NO. 3 AYORÉ NARRATIVE ANALYSIS 2

JANET R. BRIGG8 SOUTH AMF.RICA MISRION

0. Introduction 1. General Organization 1.1. Verbal title 1.2. Event sequence 1.3. Coda 2. Complication and resolution 3. Episode 4. Paragraph 6. Period 6.1. Progression 5.2. Repetition 6.3. Contrast and association 6.4. Alternation 6. References cited

0. Ayoré person is the indigenous ñame of the language of the Indiana who have roamed eastern Bolivia in the provinces of Chiquitos, Velasco, Ñuflo de Chávez and Santa Cruz. Intertribal warfare and the Chaco War caused them to wander as far north as the Paraguá River. The first con-tact of the South America Mission (for-merly the South America Indian Mission) was made with the Ayoré in 1950. The Mission established a center, Zapocó, for them 42 miles southeast of Concepción, Ñuflo de Chávez. After the Corumbá-Santa Cruz Railroad was built, another center, Yoquiday, was established five miles south of Pailón. There have been at least 17 expe-ditions to contact them, the most recent in 1967. It is estimated there are 1700 in all. Children and young people in the four es-tablished schools are leaming Spanish, and loan words are gradually becoming part of the vocabulary. I have lived among them since 1952.

Loukotka (1968) classifies Ayoré as Paleo-American, Chaco División, a northern lan-guage of the Zamuco stock. The Voegelins (1966) do not mention Ayoré, but Zamuco proper and Moro. Thev classify these as

the 'Northern Zamucoan Family, Equa-torial División, Andean-Equatorial Macro-phylum' and say, "The Zamucoan family may consist of only two languages—North-ern Zamucoan and Southern Zamucoan—or Zamucoan may even be a single language (a language isolate rather than a family)." Masón reports that "even the major divi-sión», apparently, do not differ greatly, and some of the ñames may be synonyms, or merely bands without linguistic differentia-tion. (1) Northern Zamucoan includes such groups as the Zamuco proper, Cucarate, Moro (remnants of the Morotoco and Guara-ñoco), Poturero, Satienyo (Zatieño), and Tsiracua." McQuown (1955) classifies Zamu-coan as number 1206, placed in Paraguay and possibly Bolivia. The Keys (1967) list Ayoré as unclassifíed (or Zamuco). They also list a bibliography of 27 places where the Ayoré or Zamuco have been mentioned in literatura since 1696. Unfortunately I have been unable to consult any of them except a review by Furst (1964) of Kelm (1960). Kelm believes they are Zamuco and identical with warlike tribes called Guara-ñoca or Ugaraño by 19th century mission-aries and others. The homogeniety of group-ing seems fundamentally correct.1

1 The uncertainty of wider classifi catión makee it desirable to make a Swadesh list (after Samarin) widely available: 1 1 yii, 2 thou uá, 3 we yóc/ yóque', 4 thia uuné/uunáque', 6 that uutt/'l/uaat/', 6 whot (definite) goosl te e?/gootó te e?, 7 whait (indefinite) gootíque' e?/gootóraque' e?, 8 not que, 9 all jiléese', 10 many tiáasfjnqi/uáagfjnq, 11 one ch jm rq1, 12 two gáre', 13 big quertíui/ querüua, 14 long ymqrfj/gmqrf, 15 small qjqqmjq, 16 woman cheequé, 17 man jnqcari/ jnqfinj, 18 person ayoré, 19 fixh oyfdi, 20 btrd chyngypyrj, 21 dog tqmgcói, 22 louse jnqrj, 23 tree pooría, 24 seed qjñyq, 25 lea/ poorqqcqr^i, 26 root tapósi, 27 bark pooraóoi, 28 skin aóoi, 29 flenh nrágqjftyq, 30 blood iyói, 31 bone qjngquéei, 32

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Ayoré consonants are p t é k b d g, s h, m n fi q, M N Ñ, r y. Examples in this paper Rre written in the Spanish-oriented orthog-raphy: ch for /ó/, c and qu for /k/ , ' for / V , j for /h/, ng for /q/ , jm jn jñ for /M N N/, g and gu for /g/ . Some words end in a glottal stop but lose it phrase medially. The vowels are a e i o u ^ g i g q , oral and nasalized. Long vowels are indicated with a double vowel.

