Speech of the Earl Russell at Newcastle on Monday October 14, 1861 at the banquet given inhis honour: with the address of the inhabitants, and Earl Russell's reply.Author(s): Russell, John RussellSource: Foreign and Commonwealth Office Collection, (1861)Published by: The University of Manchester, The John Rylands University LibraryStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/60232630 .

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SPEECH

OF

THE EARL RUSSELL

AT

NEWCASTLE

ON MONDAY, OOTOBEB 14, 1861

AT THE BANQUET GIVEN IN HIS HONOUR

WITH THE

ADDRESS OF THE INHABITANTS, AND EARL RUSSELL'S REPLY

LONDON

LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, AND ROBERTS

18G1

/'/ ice Six/teutv m*

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CHI I I

J

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SPEECH.

Gentlemen, it is with feelings of the deepest gratitude that I rise to acknowledge the toast which has just been

given. It has been my fate to have taken part in many- public measures, to have gone through a tolerably long political hfe, and I take this approbation of yours, coming, as it does, from a set of men so enlightened, as a gratifying testimony that I have not deserted my principles, and that I have done nothing to impair the honour or injure the interests of my country. Gentle¬

men, if I have been successful in many of the measures which have been proposed, it has been that I have pro¬ posed in more fortunate times measures which had the

approbation of great men who had gone before me —

that I have endeavoured to follow in the footsteps of Lord Grey, Lord Holland, Sir Samuel Bomilly, and Lord Brougham.

My noble friend near me has justly and correctly alluded to that which happened in 1830. Lord Grey, at that time being called to the councils of his Sove¬

reign, resolved to introduce a measure founded upon those principles of reform of which he had through life been the advocate. And let me say that there can

be no more gratifying, no more honourable spectacle in the history of the public life of a statesman than to

A 2

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4

see the accession to power of Lord Grey, who in adverse times had been content to give his opinion, and allow rivals of far less talent, of far less well-founded principles than himself to carry on the government of the country, to enjoy power without one repining word, or any feel¬

ing of envy on his part. It was a noble spectacle to see this man, when the opinions of the people came round to him, resume without passion and without re¬ sentment those plans for the benefit of his country of which he had always been the distinguished ad¬ vocate. Lord Grey, as my noble friend has said, called to his assistance the father of my noble friend, Lord Durham. It was my happiness to have been associated in the work with Lord Durham; we laboured together to the same end in perfect harmony and agreement as to the measures which we thought necessary for the reform of the representation. With us was joined an¬ other person, whose absence I deplore to-day—who would have been here had health allowed him — a man whose talents have been of the greatest service to his

country ; I mean Sir James Graham. With these two and Lord Duncannon, who was specially acquainted with

many parts of our representative system, I framed the

plan of reform ; and that reform, as you all know, was not only carried, but has now been nearly 30 years in

operation. That it has operated beneficially I cannot

doubt, nor can I doubt that it has led the way to

many other great measures, which never could have been carried in an unreformed Parliament. And, gentlemen, let me say when I embarked in public life I did so with the view of carrying great measures into effect, having great public objects before me. It appears to me that public life is only honourable when it is directed to such measures. The pedlar who sells his pins and pincushions for sixpences has a better, because an honester, trade than the man who devotes his talents

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to public life for the sake of his own emolument and

advantage. Gentlemen, many of those measures to which I have

alluded have been successful. We need not now parti¬ cularly refer to them; but there is one point to which I may perhaps advert, because it respects the principle which I think runs through many of our measures of later times, and shows an improvement in the general principles of government. What I mean is this: a

great part of our task — for instance, all our measures in favour of religious liberty, relieving first the Protes¬ tant Dissenters, then the Eoman Catholics, and lastly and recently the Jews, and all our measures with

regard to free trade, have been measures not intro¬

ducing new plans, not founded on speculative schemes, but merely unloosing the fetters which statutes and laws had placed on the due liberty of the subject. It is the business of a Government to maintain internal

peace, to punish the wrong-doer, to settle the civil rela¬ tions that should prevail among the community, to defend the independence of the country abroad. But Governments have sought more than this. They have

sought" to lay down rules of faith, to which they have asked men, under pain and penalty of punishment, to

adhere, quite ignoring the fact that they, the State —

they, the Government, were utterly unable to frame rules of faith that should fetter the conscience.

