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State Tax Reform and State Fiscal Crises State Tax Reform and State Fiscal Crises
MGMT 932
Local Public Economics and Business Strategy
Session 4: April 6, 2006
Professor Therese McGuire
These slides are for exclusive use in MGMT 932 at the Kellogg School of Management, Northwestern University.No other use is allowed without permission of Professor Therese McGuire.
2
Road MapRoad Map
The “big three” state and local taxes. General sales tax. Individual income tax. Property tax.
State tax reform – what are the issues around the country? Education finance reform. Other spending pressures – Medicaid. Avoiding the “T” word.
State budget deficit/surplus dynamics. The fiscal crisis of 2001 and beyond. Can the ride be smoothed?
Rainy day funds.
3
How do the big three state and local taxes stack up?How do the big three state and local taxes stack up?
General sales tax 45 states and numerous local governments rely on this tax.
In Chicago, at least four taxing jurisdictions: state, county, city, RTA.
Consumption taxes broadly defined are generally preferred on efficiency grounds. Why?
But most general sales taxes are not broadly defined.
Generally, a regressive tax. Food often exempt for this reason. Is this good tax policy?
Generally tend to be more stable and less responsive than income taxes. Big issue: the lack of taxation of personal services.
An example of inertia in policy in the face of changed realities.
Illinois institutional details. 6.25 statewide (1.25 back to counties and cities). Home-rule jurisdictions can add in increments of .25 (aggregate rate in Chicago: 8.75). Food and services generally exempt (1.00 on food collected for local governments). Fairly high rate compared to other states; fairly typical narrow base.
4
How do the big three state and local taxes stack up?How do the big three state and local taxes stack up?(continued)(continued)
Personal (individual) income tax 41 states and a few local governments rely on this tax. Generally viewed as an engine of progressivity because of graduated rate
structures and zero-tax amounts (ZTA). How far can a state push progressivity before inducing out-migration of high-income
people?
Many states rely on federal definition of income, simplifying compliance. But some glaring exceptions: retirement income, capital gains.
Illinois institutional details. Enacted in 1969 (state constitutional convention) at rate of 2.5% and $1,000 personal
exemption. Constitutional prohibition on having a graduated rate structure. Since 1989 3.0% flat rate on income above the personal exemption. Personal exemption raised to $2,000 a few years ago. Retirement income is exempt. Very low top rate and quite low ZTA compared to other states.
• Low ZTA a philosophical decision.
5
How do the big three state and local taxes stack up?How do the big three state and local taxes stack up?(continued)(continued)
Property tax Rationale 1: benefit tax. Rationale 2: wealth tax. Primary source of own-source revenues for most local governments. State governments define and restrict this local tax. Consistently comes out as the least loved of all taxes. Why? Debate over the incidence of the tax. Big issue: the unequal distribution of the tax base across jurisdictions.
This drives most challenges to education funding systems.
Illinois institutional details. Relatively heavy reliance compared to other states. State aid to school districts to combat disparities is low relative to other states. Most local governments in the country (over 6,800). Why? 1991 passed a tax cap initially on the collar counties. Since, it has spread to non-
home-rule jurisdictions in Cook County and more than 30 downstate counties. Classification of property in Cook County only.
6
Sidebar: Corporate Income TaxSidebar: Corporate Income Tax
40-45 states rely on this tax for small amounts of revenue. Average of 6.2% of tax revenues when aggregated across all states.
A very unstable tax. Uncertain how it scores on equity and efficiency.
Incidence of the tax difficult to determine. Distortions to economic behavior debatable.
Question of how to determine a given state’s share of a multi-state corporation’s income. Formula apportionment (weighting factors) v. separate accounting (transfer prices).
Trend toward sales factor only as an economic development tool.
Illinois institutional details. Enacted in 1969 at a rate constitutionally restricted to 8/5 of individual income tax rate. Add on Personal Property Replacement Tax brings total rate to 7.3%.
Another example of inertia in policy in the face of changed realities.