Common word patterns are CV CVV CVC CVCV CVCVV V w v e vcv v c w VCVC plus minor patterns V W W C V W C W C W V and longer combinations with no consonant clusters and no sequences of more than three vowels. And V may be long or short, except that in word final W the last V is never long. Intonational ter-mináis may be sustained, abrupt, or voice-less. Most Ayoré speakers in Bolivia have lost the intervocalic r, but others (and probably all in Paraguay) retain it. In this paper all stress accents are written.

Ayoré morphological constructions can be sketched as follows:

Nouns are masculine or feminine. Some can be inflected for gender; the rest. have

greaxe ii, 33 egg eyrgjj, 34 horn uée, 35 tail cari, 36 feather 37 hair 38 head gaatói, 39 ear qnggrgn?, 40 eye edó, 41 note cgrqchúui, 42 mouth pjjnqn}, 43 tooth pqt rqqj, 44 tongue aréei, 46 fingernail úusugurui, 46 fool gufidaay, 47 knee caatadé, 48 hand ¡m^nfay, 49 belly ajéei, 50 neck eetabt, 51 breaste ijn$iij$52 heart iyóbie/ áayipie, 53 liver abitó, 54 drink óoji', 55 eat agd, 56 bite agii, 57 tee jmg', 58 hear udilte', 59 krunc iirajáa', 60 sleep ¡mg', 61 di» itóoi, 62 kill ujée1, 63 swim qqchére', 64 fly iiyó', 65 walk ijrfque', 66 come ijf, 67 lie ¡tfrytá', 68 rit ácari-ji', 69 ttand iyágue', 70 give iisf-gmy1, 71 eay ginjrqq, 72 «un gueedé', 73 moon gueedosldé', 74 «lar guéedo, 75 water yoodt, 76 rain guéei, 77 stone cuc r nj/ rncurqnf, 78 sand yjn¿, 79 earth jnymf, 80 cloud guéei, 81 smoke piióti, 82 Jire piiói, 83 ash púuchu-curiii, 84 burn iquetá', 85 path gaabf, 86 mountain cotooté, 87 red carat&ai/gaatl/CQniniijn ), 88 green sáryj, 89 yellow ftár^j, 90 white póroroi, 91 black utatái, 92 night dejáai, 93 hot ngt4rj, 94 cold 'fjnyyj, 95 full gufpjn^i, 96 new iichái, 97 good aréi, 98 rvund tututüdei, 99 dry cajngrj, 100 ñame

inherent gender. All can be inflected for pluralizaron, verbalization, diminution, aug-mentation and indefiniteness. Some may be inflected for possession.

The five morphophonemic classes of verbs are: regular, sibilant, velar, frontal, and /oo/ initial. They can be inflected with suffixes for pluralizaron, diminution, repeti-tion, emphasis, short-lived action and action almost completed or started. They can be inflected with prefixes for person. They can be inflected with partióles for tense and aspect.

Adjectives usually have both masculine and feminine forms in agreement with the gender, number, and diminution of the nouns they modify. They are inflected as the nouns are, except for possession. In-cluded in these are the five numeráis cor-responding to the fingers of the right hand, which are used to form numbers up to four hundred. Adjectives meaning many are also used frequently in counting.

Pronouns are personal, demonstrative, and interrogative.1*

1. Ayoré narratives' begin with a verbal TITLE. Following it comes the EVENT SE-QUENCE. Material in the event sequence is organized at four levels above the sentence. A COMPLICATION AND RESOLUTION CONSÍ8TS of one or more temporally oriented EPISODES. Each episode consists of one or more PARA-ORAPHS determined by the orientation of the participante to each other. Each paragraph contains PERIODS of semantically associated sentences. The event sequence is followed by a CODA in which the narrative is carried past the point of the event sequence and related back to the time of telling.

1.1. The INTRODUCTION or verbal title of the Ayoré narrative may come at the be-ginning as: ujéepo tigre icáite' rj- (I-kitt-

ta and can be inflected for diminution, gender and number.

• I would like to thank Joseph E. Grimes and Ivan Lowefor theirhelp and advice in the prepara-ron of this paper.