To take the other instance to which I have alluded, — namely, that of free trade — what struggles we have

had, going on for now nearly forty years, in order to en¬ able men to do that which is perfectly innocent in itself — namely, to exchange the products of their own in¬

dustry for the products of the industry of others, being the objects of use, comfort, and enjoyment? I remem¬ ber in the beginning of these contests, when the

principles of free trade were not understood as they A 3

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6

now are, a petition was presented to the House of Commons representing that the petitioners made gloves, but the gloves were very inferior to those of France, and very much dearer, and therefore they prayed —

what do you suppose Not that people might be allowed to wear the gloves of Prance, which were

cheaper and better, but that the gloves of Prance might be utterly excluded, in order that these petitioners might continue to furnish bad and dear gloves to the

people of this country. Wiry, gentlemen, this is the whole history of protection and of free trade. Govern¬ ments and Legislatures have presumed that they should direct the industry of their fellow-subjects into the chan¬ nels that would be profitable, as they thought, to the

country at large, not seeing that if you leave men to their own freedom they will find out for themselves what

occupations would be the most profitable, what goods they could best manufacture, and what crops they could

produce to the best advantage. It is, therefore, not only that we have got very excellent measures, but that we have enlarged and lightened the whole machinery of

government, when we say that there are certain things in which Government ought not to interfere, on which the man himself, the subject, is the best judge, and that to him should be left the choice of his occupation and the freedom of his religious belief. Above all, I am happy to say, that we do not in this country, as people in many countries, consider it as a part of the duty of Govern¬ ment to fetter and to bind the talents and abilities of men; so that upon no subject of politics, upon no sub¬ ject of morals, upon no subject of literature even, are men allowed to use the talents God has given them with¬ out the inspection and control of the officers of the Government. Such then, gentlemen, have been the gene¬ ral principles upon which those measures to which I have alluded have proceeded. They have been sound princi-

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pies, and I trust they will in future times be proved applicable to other cases of a similar nature.

And now, gentlemen, let me allude to two questions on which, indeed, we are not now immediately con¬

cerned, but upon which the whole of this country is

naturally interested, because they relate to matters in

foreign countries that must deeply affect the whole world. I will allude in a few words to what has been

my course since I have been entrusted with the seals of the Poreign Department. That course has been to

respect the independence of foreign nations, and to endeavour to induce others to respect it. There is one of these countries with which we have had much to do, and of which we have heard much of late years —I mean Italy. We have all seen with pleasure—I observe that very distinguished man, Mr. Henley, says there is no individual in the country who has not seen with pleasure—the Italians casting off their old chains,

exercising the powers of government for themselves, and putting themselves in the way of gaining that dis¬ tinction which of old times belonged to Italy. We all

rejoice to see them assert their independence; we shall all rejoice if they establish a free Government, and thus extend happiness, self-respect, and elevation of thought to one of the fairest of the countries and one of the most gifted nations on the globe.

But, gentlemen, of late a difficulty has arisen to which

great attention has been given. The Italians say—and they say with great apparent justice—that Italy cannot be fully constituted unless Eome, the capital, is in their hands. The Neapolitans say they would be willing to

obey an Italian Government which had its seat in

Eome, the proper capital of Italy, so associated with its ancient traditions and authority. But they say while Italy has not Eome for its capital they cannot

willingly obey the decrees of a King emanating from A 4

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7 8

Turin. On the other hand, the Eoman Catholics of

Europe say that they require that the independence of the Pope should be respected, and many say that it cannot be respected unless he has a territorial sove¬

reignty. This is a discussion which has been going on for some time; and I observe, from what I was reading this morning in a most able essay by a learned canonist of Italy, that the opinion is now gaining ground that while the temporal power ought to belong to the King of Italy, the spiritual power would be more safe, would be more respected, would be exercised more freely, if the spiritual were separated from the temporal autho¬

rity. This learned ecclesiastic says, at the conclusion of his discourse,

" Let the keys be separated from the

sceptre; let the diadem of the Sovereign be no longer joined with the tiara of the Pontiff." This is what he says is wanted by those who are still unwillingly the

subjects of the Pope; this is what is wanted by all Italians; this is what is wished by the most cultivated nations of

