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Research Filming of Naturally Occurring Phenomena: Basic Strategies

E. RICHARD SORENSON,. ALLISON JABLONKO

The unique vanue of film records in many kinds of phenomenological research has been understood almost from the earliest days of the camera (see Michaelis 1955; de Brigard i.p.). However,. only in the last decade (largely in response to the rapid environmental and cultural change since World War II) has much attention been given to making visual records of passing natural events maximally useful as a permanent scientific resource (Sorenson and Gajdusek 1963, 1966; Jablonko 1967; VanVlack 1965; Sorenson 1967a,. 1967b, 1968b).

The concept and method of the research film that have emerged are compatible with a variety of research and filmmaking goals and have now been used by more than twenty scientists and filmmakers to document vanishing cultures. They specify a format for turning exposed- footage into research documents after filming and deal primarily with the assembly and annotation of film footage taken by anyone for any purpose in order to maximize its scientific potential. However, even though the stated aim and philosopy of the research film method may be extrapolated to help to guide filming, they do not tell how to use the camera in the field to increase the research value of the film record.

Although no generally applicable guidelines for research FILMING have yet been stated, basic theoretical and methodological considerations have been raised and discussed (Sorenson 1968b, 1973). Here we turn our atten­tion to formulation of practical guidelines for research filming. Drawing from insights we have gained during a decade of collecting visual data from disappearing cultur,es for contin~ed study and use,. we present here the basic strategies we have learned.

What makes research filming such a powerful tool of inquiry into past

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148 E. RICHARD SORENSON, ALLISON JABLONKO

·events is the unique ability of film to preserve an objective chemical facsimile of visible phenomena. Because we have film, we may mak·e windows, however small, through which we can review past ·events .. But the value of these windows depends on how they are made and documented. For example, it is difficult to make many deductions from what is seen through windows on the past unless we know some­Hung about how, where, and when they were p]aced. For this reason the established research film methodo]ogy requires documentation of time,. place, subject, and photographer's intent and interests. However, when actually engaged in research filming, we also face the problem of how,. where, and when to place these camera windows in order to obtain a potentially more productive or representative sample. It is to this latter problem that we address this paper.

A great wealth of visual information emanates from all natural events. To attempt a "complete" record ofeven a smaH event would be a fruitless pursuit of an unachievable fantasy. Many more than thousands of "chan­nels" would be needed to show "aH" micro and macro views of everything from all angles and perspectives. We can only SAMPLE. In our own research filming efforts, we have found that we increase the potential scientific value of visual records of passing phenomena by adopting a basic tripartite sampHng strategy based on OPPORTUNISTIC SAMPLING,

PROGRAMMED SAMPLING, and DIGRESSIVE SEARCH.

Opportunistic Sampling

Seize opportunities. When something interesting happens, pick up the camera and shoot. Opportunistic filming, a freewheeling yet indispensable approach to visual documentation of naturally occurring phenomena, takes advantage of events as they develop in unfamiliar settings.

Some degree of opportunistic filming is us·eful in filming any natural event. The world in its dynamic diversity continually churns out trans­formations. We can never fully anticipate what is going to happen, when or how it will occur. What is "normal" here and now may not be so later or ·elsewhere. Expectations, insofar as they are constructed from p~ast

·experience and circumscribed sophistication, are not completely reliable as guides to what will come. Opportunistic filming documents unanti~ cipated and poorly understood phenomena as they occur. It relies on that most basic tool of dis.covery and the source of all our knowledge, the individual human mind. It uses to advantage the selective interests

Research Filming of Naturally Occurring Phenomena: Basic Strategies 149

and perceptive eye of individual workers by tapping intuition,. impression, and partially formulated ideas.

When a photographer is filming opportunistically, he flows with the events of the day and cues into them at some personal level, suddenly noticing that "something" is about to happen and following such events intuitively, without a worked-out p·lan. He takes it as it comes. Thus,. the visual data sample achieved refiects the personality of the filmer: it takes its form and content from his interests, inclinations, and style. But by linking the camera to the pattern-r·ecognizing capability of the human mind, the visual data sample reflects prearticulated stages of discovery. Such footage may not always be dire·ctly relevant to a pre~ determined scientific study, but it can be a powerful resource in the quest for knowledge.