NO. 3 AYORÉ NARRATIVE ANALYSIS 157

again jaguar time-past again.) I killed a jaguar <m another occasion. It may ni so follow a stretch of BACKOROUND, where informa-tion is given that does not fit the progres-sion of the narrative itself, but that explains and helps clarify the story. The place where it appears is related to the part of the event sequence it clarifies, not to the time any events told as background happened. Thus in a narrative about something quite differ-ent from Ayoré life, the narrator started out with background (Biblical culture in this instance) and then: a yatatá jnqcarí aadóde' j?' ijl' dupáade' uruuóde' ujée' dequ§§jn$r&i tuuné isáaque'. (perhaps I-tell young-man u<ays mil in fíod words that conimon-possession-súkness masculine-this grabbed-<me-Í8.) I'm going to teU you about a yaung man in the Bible that had this particular sickness [leprosy].'

1.2. The event sequence is the main body of the story. In the first example given in 1.1 the event sequence describes in a few sentences what happened as the narrator tried to.kill the jaguar: ujée' tigre §ng^ je íV%ch£r%que' yu ijl' tá yibatigái. ichagú ngqrqnj mi} chjjnjjme' yqsoré t§ngq §ng$ jec iisl-ji' ttfonjfifque'. ajó y^soré tajá' mi} bagué tuaatl dáay caasiicáite' chlise' yu ijl' §ng% chujée' ijl' yjjm^jnje'. orée' chj-jmjque' ajá' degúi. (I-kiU jaguar and ex-clamation jumped-is me in there my-honey-hunting-trip. I-lance coming but he-took-out my-lance and I-follow and exclamaivm I-find-in long-ways-away. I-put-down-upon my-lance to but Bague feminine-that father late he-firui me in and he-kill in my-hands. They third-person-carry-cm-shoulders to camp.) I was trying to kill a jaguar and he jumped me while I was en the honey-hunting trip. I lanced him as he carne, but he took away my lance and I follmved him and found him a long way away. I went to kiü him with my

* The leprosy narrative is not a translation of Biblical material, but is a free text recorded on tape as retold, with appropriate clarifications for hearers who were not. familiar with leprosy, b y an Ayoré narrator.

lance, but that Bagué's late father carne right in and killed him under my nose. They (the father's friends) carried him back to camp. Event sequences may also be quite long.

1.3. Following the event sequence there may be a coda. This (Labov and Waletsky 1967) is a functional device for returning the verbal perspective to the present mo-ment or making a transition out of narrative time. In the jaguar narrative the coda com-pares the place where this happened to his present position: á dée-ji' daatá yii tqqn^ cachodl yoquitiógarode' 14148911$. (perhaps it-was-in plural-way-over-there my-killing masculine-this killing-place aur-directions those.) It was there, in that direcíicn from us, that the place of my killing ivas. In the leprosy story a moral is added as coda to show how the story of this man is pertinent to listeners today.

2. Ayoré narratives are built up of simple narrative elemente and of linked groups (periods) of narrative elemente in the pat-terns described in 1. They ordinarily con-stitute an event sequence that tells about a complication which is resolved to end the story. The complication may be elabórate and require any number of paragraphs. The complication-resolution sequence must, how-ever, be considered independent of the episodic organization described in 1.1 and 1.2 because, though complication and resolu-tion both occur in short texts in what is formally a single episode in longer stories they may span several episodes. In the story of the killing of the jaguar the narrative works up to the point where the narrator attempts to lance the jaguar a second time when another character comes from nowhere and kills it in a surprise resolution. In the other narration the climax of the complica-tion comes when the man is before Jesús: mq todó' jesús ujéetiga' jesús ca' p<5taa chiquetá1. (but he-fear Jesús that Jesús no he-wish he-heal.) But he feared that Jesús would not wish to heal him.

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3. Ayoré, unlike English, marks past time by a TEMPORAL SETTING introduced by temporal advertía or temporal phrases. Thus the episode is umially ¡nitiated by an adverb or a temporal phrase that explains just vvhen the particular action took place; for example, i caite' in tim» past as in ibájooi orée' bajáque' icáite' (go-we them first in-time-past) We fint n<ent to them some time ago. This tem-poral is used principally when new charac-tere are introduced. Other temporals are ijí' díire' uñívi (in day other) in another day; ijí' d§r$jn^n§' udóre' (in times masculine-plural -thos») tn those days/times. If the event se-quence of a text begins with background information, that information serves as the first part of the first paragraph, and no temporal introducer is used. If events con-tinué in sequence from the last episode and there is no special need to cali the listener's attention to any change of setting, no tem-poral introducer is used.