Europe. That, as I have said, is not a question on which we can take the initiative; but this I will say, that I think what this learned ecclesiastic has proposed, and which is in consonance with the opinion given by that great man, now so much lamented, Count Cavour— this proposal would furnish a solution to the Italian diffi¬

culty, and if generally acquiesced in, I believe the future

independence and happiness of Italy would be secured.* Gentlemen, in another part of the world an unhappy

contest prevails. Por my part, I have always observed with the greatest interest the United States of America. It appeared to me that it would be a great misfortune to the world if that experiment in free government, though carried on under other forms than our own, though not having the same checks we have derived from our ancestors, but with all the checks and re¬ straints which the wisdom of Washington could devise

* Note A.

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9

—it would be a great misfortune to the world if any¬ thing should happen to shake, still more to peril, the existence of the institutions of those States. I am sorry to say that such events have happened, and we now see the two parties contending — not upon the question of slavery, though that I believe was probably the

original cause of the quarrel — not contending with

respect to Pree-trade and Protection, but contending, as so many of the States in the Old World have contended, the one side for empire and the other for independence. Far be it from us to set ourselves up as judges in such a contest. But I cannot help asking myself frequently, as I trace the progress of the contest, to what good end can it tend Supposing the contest to end in the re¬ union of the different States — supposing that the South should agree to enter again into the Federal Union, with all the rights guaranteed to her States by the con¬ stitution—should we not then have debated over again the fatal question of slavery, again provoking discord between North and South

The slavery question has no doubt caused the late

disruption, for while one side contended that slavery was an institution of perpetual force, and not only of

perpetual force, where it already existed, but that it

ought to be extended over other parts of the American continent—another section of the community, admitting that slavery must be acknowledged and respected where the constitution said it should be respected, opposed its

extension, declaring that it was a thing in itself detest¬

able, and that the time must come when it must cease from the face of the earth. Well, gentlemen, if the

quarrel were merely patched up, should we not have this

dispute again, and might we not see those who opposed Mr. Lincoln at the last election again successful In such a case the quarrel would, of course, recommence, and would, perhaps, kindle a prolonged civil war. But,

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10

on the other hand, supposing the Federal Government

completely to conquer and subdue the Southern States; supposing that to be the result of a long mihtary conflict and some years of civil war, would not the national prosperity of that country, to a great degree, be destroyed? Not only so, but should we not see that

respect for liberty which has honourably distinguished our North American brethren diminished? Should we not see it yield to the necessity of force, to the

necessity of keeping in subjection those who have been

conquered, to the necessity, in short, of substituting despotic restraints and checks in place of perfect free¬ dom of opinion If such are the unhappy results which alone can be looked forward to from the reunion of these different parts of the North-American States, is it not, then, — though our voice and indeed the voice of any one in this country may be little listened to — is it not the duty of men who were so lately fellow- citizens—is it not the duty of men who profess a regard for the principles of Christianity—is it not the duty of men who wish to preserve in perpetuity the sacred inheritance of liberty, to endeavour to see whether this

sanguinary conflict cannot be put an end to

Gentlemen, I have made these observations to you upon matters deeply affecting us all, but not upon mat¬ ters on which the Government of this country has any immediate power or over which they can exercise any immediate influence. Had they been cases of that kind it would not have been consistent with my duty as Foreign Secretary to have spoken to you in any detail upon such subjects. But with regard to those duties I can only point out to you, if indeed it be neces¬

sary to do so, that just now the world is greatly dis¬ turbed by assertions of nationalities on the one hand and by assertions of authority on the other ; by conflicts and disturbances occurring almost daily in some parts of Europe, as well as in America. In these cases it is