Because observers with or without cameras always. affect what is obser­ved opportunistic film records made during early contact help, to reveal the nature of the influence. As a setting reacts to the presence of field workers, subtle transformations and adaptive restructuring of relationships., attitudes, and responses begin to take place. The kinds of information fieldworkers get often depend upon the natur·e of the relationships that they develop with selected persons and things within the community. An early record, continued through the familarization period, makes it e.asier to see the nature of the change and thus to gauge the effect of their own presence on the situation being documented.

In spite of its advantages,. opportunistic sampling remains an unfor­mulated sampling procedure. It allows us to cope with an unfamiliar situation profitably but according to a personal style that is not always, and never completely, obvious. Its major strength as well as its weakness is that selection of the sample is controUed by the interests and p~ersonality of the photographer. One of its most important advantages is that it aUows the cameraman to Bow with and in fact be controlled by the events -as an integral part of the s~cene.

Programmed Sampllng

Programmed sampling is filming according to a p~redetermined plan­deciding in advance what, where, and when to film. It is therefore based on a cognitive framework and a concept of significance .. Pictures are taken according to a preconceived structure; tbere are pigeonholes to fill.

A program can be very simple (e.g. taking pictures of a single cate-

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150 E. RICHARD SORENSON, ALLISON JABLONKO

gory of actruvity, such as nursing behavior or agricultural practice) or it can be a complex attempt to samp]e broadly (e.g. Hockings and McCarty [1968] programmed their sampling of an Irish vi.llage to obtain some film coverage of every household type, every economic activity, every archltectural style, every economic condition from richest to poorest, all key figures in the communication network, a visual suggestion of the ag·e pyramid, every type of trans.port,. every kind of farming device, the daily sequence of typical activities, each center of public interaction, etc.)

Like opportunistic sampling, the programmed approach also reli·es on human interests and ideas, but instead of unstated personal impr·es­sions and inclinations, a formulated statement governs the filming. This makes programmed visual samples easier to interpret and more scientific. They extend beyond the narrower personal inclinations and preoccupa­tions of an individual to take advantage of the accumulated, systematized, and articulated knowledge that unit,es him with colleagues and a cultural heritage.

Programmed sampling depends on structured information rather than intuitions and inclinations to guide the filmer. This structured informa­tion takes its form from our articulated way of viewing things according to the concepts, ideas, and values bestowed upon us by our training and background. It provides us with a means of symbolically dealing with the undifferentiated phenomena about us by relating them to discrete cate­gories manipulable through rules of language and logic. Structured in­formation gives us an intellectual grip on experience and enables us to plan our own movements relative to it. It provides an anchor for discus­sion, conjecture, and study, and is the KNOWN to which we relate dis­covery in order to learn its significance.

A postulated uniform flow of time and a defined geometry of space are indispensable structural concepts in the scientific analysis and des­cription of phenomena. They are fundamental in the construction and validation of scientific knowledge. In studies dealing with development, differentiation, diffusion, or communication, physical and temporal separation are the critical functions. Time and space parameters are essential in any research filming program.

Programming the sampling procedure according to any stated conceptual mod,el is also useful. Not only do such models bring order into our minds and help us to "see" into the muddle of the real world, but they also enable us to place the footage shot in a mor·e clearly defined context both for ourselves and for others.

Thus programmed sampling helps to break the egocentrism of opportunistic sampling by imposing a comprehensible structure over the

Research Filming of Naturally Occurring Phenomena: Basic Strategies 151

often hard-to-gr.asp vagaries of hunian -inclination. It does this by drawing from the public knowledge of a culture. Programmed samples represent ethnocentric distillations of human interests, desires, and inclinations. Because of the more public nature of ethnocentric bias, especially in cultures with written histories, the skewing effect may more readily be taken into consideration than in the case of opportunistic samples.

Digressive Search

Neither programmed nor opportunistic sampling solves the problem of how to branch out beyond our personal predilections or the structural concepts of our culture. Programmed sampling is limited to preconceived ideas about what is important to document. In essence,. it prejudges importance and therefore misses categories of events not considered. Opportunistic sampling avoids this problem by deliberately taking ad­vantage of unanticipated events, but because it is subject to the personal inclinations and vision of the photographer,. it too prejudges and skews the sample, but in a less decipherable way.