The aspect particles /ee/ punctüiar/ specific and /quee/ progressive/general come before the verb to termínate a sequence and to signal that following them there will be a change of focus. When the end of the preceding episode is reached it contains a short summary of general information fol-lowing a clause with /ee/. The summary may contain a temporal: chágue' §ng$ chiirajáa' ujée' EE eetóque'. UF' I>ERE-JNAI TTTUTÍÍ' chiirajáa1 ujée' EK

Ijnoque' ujée' jesús péesu. (he-stand and he-know that PÜNCTILIAR/SPECIFIC [next episode changes focus] strong-masculine-is. and [short summary] is TIME MASCULINE-SINQULAR-THAT he-know that his-sickness PUNCTILIAR/ SPECIFIC there-is-not-any because Jesis he-do-ü.) He stood and he knew that he was strong. So in that time he knew that he wasn't sick cmymore because of Jesús' deed. In another example the speaker is counting on his fingere the children who were killed in an encounter. He counts first (as always) on the right thumb, then the index finger, on down to the little fmgor, then, summarizing hr says, EE orée' rhf^jn^' vjjm%n£v orée'

yuugóde'. (NOW the,y third-person-finish my-hand their killed-ones.) That makes five that they killed. Then he turas to the other hand in what is linguistically a new episode.

4. Paragraphs are organized around an actor-reactor pattern of participant relations throughout the narrative. The ACTOR for a discourse is identified in the title as the highest ranked case adjunct (Frantz, 1970) that is present on the verb, where the rank-ing goes from Agent (high) through Experi-encer, Goal, Objective, and Associative to Benefactive (low). If the narrator is telling his personal experience his inclusión of himself in the reference of first person plurals identifies him as the actor. Following the initial reference, the actor may be implicit or he may be referred to explicitly by pro-houns or in his relation to other characters (husband, wife, etc.) The one or ones who REACT to the actor or his action are usually out of focus at first and are referred to in the first part of the text by case forros that rank lower than that of the actor. Example» of initial defocusing of the reactor are: chatatá' dajéeode' <$m§' dacoté jn&se'. ([the man, actor] he-show his-own-insides to his-oum-wije [reactor] all.) He told all his thoughts to his wife.-, orée' chic¿-ji' iidáaidaatéi. orée' chucué jesús, (they [actors] third-person-go-in tovm. they third-person-look-for Jesús [reac-tor].) They went to the town. They looked for Jesús.

Farther on in the paragraph, however, the reactor REVERSES the relationship changing (Lowe 1970, Wise and Lowe ms.) into the highest ranked case form of each action, and consequently becomes the grammatical sub-ject. The character who began as the actor moves to a lower ranked case: after the husband [actor] leaves his wife [reactor] and his house and talks to himself about his miserable state, then: acoté chiróque' daboo-sóde' ajá'. (his-wife [reactor as Agent] sht-send her-oum-foods to (him) [actor as Goal],) His wife sends food to him. The respective sequels to the oxamplps given above con-

NO. 3 AYORÉ NARRATIVE ANALYSIS 159

tinue to show the reactor as highest ranked case: gngq uáate' po' (and she [the man's wife, reactor] she-cry,) And she crted,; chichaa dqjm£qin¡e' ajá' gáay, (Jesús) [reactor) he-put his-own-hands on [actor's] body,) He put his hands on the man.

Jesús entere the scene as the third char-acter. If his participaron in the action is taken as an instance of Lowe's Theorem operating at a level above the sentence, an interesting consequence follows.

Lowe, as stated already, begins his anal-ysis of discourse with the participants in an initial case relationship to each other, which he calis the IDENTITY state. To turn from the leper story to the less complex jaguar story (1.2), for example, the identity state is that defined by the title (Narrator Kills Jaguar) and continued in the first sentence of the narration I tvas trying to kill a jaguar on another occasion and he jumped me. The identity state has the initiator (the narrator) in a higher ranking case than the reactor (the jaguar), who in turn is ranked higher for this story than the third character, Bagué's late father (B), who has not yet even been mentioned.