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11

the duty of the Foreign Minister of this country, it is the

duty of the head of the Government, to watch closely what is going on — to respect the independence of

foreign nations, but not to abate any part of the caution

and vigilance which become the Ministers of England at such a time; not to part with or impair any of the influence of this country, for that influence may be

used in the cause of freedom and humanity, nor to lower in any respect the power of this country, for that power may be absolutely necessary, to pre¬ serve the liberties of Europe, to defend the indepen¬ dence of nations, and to guard our own dignity and freedom. Much has been said, on the Continent espe¬ cially, in disparagement of my noble friend who is now at the head of the Government. But on examining these strictures I have never been able to make out more than this — that my noble friend is reckoned to be too susceptible with regard to the honour, too Avatchful of the interests of his country. I shall be at little pains to vindicate him from such an attack. I own that my noble friend is constantly aiming to keep clear and unsullied the honour, and to keep mdnjured and unimpaired the interests of England, It is my privilege to help him in that great task. I declare that to be intrusted with such a task, by the people of so great and so free a country as this, is something that makes public life worth having — something to lighten its labours and smooth its anxieties ; and I may add that while the task is thus rendered honourable —while it is a task which a man may be proud to undertake—it is no small addition to his satisfaction that, if he has acted on the whole for the benefit of his country, what¬ ever errors he may at times have committed, he Avill meet from such an assembly as the present a kind and indulgent acceptance of his efforts, and that, at all

events, they will give him credit for the pure intention to do all that he could do for the welfare of Old England.

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12

THE ADDRESS TO EARL RUSSELL

Of the Inhabitants of Newcastle.

To the Eight Hon. the Eabl Eussell.

My Lord,—We, the inhabitants of Newcastle-upon- Tyne, in public meeting assembled, offer to your Lord¬

ship our cordial congratulations on your visit to this ancient town. We rejoice that you are enabled to

partake of our hospitality; and we avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our admiration of the con¬

sistency and talent that have characterised your Lord¬

ship's services as a statesman in the House of Commons. We cannot in this Address review at length your

Lordship's laborious public life, but we can refer with sincere gratification to your exertions in aid of the

rights of conscience at a time when the popular will found much more feeble expression than in our own more enlightened era. Eeligious liberty and the edu¬ cation of the people were supported by your Lordship's voice and vote when comparatively few had formed clear and decided opinions on these important elements in our national welfare and happiness.

Your successful advocacy of reform in the represen¬ tation of the people is one of the most stirring chapters in the history of our country ; and in this populous borough we can bear indisputable testimony to the value of the changes you introduced into our system of municipal government.

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13

As a commercial community we thank you for your valuable support to the principles of free trade. The

appeal to the men of Lancashire in favour of untaxed

bread received apt and peculiar confirmation from your own letter from Edinburgh, advising the total repeal of

the corn laws, and forming a prelude, as it were, to that statute of Sir Eobert Peel which opened our ports and cheapened the means of existence to our toiling thousands.

Whether in the Cabinet or in Opposition we have

always felt assured of the patriotic purity of your motives. We may sometimes have differed with your course of policy; but we have never entertained a doubt of your desire to extend all popular privileges, and thus by widening the basis of the Constitution

effectually increasing its stability and value. We believe that we express the almost universal

opinion of the nation when we say that in your present capacity of Foreign Minister your policy of non-inter¬ vention is the most dignified, sound, and secure that a British statesman can adopt; and we rejoice that, con¬

sistently with the maintenance of this principle, your Lordship's sympathy has always been manifested in favour of civil and religious liberty throughout the world.

Finally, we wish you health and length of days ; and

we are certain that in your new sphere in the House of Peers you will always remember the rights of the

people. We do not desire on this occasion to address

you in the spirit of ordinary partisanship ; and we trust that you may continue to serve your country in the full possession of your country's confidence and esteem.

V

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/ /

14

EARL ItUSSELL'S REPLY.