A digressive search he]ps to solve these difficulties by deliberately intruding into the "blank areas,." i.e. those places and events outside our range of recognition or appreciation. This tactic allows us, somewhat blindly at first, to expand our vision as we visually sample and document events alien to our structured formats and habitual shooting instincts. By digressing inquisitively, we may penetrate areas and situations peri~ pheral to our attention, beyond our range of awareness or comprehension, and interstitial to our points of view and predilections.

This kind of sampling requires that we turn our attention away from the obvious to the novel- even to what may seem pointless, aberrant,

• or meaningless .. We have to be purposefully digressive, in both space and subject matter turning our gaze from the familiar and "importanf' to events that appear incoherent and insignificant. A randomness must be intruded into the way we direct attention (the digressiv~e search has also been called semirandomized [Sorenson 1973]). We must sample in places we know nothing of or which lie between the kinds of locales and events to which our sampling program or interests are anchored.

Digressive tactics such as these can broaden a visual data sample be~ yond the originally defined scope of a programmed sample and the und·efined scope of habitual and unstated shooting predilections. To ~extend our observations and visual data sampling into fringe areas of

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I 52 E. RICHARD SORENSON. ALLlSON JABLONKO

understanding and attention, and thus beyond presumption and habit, is deliberately to add unanticipated, interstitiaiD visual information to the research film sample. It is in this as.pect that the greatest potential of research filming as a tool for discovery may lie.

DISCUSSION

The theoretical format underlying research filming presented here relies on three basic general strategies: (l) seizing the opportunity we "see," (2) taking advantage of the colle·ctive knowledge of our culture, and (3) looking into the unknown. These strategies. take advantage of the unique ability of film emulsions to objectively r·ecord unrecognized and unap­preciated visual information. They parallel thre·e basic elements of scientific inquiry: (I) the significance-recognizing capability of the human mind, (2) an accepted, rationalized body of knowledge, and (3) the desire

to learn. Byers (1966) said that "cameras don't take pictures . . . people take

pictures". This statement is us.eful because it cleverly stresses the subjective aspect of photography. But it is only half accurate. While it is true that cameras do not take pictures, it is not true that people take pictures. People only select the pictures to be taken. Quite literally it is the film that TAKES the picture. Its light~sensitive emulsion takes light energy emanating from a sc·ene to produce objective chemical changes that capture a permanent record of the pattern of light received. Because of this, the basic condition in any approach to research filming is the mutual depend·ence of (1) human selection of what to film and (2) the ability of film to preserve an objective chemical facsimile of the pattern of light it r·eceives. In this equation the camera is only a facilitating device. Its sple purpose is to form under human guidance an image on the film and to control the amount of light admitted in order to produce a read­able chemical image of the scene selected.

Each of our three basic strategies has its own merits. Opportunistic sampling can be quite easy, parti·cularly in unfamiliar or novel situations. (However, when we want to flow well with the events developing around us by getting more intimately into them, considerable energy and in­genuity may be required.) Opportunistic sampling also permits a flexi­bility in approach which allows greatest advantage to be taken of per­sonal imp·ressions and insights.

On the other hand, programmed sampling enables us to take advan­tage of the parameters and structural concepts that have already been

Research Filming of Naturally Occurring Phenomena: Basic Strategies 153

developed and proved significant (at least in our own culture). Such programs, drawing from sources broader than just ourselves, help us to sample more comprehensively and l·ead us to types of events that would otherwise escape attention. They also giv·e us a starting point in an unfamiliar situation and the needed explanation of what we are doing among the people we may be filming. The articulated existence of such filming programs makes the visual samples obtained more widely intel­ligible and interpretable. Furthermore, when a program asks for things that cannot be found, attention is directed to an absence that in itself may be significant.

Both programmed and opportunistic sampling rely on forms of mind and habit which r·eflect the past: they depend either on the state of publicly accepted knowledge as developed through history or on the sensory abilities, interests, and habits provided by man's evolutionary background as programmed by his life experiences.

We may begin to move away from these limitations by adopting a deliberately digressive (or semirandomized) search and, with camera in hand, by recording what we may neither appreciate nor "see." Such an approach allows us to increase the content of unrecognized information in a visual record by moving, even if blindly, beyond the constraints of either personal intuition or sophisticated program, to document ahead of understanding and awareness. A digressive search makes it possible deliberately to impregnate the visual sample with information yet to be discovered.