Lowe then defines a reversal state in which the initiator and reactor temporarily inter-change case ranks, so that the reactor is now ranked higher on the scale of underlying case than the initiator, while the third man (B) remains peripheral or out of sight al-together. This is the situation in the second clause of the body of the narrative, in which the jaguar (Agent) jumps at the narrator (Goal), and again later, after a return to the identity state, when the jaguar (again Agent) takes the narrator's (Object) lance off into the jungle.

From the identity state another permuta-ron is possible: a SWITCH between the par-ticipant in the lowest ranked case and the participant of next highest rank. A switch from the identity state would bring the re-actor (the jaguar) into the lowest ranked case and put the peripheral character (B)

into a case relationship closer to the initiator (the narrator).

In the jaguar story, however, there is no simple switch. Iñatead, at the point of dé-nouement there is a compound shift in role relationships: a reversal and a switch. This revereal-switch is illustrated in ajó' y^soré tajá' mij bagué tuaati dáay caasiicáite' chfise' yu ijí' chujée' ijl' yjjm$qjn)e'. (I-put-down-upon my-lance to but Bague feminine-that father late he-find me tn and he-kiü in my-hands.) I was about to transfix it [Identity: Agent to Dative, narrator to jaguar] but the late father of that Bagué found me [Revereal-switch: B, Agent, finds narra-tor, Objective] and then kiüed the jaguar right out from under my note [Revereal-switch-revereal: Agent, B, kills Dative, jaguar, to disadvantage of Benefactive, narrator]). The last clause is a simple re-versal of the state that precedes it. Since the preceding state (B finds narrator) was arrived at by a revereal-switch from the identity state, the final state is thus reversal-switch-reversal.

In the application of this model, adapted by Lowe from the mathematical theory of finite groups to the study of participant reference, the normal progression is for each clause to be related to the one before it by applying one of the three generating ele-menta of the 3-group (identity, reversal, or switch) to the participant relationships of the preceding clause. Thus the firet part of the story proceeds from identity (man trying to kill jaguar) to reversal (jaguar leaping at man) back to identity by a second reversal (man wounding jaguar) followed by another reversal (jaguar taking man's lance). After a further reversal (man finds jaguar) the participante return again to the identity state (man about to plunge lance into jag-uar). At that point the compound shift in role relationships referred to takes place.

Labov and Waletzkv (1967) have com-mented on the frequency with which a narrative is interrupted precisely at the point where tensión has built to its highest.

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This suspenda the action before the dénoue-ment. In this story there is no interruption by evaluative eomment from outside the story line such as they find. This is the point, however, where the double shift in role relationships takes place. It is possible, then, that this double shift functions in exactly the same way as the Labov-Waletzky suspensión of action and thus gives a formal basis for identifying the break between complication and resolution.

The transition between the resolution and the coda in the brief jaguar story may ¡Ilús-trate the same principie. The coda returns the story to the time of narrative, and in a well told tale can also be expected to return the participante to their original or identity state. The coda of the jaguar story is á dée-ji' daatá yii tijijri§ cachodi yoquitiógarode'

(perhapu it-was-in plural-way-over-Ihere my-killing masculine-this killing-place our-directions masculine-those.) The place where I killed the jaguar ivas in that direction jar away jrom here. This is the same state as in the title, with the narrator as Agent, the jaguar as Dative, and B completely out of the picture. Yet the discontinuity between this state and the resolution of the story is sharp: there it was B who killed the jaguar with the narrator in a decidedly low ranked relationship to the whole thing.

One explanation for this discontinuity (which might almost be referred to as 'a roundabout process of reasoning') could come from the properties that the operations of identity, reversal, and switch take on by virtue of their membership in the sym-metric group of degree 3. In a group of this structure the only way to get from the reversal-switch-reversal state, which is where the resolution leaves us, to the identity state is by another triple process. This can be either another reversal and switch and re-versal or their opposite, a switch and re-versal and switch. At any rate, the dis-continuity between the surprise resolution of this story and the coda is of even greater magnitude than the discontinuity introduced

at the dénouement by the two-stage opera-tion of reversal and switch, which is greater in turn than the normal one-stage progres-sion characteristic of the rest of the story.