Recently went to single (sales) factor formula.
7
Why state tax reform is needed and why it is not likely Why state tax reform is needed and why it is not likely to happen in our lifetime.to happen in our lifetime.
Antiquated tax systems. Lack of taxation of services under the sales tax. State corporate income taxes.
Spending pressures. Education finance reform. Medicaid. Pensions.
Recurring fiscal crises. Piecemeal responses rather than fundamental change.
Political paralysis – avoiding the “T” word.
8
What’s Behind the State Fiscal Crisis of 2001 and What’s Behind the State Fiscal Crisis of 2001 and Beyond?Beyond?
9
10
MysteryMystery
The 2001 recession was relatively mild, but states experienced one of the The 2001 recession was relatively mild, but states experienced one of the worst fiscal crises in memory. Why?worst fiscal crises in memory. Why?
11
From: Knight, Kusko, and Rubin; State Tax Notes, 2003.
12
Total
165170175180185190195
1978
q3
1979
q1
1979
q3
1980
q1
1980
q3
1981
q1
1981
q3
1982
q1
1982
q3
1983
q1
1983
q3
1984
q1
Quarter
General Sales and Gross Receipts
52
54
56
58
60
62
1978
q3
1979
q1
1979
q3
1980
q1
1980
q3
1981
q1
1981
q3
1982
q1
1982
q3
1983
q1
1983
q3
1984
q1
Quarter
Individual Income
4547495153555759
1978
q3
1979
q1
1979
q3
1980
q1
1980
q3
1981
q1
1981
q3
1982
q1
1982
q3
1983
q1
1983
q3
1984
q1
Quarter
General Sales and Gross Receipts
76777778787979
1989
q3
1989
q4
1990
q1
1990
q2
1990
q3
1990
q4
1991
q1
1991
q2
1991
q3
1991
q4
1992
q1
1992
q2
Quarter
Individual Income
73747475757676
1989
q3
1989
q4
1990
q1
1990
q2
1990
q3
1990
q4
1991
q1
1991
q2
1991
q3
1991
q4
1992
q1
1992
q2
Quarter
Total
294299304309314319324
1999
q3
1999
q4
2000
q1
2000
q2
2000
q3
2000
q4
2001
q1
2001
q2
2001
q3
2001
q4
2002
q1
2002
q2
2002
q3
2002
q4
2003
q1
2003
q2
Quarter
General Sales and Gross Receipts
9899
100101102103104
1999
q3
1999
q4
2000
q1
2000
q2
2000
q3
2000
q4
2001
q1
2001
q2
2001
q3
2001
q4
2002
q1
2002
q2
2002
q3
2002
q4
2003
q1
2003
q2Quarter
Individual Income
95
100
105
110
115
120
1999
q3
1999
q4
2000
q1
2000
q2
2000
q3
2000
q4
2001
q1
2001
q2
2001
q3
2001
q4
2002
q1
2002
q2
2002
q3
2002
q4
2003
q1
2003
q2
Quarter
Shaded areas represent recession periods.
Figure 6State tax revenue immediately before, during and immediately after
recent U.S. recessions (Billions of real 1983 dollars)
Recession timing: Recession 1 was a double dip January 1980 to July 1980 and July 1981 to November 1982 Recession 2 was July 1990 to March 1991 Recession 3 was March 2001 to November 2001
Total
229
231
233
235
237
239
1989
q3
1989
q4
1990
q1
1990
q2
1990
q3
1990
q4
1991
q1
1991
q2
1991
q3
1991
q4
1992
q1
1992
q2
Quarter
13
Figure 7Figure 7State Expenditures Immediately Before, During and Immediately After Recent U.S. Recessions (Real 1983 State Expenditures Immediately Before, During and Immediately After Recent U.S. Recessions (Real 1983
Dollars per Capita)Dollars per Capita)
Medical Vendor payments (Medicaid)
80
90
100
110
120
130
1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984
Fiscal Year
Medical Vendor payments (Medicaid)
100
150
200
250
300
1990 1991 1992
Fiscal Year
Medical Vendor payments (Medicaid)
220
270
320
370
420
2000 2001 2002 2003
Fiscal Year
Cash Assistance
34
36
38
40
42
1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984
Fiscal Year
Cash Assistance
34
36
38
40
42
44
1990 1991 1992
Fiscal Year
Cash Assistance
19
20
21
22
23
24
2000 2001 2002 2003
Fiscal Year
Recessions: The first was a double-dip recession from January 1980 to July 1980 and from July 1981 to November 1982.The second recession occurred from July 1990 to March 1991.The third recession occurred from March 2001 to November 2001.