Gentlemen,—It is a great reward to me that, after a long public life and after many vicissitudes during that life, I should have a testimony of approbation from so enlightened a body of the inhabitants of New¬ castle. This reward may well be valued by me on account of the intelligence, the sense, the spirit, and

sagacity of the inhabitants of this town. It is like¬ wise rendered most valuable to me by the recollection that I entered office under the auspices of Lord Grey, and that I had the honour of being the colleague of Lord Durham. I have to thank you, Sir, the mover, for the manner in which you have presented this Address; and I shall recollect to the latest period of

my life that, however much I may have been misunder¬ stood at times, you have given me credit for the purity of my motives; and that when I have been the advo¬ cate or the opponent of public measures, it is, in the first instance, because I thought them useful, and, in the second instance, that I considered them injurious to my country. That has been the rule of my public life, and that, I trust, will be my excuse for the errors and mistakes that, like other men in public life, I from time to time have committed. I will not detain you further than by reading the answer to the Address, which touches upon some, and some only, of the topics on which you have done me the honour to address me:—

Gentlemen,—I receive with gratitude the Address in which you have been pleased to estimate beyond

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15

their merits the services I have been able to render to

my country. It was my good fortune to take my seat in the

House of Commons at a time when the struggles of a

perilous war were drawing to a conclusion, and those

claims of religious liberty and political reform which

had been overpowered amid the din of arms were

heard and acknowledged. The nature of our institutions and the genius of our

people, while they sanction and promote the utmost

freedom of discussion, are adverse to needless change ; and it therefore behoves every friend of progress to

wait with patience, and to argue with calmness, till

public opinion is fully convinced, and the national mind

puts its seal on the measures introduced into the Legis¬ lature. From this maturity of deliberation it follows, as a consequence, that our steps in the direction of

popular privileges are seldom or never retraced, and that path which has been painful and arduous in the ascent is easy and tranquil on the summit.

You must have seen this difficulty in attainment, and this ease when the object is attained in the change from

religious disability to religious liberty, from protection to free trade, from education neglected to education

encouraged, from the representation of decayed boroughs to the representation of Manchester, Leeds, Birming¬ ham, Sheffield, and other great seats of trade and manufacture.

These facts are encouraging to the friends of progress, and show the excellence of our constitution, which, while it represses every disorder, admits every improve¬ ment, and, like a well-built ship, combines speed with

safety, buoyancy with stability. Gentlemen, I again thank you heartily for this

Address.

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16

Note A.

The following is the concluding passage of the Essay of the Padre Passaglia: —

Nimirum si quando temporum, humanssque societatis rationes postulare visas sunt, Tit una cum summo pontificatu civilis quoque principatus consereretur, jam rerum pnvatarum publicarumque facies commutata sic est, ut nihil vel ipsimet Pontifici possit esse exoptatius, quam ut sceptrum a clavibus, sacerdotalisque tiara a regis diademate separentur. Hanc separationem uno ore flagitant qui adhuc dum regno pontificio alienis armis inviti reluctantesque sub- jiciuntur: hanc uno ore flagitant universes Italic populi, qui ferre diutius nequeunt, ut institutum regnum urbe Eoma, suoque capite privetur: hanc uno ore flagitant cultiores Europse gentes, quibus exploratissimum est nonnisi damna eaque maxima in relligionem summumque pontificatum ex civili principatu redundare: hanc pericula flagitant, quas neque ab ecclesia neque a civili societate averti possunt, nisi Pontifex ad pacis concordissque consilia animum inclinaverit: hanc flagitat supremi pastoris oflicium, quod referri totum in gfegis utilitatem debet: hanc flagitant humana jura, hanc divina, que nihil reliquum nobis faciunt quam ut Pium IX. iisdem alloquamur verbis, quibus africani antistites Innocentium I., allo- quuti sunt: quia te Dominus gratice suo prcecipuo munere in sede apos- tolica collocavit, talemque nostris temporibus prcestitit, ut nobis potius ad culpam negligentim valeat, si apud twin venerationem quce pro ecclesia suggerenda sunt, tacuerimus, quam ea tu possis vel fastidiose vel negligenter accipere, magnis periculis infirmorum membrorum, Christi pastoralem diligentiam, qzuesumus, adhibere digneris.

(Pro Caussa Italica ad Episcopos Catholicos Actore Presbytero Catholico, p. 84.)

JLOhDON" IBINIED 111' SPOXTISWOODls AMD CO.

XBW-faTBEET SQUARE

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