Returning now to the story of the leper, the complication contains what Wise and Lowe would label an identity state and a reversal. The resolution, however, is done much more smoothly than in the jaguar story, one stage at a time. Jesús is first intro-duced in the son's conversation with his father: ijl1 díire' ijñ£i ujée' abí chj)jn$ poo-sóde' ajá' uuté1 §ngq chgjnjrq, -yaapá a, a ying(}9 cucháarigo <}m§' ua jnq^nf dée-ji' yoquiidáay ujée' chiquetá' dequ§?-jn^rg§ng9n§' jn^gs?'. (in day other when his-son he-carry joods to him and he-say, my-jather direct-address, perhaps I-show things-some to you wül. older-man is-in our-viUage that he-heal common-possession-sick-nesses all.) Another day when his son carried his jood to him he said, "Daddy, I've got something to tell you. There is a man in rrur village that heals all sicknesses." This is the reversal state. Then they both go (Associa-tive case) to see Jesús; this matches the structural relationship of a switch. There is the kind of suspensión predicted by Labov and Waletsky when the father comes to Jesús and bows down before him, believing [evaluative] that Jesús can heal him, but wondering if he wants to. Next comes a reversal, which puts the participants in the switch-reversal state (Jesús puts his hand on him). A further reversal takes the par-ticipants back to the switch state (the sick man, through Jesús' words, recovera). Finally the identity state is reached again via a switch (the man is back with his family again).

6. Within paragraphs linear sequence in the progression of the narrative can be ex-pressed with simple sentences such as icóoi degúi. (went-to-we camp.) IVe went to the camp. But elements of the linear sequence of events are usually grouped into PERIODS marked by the connectives /§ng^/ and,

NO. 3 AYORÉ NARRATIVE ANALYSIS 161

/mi)/ but and /jé<iue'/ and. These are used to link patterns of progression, repetition, contrast-association, and alternation as needed. /gngq/ and and /mij/ but are sequentials which connect sentences in the event sequence and in the background. /jéque'/ and is nonsequential and usually occurs in background.

6.1. When the sequence progresses nor-mally /§ng%/ is used. When events do not go ahead as the speaker expected, or if there is no forward progression when the speaker thinks there should be, /m\]/ is used: ujmúcoo' aasóde' yoquibáayode' |¡NOA je icóo ENO icatecacóoi orée' ijí' ejói. MU orée' ch^ehér?' yong ijí' yocar^nj. (cover-we small-white-feathers our-bodies. AND ex-clamation go-we AND talk-lo-we them in side. BUT they third-person-jump-on us in our-coniing.) We covered our bodies with small white feathers. AND (as the next event) we went AND (as the next event) we talked to them at one side of them. BUT (the next event, but one we did not expect) they jumped us as we were coming.

/jéque/ and is nonsequential. It is used for simultaneous happenings, overlapping sequences, sequences where things happen so fast it is hard to tell what the order is, or sentences where the order of events is irrelevant or they are indistinguishable as separate events. For example, the narrator in telling of a raid comes to the place where some children are killed. As is the custom, he counts on his fingers those who died and says: yocabí tuu n£, JÉQUE' ducúbaidé' ápe' n$. (my-son is masculine-this AND father-of-Ducúbai son-is masculine-this.) This (me is my son AND Ducíibaidé's son is this one without reference to the sequence in which they were killed.

One of the patterns of progression in Ayoré is from lexically general to specific. This is shown in the sequence of sentences yisaagór^mj suu gabidáacabi caasicáite'. chisaasí' yipajéei. chisaasí' yipajéebi. chaa-cósosi' yipajéebi tajá1 qfi&n?'. (my-grabber-diminutive diminutive-is Gdbide-grandfather-

diminutive late, he-grab-diminutive my-waist. he-grab-diminutive my-waist-diminutive. he-sew-carelessly-and-fast-diminutive my-waist-diminutive to others.) the one who grabbed me was the late Gabiddquide. He grabbed me by the waist. He grabbed me by the waist. He had me trussed up {my arms at my waist).

A repetition of semantic equivalente in Ayoré is also ranked general to specific within the clause: daatá, yíi tijijn£ cachodí yoquitiógareode' uus9n&. (plural-way-over-there my-killing masculine-this killing-place our-directions masculine-those.) There, in thai direction from us was the place of my killing of this animal. This is also accomplished by repeating a more specific versión of part of the content of an active verb clause in an essive clause: orée' chaquesú' ajá' jmjmí purúadaaquí. orée' chíchaa-ji' dóod§jn^i tajá' né, otabidí. orée' óodi tuu otabidí (1they third-person-cut to ground grandfather-of-Purua. they third-person-put-in their-own-hole-big in here, rib. their hole is rib.) They killed Puruadaqul. They made a big hole here, in his rib. Their hole was in his rib.

