karyada Hejjegalu, January 2012.

13. Tagore, Rabindranath, Hundred Poems of Kabir, Macmillan-India, 1915, 19th

reprint 1995.

14. Underhill, Evelyn, Introduction in Rabindranath Tagore, 1915 op.cit

Anthologies

1. Marulasiddaiah H.M Ed: Dimensions of Bhakti Movement in India, Akhila

Bharatha Sharana Sahitya Parishat, Mysore, 1998.

Following papers in this book

Bhagwan, K.S, Bhakti Movement in Karnataka-Sharana Outlook

Gokarn, Niranjan A, Bhakti Movement and Social Development

Manavalan A.A, Bhakti Movement in Tamil Nadu

Mirajkar, Nishikant D, Bhakti Movement in Maharashtra

Murthy, Chidananda, Bhakti-A Protest Movement

2. Sivaramakrishna, M and Roy, Sumita (Eds), Poet Saints of India, Sterling

Publishers, Hyderabad 1996

Following Papers in this Anthology

Deshpande P.S, Tukaram

Nayak, Sujatha, Dadu Dayal

Narayana Prasad K.G, Haridasa Literature in Kannada

Ramachandra Rao B, Purandara Dasa


Ramanan Mohan, Andal’s Tirupavai

Shastri N.R, Kanaka Dasa

Sheela Devi, Ravidas

Subba Rao, Shanta, S, Mirabai

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