Each of the three strategies has advantages and disadvantages. Each skews the sample in a different way. But in concert, they begin to balan·ce one another so as to increase the informative potential of the visual records.

Although we originally moved somewhat intuitively in this direction (Jablonko 1968; Sorenson 1967, 1971, 1973), an analytical look at what we were doing suggested that the basic strategies are broadly applicable. They are compatible not only with the nature of scientific inquiry but also with such recent, more specific anthropological field filming endeavors as: demonstrating culturally standarized behavior (Bateson and Mead 1942; Gesell 1946; Mead and McGregor 1951; Mead 1954, 1956; Jablonko 1968; Lomax, Bartenieff, and Paulay 1969; Sorenson 1968a, 1971, n.d.); analyzing micromovements in human interaction and communication (Birdwhistell1952, 1960, 1972; VanVlack 1966); sampling human move­ment style as a means of characterizing and classifying culture (Jablonko 1966, 1968; Lomax, Bartenieff,. and Paulay 1968, 19,69); studying child handling in order to discover developmental dynamics and culturally

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154 E. RICHARD SORENSON. ALLISON JAI3LONKO

specific patterns of behavior (Sorenson 1968a, 1971, 1973, n.d.; Liny and Sorenson 19'71); inquiring into s.odo-ecological processes and outlining the ecological basis of a hitherto unidentified type of society (Sorenson 1972; Sorenson and Kenmore 1974); investigating an indigenous e~conomic organization and nutrition in an isolated culture (Sore_!ltson and Gajdu.sek 1967, 1969; Sorenson eta/. 1968); comprehensively documenting disease o~ccurrence and management in its natural cultural and environmental setting (Gajdusek, Sorenson, and Meyers 1970); preparing a visual adjunct to an expedition log or travel diary (Stirling 1926; Gajdusek 1957).; documenting life crises and ceremony in order to more closely re,examine ritual process and thus discover ways in which unarticulated ~cultural gestalts are transmitted to successive generations (Rundstrom and Rundstrom 1970; Rundstrom, Rundstrom, and Bergum 1973); document­ing life crises and ceremonial events in order to more closely reexamine events that reflect and anchor cultura~ organization (Gibson 1969); reveal­ing tbe social and procedural context of law enforcement practice (Mar~ shall 1969a, 1969'b); documenting the procedural and nonverbal compo­nents of litigation in order to show the effect of culture on resolution of social conflict (Nader 1970; Gibbs and Silverman 1970); analyzing the effe,ct of culture on the facial expression of emotion (Ekman, Sorenson and Friesen 1969; Sorenson 1975); visually presenting a cultural setting while eliciting a culturally determined view of it through camera interview (Mac­DougaU 1972, supra; revealing how p,eople in a culture view their lives and surroundings by letting them film themselves and their activities (Worth and Adair 1972); discovering the effects of diverging paths to socializa­tion in changing society by filming boys and their discussions as they mov~e apart toward different kinds of lives (DiGioia, Hancock, and Miller I 973); revealing to students the knowledge developed by anthro~ pologists (Asch and Chagnon 1969; Asch, infra); reconstructing the past by filming persons reenacting the old ways (Balikci and Brown 1966; Sandall 1 '971); revealing the lives of others through the selective eye and particular awarenesses of an individual observer (Rouch 1955; Gardner 1957; Marshalll958).

A single photographer may be guid~ed by the basic strategies we have presented in order to increase the scientific usefulness of the visual sample he obtains. But these strategies also provide a means to balance a con­tinuing sample involving several filmers. It would probably be preferable to have different filmers each contributing to a growing overan sample.

Accumulation of visual samples in a systematic way would increase the value of any record by putting it in a broader perspective. For example, effects of the diverse patterning and programming of human behavior

Research Filming of Naturally Occurring Phenomena: Basic Strategies 155

by culture, background, and experience can only begin to be studied with incr,easingly comprehensive samples of increasing depth and breadth.

Because we still lack such re·cords or a place to accumulate them, we can only start to scratch the surface of the various ways man's behavior has been programmed and organized under a variety of natural conditions. The preparation of an increasingly comprehensive and continuing human behavior sample across time, place, and culture in a central film study center will immeasurably further the study of such vital concerns as the behavioral potential of our own species under the varying social and environmental conditions that the world provides and alters.