Another kind of general to specific pro-gression is that of a state and the reasons for it, which show progression in that more and more limited units are portrayed: jn^carí jnusiétaguipise'. §ng$ que quiitíque' cúuse'. que toe ujéetiga' chaacá-ja' ida-aidaatérique'. que guigujjní^rique' cúuse' gq^jngrj <Jms' jnqcarí. que jogasúrique' cúusapo rj. (man sad-is-very. and no destina-tion-indefinite has. no is-able that he-enter town-any. no house-any has today for man. no family-any has-again o/iain.) The man is very sad [state]. He has no destination [reasons]. He cannot enter any town. He hasn't any house for himself. He hasn't any family eüher.

6.2. Emphasis can be shown by repetition of elementa. This is found on many levels. There is repetition of words such as: chóo júruru júru, the red faee of one who is angry (from /júru/ hot). The added syllable on the first word gives added emphasis. There is also repetition of complete clauses: mij

1 6 2 I N T E R N A T I O N A L J O U R N A L

Q U E O R É E ' C H U J É E ' YOQUE 1 . QUE O R É E '

CHUJÉE 1 YOQUE 1 . (bul NO THEY T H I R D -

P E R 8 0 N - K I L L U 8 . NO T H E Y T H I R D - P E R S O N -

K I L L us.) [We thought we were goners] but they didn't kill us. Or there may be repetition of the verb alone: jn<J<? daayé' údi, mq DI DI DI. (he-goes his-father under, but HE-R E T U R N H E - R E T U R N H E - R E T U R N . ) He takes his father lo other places, but they always return to the same place.

The repetition of element may also mean continuing action: orée' chicá-ji' iidáaida-atei. O R É E ' CHUCUÉ JESÚS, O R É E ' CHUCUÉ

§ng% O R É E ' C H U C U É . (they third-person-go-to toum. T H E Y B R E A K T H I R D - P E R S O N - L O O K - F O R

JESUS. TETEY T H I R D - P E R S O N - L O O K - F O R and

T H E Y T H I R D - P E R S O N - L O O K - F O R . ) They en-tered into the toum and looked for Jesús. They looked and looked for Jesús.

There is also in Ayoré repetition of semantic equivalents where the synonyms have no ranking on a general-to-specific scale: uruugóo' aasóde', qjmqcoo' aasóde' yoquibáayode' (wash-we little-white-feathers, cover-we liUle-white-feathers our-bodies) We put on little white fecUhers, ice cover ourselves with little white feathers.; g%jn£reque\ gr^pis ijí' yoquedódie' gng% póroroi yoque-dódie' ujáade'. (it-is-ugly. third-person-come-out-very in our-eyes and white-are our-eyes middles.) It is very bad. Jt comes wt in the eyes and the eyes are white.

6.3. The Ayoré pattern of contrast and association is found both in the event sequence and in background sequence. In Ayoré narrative, and for associating as-sertions that are not temporarily ordered, /?ng%/ and is also used for events in se-quence, while / m u / bul is used with explicit negatives, contrasta, or implicitly negative verbs like fear. Background assertions in association with other events and back-ground events in normal sequence are found in dequs$jn%rg$nguipisi tqqn£ IJNGA g%-jn&reque'. (commonly-possessed-sickness-very is masculine-this AND [something else about it] it-is-ugly.) This is a grave sickness AND it is ugly. / m q / is used with an expücit

OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS VOL. X X X I X

negative in MU que qñ§§que' cháata-ja'. (BUT no other-indefinite he-help) BUT [con-trary to what he hoped] nobody helped him.

A contrast in background assertions is illustrated by: uáas§jnqa §§jn^rétaade' ijí' yóque' ijí1 zapocó, My que dequg§jn%r§que' g£ljn&r$nguipisiraa8e' dée-ji1 zapocó. (many are sick-ones in us in name-of-place, but no common-possession-sickness-is bad-very-almost is-in name-of-place.) There are many sick ones among us in Zapocó, BUT there is no horrible sickness in Zapocó.