Education
680
700
720
740
760
780
2000 2001 2002 2003
Fiscal Year
Education
455
460
465
470
475
480
1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984
Fiscal Year
Education
560
570
580
590
600
1990 1991 1992
Fiscal Year
14
Illinois General Fund RevenuesEstimated FY2006
Millions of Dollars
0
1,000
2,000
3,000
4,000
5,000
6,000
7,000
8,000
9,000
Individual Income Tax Sales Tax Gambling Corporate Public Utility
Source
15
Illinois General Fund AppropriationsRecommended FY2006
Millions of Dollars
0
1,000
2,000
3,000
4,000
5,000
6,000
7,000
8,000
16
Illinois General Funds RevenuesMillions of Dollars
21000
22000
23000
24000
25000
26000
27000
28000
2004 2005 (Estimated) 2006 (Estimated)
Year
Total Receipts
Total Receipts Less Transfers-In and PensionObligation Bonds
17
Mystery Solved Mystery Solved (sort of)(sort of)
Unprecedented (in modern history) swing from surplus to deficit..
Very little of this swing is attributable to the macroeconomy implying that we cannot grow our way out of the problem.
In large part, and in contrast to previous downturns, the problem was brought on by the inability of policymakers to increase taxes or cut spending.
During the most recent recession, state spending grew or was maintained while revenues plummeted and stayed down; ergo, state fiscal crisis.
18
The California “Debacle”The California “Debacle”Based on case packet reading by Steven SheffrinBased on case packet reading by Steven Sheffrin
A budget surplus of $7 billion at the beginning of FY 2000-2001 was turned into a budget deficit of $38 billion at the beginning of FY 2003-2004. How? Rapid increases in revenue in the late 1990s fueled rapid increases in spending. When revenues began to collapse in 2001-2002, policymakers failed to adjust
spending. Revenues from capital gains and stock options peaked in FY 2000-2001 at 38
percent of personal income tax revenues. Once the stock market bubble burst, the drop in tax collections became
permanent and the earlier increase in spending became unsustainable. The state relied on borrowing and one-time solutions rather than permanent cuts
in spending or increases in recurring revenues.
California’s budget woes are not over.
19
Rainy Day FundsRainy Day Funds
A Rainy Day Fund is a special reserve of revenues set aside in good economic times to be drawn upon in bad economic times.
Between 2001 and (early in) 2005, states used about $30 billion in reserve funds to close cumulative deficits of over $250 billion. In the early part of the fiscal crisis, reserve funds closed about one-quarter of the deficits that had developed through FY 2003. In FY 2006 about half the states still face deficits of an aggregate of over $30 billion.
How big do Rainy Day Funds need to be? Before the fiscal crisis began (end of FY 2000), states held 10.4 percent of spending in
reserves. By the end of FY 2005, this figure was at 3.3 percent. Center on Budget Priorities and the Government Finance Officers Association each suggest
that reserves much greater than 5 percent are needed.
Why do not all states have well-designed/well-funded Rainy Day Funds?
20
Preview of Topics for Week 3Preview of Topics for Week 3
Are taxes a significant factor in business location decisions? Inter-regional decisions. Intra-regional decisions.
Can tax incentives be justified from society’s perspective? A close look at the relocation of Boeing’s corporate headquarters.
Location-specific inducements to economic activity. Enterprise zones. Tax increment financing (TIF).