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GESELL, ARNOLD

1946 Cinematography and the study of child development. Amerl:can Naturalist 80:470-475.

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LOMAX, A., 1. BARTENIEFF, F. PAULAY

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MEAD, MARGARET

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MEAD, M., F. C. MACGREGOR

1951 Growth and culture: a photographic study of Balinese childhood. New York: Putnam.

MICHAELIS, ANTHONY 4..

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ROUCH,. JEAN

1955 Cinemad'explorationetethnogra.phi·e. Connaissancedu Monde 1:69-78. lllUNDSTROM, D., R. RUNDSTROM

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Research Filming of Naturally Occurring Phenomena: Basic Strategies 157

research documents for continued study. Anthropological Quarterly 41: 177-186.

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1973 Research filming and the study of culturally specific patterns of behavior. PJEF Newsletter of the American Anthropological As­sociation 4(3): 3·-4.

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research archive for ethnopediatric film investigations of styles in the patterning of the nervous system. Supplement to Pediatrics 37(1), Part II.

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WORTH, SOL, JOHN ADAIR

1972 Through Navajo eyes: an explor:ation in film communication and anthropology. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

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Films1

ASCH, T.,. N. P. CHAGNON

1969 The Feajt. Somerville, Massachusetts: Documentary Educational Resources.

DIGIOIA, H., D. HANCOCK, N. M[t.t.ER

1973 Naim and Jabar. Hanover: American Universities Field Staff. GAJDUSEK, D. C.

1957 People of the Kuru Region. Archive of the Study of Child Behavior and Development., National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Maryland.

GIBBS, J., M. SILVERMAN

1970 The cows of Dolo Ken Paye: resolving conflict among .the Kpel/e. New York: Holt,. Rinehart and Winston.

GIBSON, G.

1969 Himba W,edding. Produced by the Center for the Study of Man, Smithsonian Institution. Distributed by National Audio-Visual Center, Washington, D. C.

HOCKINGS, P. E., M. MCCARTY

~968 The Village. Produced by Colin Young for Extension Media Center, University of California, Berkeley.

JABLONKO, A.

1968 Dance and Daily Activities among the Maring People of New Guinea: A Cinematographic Analysis of Body Movement Style. Doctoral dissertation, Columbia University.

LILLY, J., JR ... , E. R. SORENSON

1971 Children of the Toap·uri. Produced by J. Lilly, Jr. and E. R. Sorenson for the National Institute of Mental Health, Rockville, Maryland.

MACDOUGALL, D. C.

1972 To Live with Herds. Produced by David MacDougall, Media Center, Rice University, Houston.

MARSHALL, JOHN

1958 The Hunters. Produced by the Film Study Center, Peabody Museum, Harvard University.

1969a Three Domestics. Produced by the Center for Documentary Educa­tional Resources, Somervme, Massachusetts.

19,69b Investigation of a Hit and Run. Produced by the Center for Documen.­tary Educational Resources,. Somerville,. Massachusetts.

NADER, LAURA

1970 To Make the Balance. Distributed by Extension Media Center, University of California at Berke]ey.

SANDALL, ROGER

1971 Pintubi Revisit Yaru Yaru. Berk·eley: University of CaHfornia Exten­sion Media Center.

SORENSON, E. R.

1968a Growing up as a Fore. Paper and film presented at the Postgraduate Course in Pediatrics, Harvard Medica~ School, September 19, 1968.

1 See Filmography, infra, for details.

Research Filming of Naturally Occurring Phenomena: Basic Strategies 159

SORENSON E. R., D. C. GAJDUSEK

1967 Nutrition in the Fore People of New Guinea: A Comprehensive Study Document Compiled Chronologically from the Research Film Library. The Archive of the Study of Child Behavior and Development in Primitive Cultures, National Institute of Neurological Diseases and Stroke, Bethesda, Maryland.

STIRLING, M. W.

1926 Surabaja-Mamberamo, Takutamesa Papuan, Rouffaer Papuan, and the Dem. The Archive for the Study of Child Behavior and Devel­opment in Primitive Cultures, National Institute of Neurological Diseases and Stroke, Bethesda, Maryland.

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