An example of a positive-negative contrast in background sequence is given in the second paragraph of 3. An example of negative-positive is que daijn&rique' cúuse' ijí' er&mgns' uj§etiga' chiquetá'. guusú1

jesús ujée' chiquetá' (no shaman-indefinite there-is in earth that he-heal. only-is Jesús that he-heal) There is no doctor on the earth that heals this disease, only Jesús can heal it. In the one narrative there are five examples of positive-negative to one of negative-positive.

An association involving an implicit negative (fear) that is superficially like an antithesis is jnqcarí ch^ngyqretá' ujéeta' jesús chiquetá', My todó jesús ujéetiga' jesús ca' pótaa chiquetá1 (young-mav he-believe that Jesús he-heal, BUT he-fear Jesús that Jesús no he-desire he-heal) The ycmng man believed that Jesús could heal him, BUT he feared that Jesús would not want to heal him.

6.4. One Ayoré pattern was especially hard to understand at first. In the story of the jaguar the surface structure makos it appear that the narrator killed the jaguar, whereas he really only tried to kill the jaguar. The first use of the verb is evidently in-completive or processual. On another oc-casion the informant informed me that he was cutting the poles for his house and ee ¡m$te' jnggse', mq qmjrí ehijjm&ra1 ujée' c£m% ñm&te' ajéei ujáai §ng% íchaa eruéei tajá1 póore' qfi^i gáay mq aquesú' yu (Jm§' %jjn§r§: (•punctiliar I-finish all, but remainder one-is that not-yet I-finish inside in-the-

NO. 3 A Y O R É N A R R A T I V E ANALYSIS 163

middle-oj and IjnU-on tmd on tree/piece-of-wood-is another on-top-of but I-cut me ivith ax [and wasn't able to finish]) I ivas about to finish everything, when just one remained that I hadn't finixhed inside and I put the end on another piece of wood and I cut myself with the axe.

The patterns of narrative described here do not cover all narratives. It would be worthwhile to investígate the frequency of occurrence, and to add to the analysis still other patterns: dialogue, shouted messages, advice, and probably others. The treatment of aspect is also incomplete, though sug-gestive.

6. References cited are:

Fuller, Daniel P. 1959 The Inductive Method of Bible Study, Chapter» VI and VII, Pasa-dena, California, Fuller Tbeological Semi-nary.

Wise, Mary Ruth 1968 Identification of Par-ticipante in Discourge, University of Michigan doctoral dissertation, 1-43.

Lowe, Ivan 1969 An Algebraie Theory of Eng-lish Pronominal Reference, Semiótica, Vol. 1, No. 4, 397-421.

and Mary Ruth Wise 1969 Permutation Groups in Discourse, ms.

Powlison, Paul S. 1965 A Paragraph Analysis of a Yagua Folktale, IJAL 31.109-18.

Labov, William and Joshua Waletzky 1967 Narrative Analysis: oral versions of personal experience in Essays on the Verbal and Visual Arts, June Helm, ed. 12-44. Seattle, Univer-sity of Washington Press.

Frantz, Donald Gene 1970 Toward a Genera-tive Grammar of Blackfoot (with particular at.tention to selccted stem formation proc-esses), 136-71, Edmonton, Alberta, University of Alberta doctoral dissertation.

Fillmore, Charles 1968 The Case for Case in Universals in Linguistic Theory, Emmon Bach and Robert T. Harms, eds. 1-88. New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winatoo.

Loukotka, Cestmir 1968 Classification of South American Indian Languages, Latín American Center Reference Seríes, Vol. 7. 58-9, Los Angeles, UCLA.

Voegelin, C. F. and F. M. 1965 Native America Fascicle Two, AL 7.7: 116-7.

McQuown, Norman A. 1955 The Indigenous Languages of Latin America, American An-thropologist, Vol. 57. 543,550,551.

Key, Harold and Mary 1967 Bolivian Indian Tribes. 21, 24-28, 34, 40, 95-96, 143, Norman, Oklahoma, Summer Instituto of Lingüistica, University of Oklahoma.

Furst, Peter T. 1964 Review of Heinz Kelm: Zur Frage der ethnographischen Einordnung der Ayoré, Moro und Yanafgua im ostboli-vianischen Tiefland (Baessler-Archiv, Second Series, Vol. 8, 335-61, Berlin, 1960) IJAL 30.394-5.