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State Trust Lands in the West

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    Fidciar Dt i a Cagig Ladscap

    Polic Focs Rport Licol Istitt of Lad Polic

    Stat Trst Lads i t Wst

    B y P e T e R W . C u L P , A n D y L A u R e n z I& C y n T h I A C . T u e L L

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    Cotts

    1 ExecutiveSummary

    3 Part1:WhatAreTrustLands?

    ConceptualOriginsoTrustLands

    TheTrustLandGrantProgram ChangingRulesorTrustLands

    ACommonThread:TheTrustResponsibility

    11 Part2:TrustLandManagement,Revenues,

    andRevenueDistribution

    Grazing,Agriculture,andTimberLeases

    SubsuraceUses

    CommercialLeases,LandSales,andDevelopment

    TrustBeneciariesandRevenueDistribution

    GovernanceoStateTrustLands

    17 Part3:TheTrustResponsibility FiduciaryDutiesoTrustManagers

    StateTrustsasCharitableTrusts

    UniqueFeaturesoStateTrusts

    ThePerpetualTrust

    24 Part4:TheBigPicture:DevelopingaManagement

    FrameworkorDecisionMaking

    AssetManagement

    CollaborativePlanning

    29 Part5:EvolvingStrategiesorTrustLandManagement

    ResidentialandCommercialDevelopment LandConser vation

    36 Part6:MeetingFiduciaryObligations

    inaChangingLandscape

    TheMultipleRolesotheTrust

    TrustReormsinUtah,Colorado,andArizona

    41 Conclusion

    42 Appendix:HistoryoStateLandGrantsintheUnitedStates

    43 FactsandFiguresonNineWesternStates

    52 BibliographyandLegalCitations

    56 Acknowledgments

    57 AbouttheLincoln/SonoranStateTrustLandsProject

    57 OrderingInormation

    Copyright2006byLincolnInstituteoLandPolicy

    Allrightsreserved.

    www.lclst.e

    ISBN1-55844-161-1

    PolicyFocusReport /CodePF014

    Polcy Focus Rport Srs

    Thisreportisoneinaseriesopolicyocus

    reportspublishedbytheLincolnInstituteo

    LandPolicytoaddresstimelypublicpolicyissues

    relatingtolanduse,landmarkets,andproperty

    taxation.Eachreportisdesignedtobridgethe

    gapbetweentheoryandpracticebycombining

    researchndings,casestudies,andcontributions

    romscholarsinavarietyoacademicdisciplines,

    andromproessionalpractitioners,localo--

    cials,andcitizensindiversecommunities.

    ThisreportwaspreparedwiththeSonoran

    InstituteaspartotheLincoln/SonoranState

    TrustLandsProject.

    Authors

    Ptr W. CulpisanattorneywithSquire,

    Sanders&DempseyinPhoenix,Arizona.Hewas

    ormerlytheSonoranInstitutesprojectmanager

    ortheStateTrustLandsProjectandtheInstitutes

    attorneyorprograms.HeholdsaJ.D.romthe

    UniversityoArizonaandaB.A.inpoliticsromthe

    UniversityoCaliornia,SantaCruz.Heisamem-

    berotheStateBaroArizonaandtheAmerican

    BarAssociation.

    Ay LaurzisthedirectorotheLandand

    WaterPolicyProgramortheSonoranInstitute.

    Hemanagestheprogramscollaborativework

    topromotegrowthanddevelopmentpoliciesand

    decisionsthatprotectthelandandwaterinthe

    West,includingmanagingtheStateTrustLands

    Project.HeholdsanM.S.inzoologywithaspecial-

    izationinecologyromArizonaStateUniversity.

    Cytha C. Tull isalawclerkortheHonor-

    ableJanKearneyintheArizonaSuperiorCourtin

    PimaCounty.ShewasaninternwiththeSonoran

    InstitutesStateTrustLandsProject,whereshe

    conductedresearchonissuesrelatedtothe

    managementostatetrustlands.Sheholds

    aJ.D.romtheUniversityoArizonaandaB.S.

    inecologyandevolutionarybiologyromthe

    UniversityoArizona.

    FiduciaryDutyinaChangingLandscape

    Stat Trst Ladsi t Wst

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    UTAH

    MONTANA

    CALIFORNIA

    ARIZONA

    NEVADA

    IDAHO

    OREGON

    COLORADO

    WYOMING

    NEW MEXICO

    WASHINGTON

    State trust lands, an oten misunderstood category o public land ownership in

    the United States, date to the earliest decades ater the Revolutionary War, when

    Congress granted lands to the newly ormed states to support essential public

    institutions. While most state trust lands have long since passed into private own-

    ership, the remaining 46 million acres are a signicant resource, concentrated primarily

    in nine western states (see Figure 1).

    State trust land management traditionally has ocused on the leasing and sale o natural

    products, including timber, oil, and gas, and many western states continue to obtain signi-

    cant nancial benets rom these activities. However, in many parts o the West communities

    are changing rapidly as a result o both population growth (ve o the six astest growing

    states over the last decade are in the West) and an ongoing nationwide shit toward a morediversied, knowledge-based economy.

    This transormation has diminished the role o natural resource extraction in many

    regional economies, while elevating the

    importance o cultural, environmental,

    recreational, and location-based ameni-

    ties. The economies o many communi-

    ties are now being driven increasingly by

    liestyle choices, a rapid rise in retirement

    and investment income, and the attrac-

    tiveness o living close to protected pub-

    lic lands or a better-educated and moremobile population.

    Although the extent o this transition

    varies among states and communities,

    these changes have led trust managers to

    experiment with new trust activities. For

    example, explosive growth has led some

    managers to explore opportunities or

    lucrative residential and commercial de-

    velopment on trust lands. At the same

    time, the changing landscapes, econo-

    mies, and demographics o the West leadmany communities to view their state

    trust lands as public assets that produce

    valued services in terms o open space,

    watershed protection, sh and wildlie,

    and recreation.

    This report calls attention to these

    unique lands and their signicant past

    and uture roles in the American West.

    Figure 1

    Te Extet Tst Las Vaes Acss te Weste States

    S ts ls

    exctiv Smmar

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    The rst section introduces trust lands today in the 23 contiguous western states in which

    they occur. An historical overview places trust lands in the context o western settlement in

    the United States, beginning with the General Land Ordinance o 1785 and the Northwest

    Ordinance o 1787. The practice o grant-ing reserved lands in support o schools

    started when Ohio was admitted to the

    Union in 1803, and continued throughout

    the process o state accession.

    While these special grants o land were

    grounded in a trust responsibility to support

    various public institutions, primarily the pub-

    lic schools, there was considerable variation

    in the ederal and state enabling legislation

    that directed the accession o states. The

    most signicant trend was the reduced trust

    management fexibility aorded the later

    states. As Congress became increasingly

    disenchanted with runaway sales o trust

    lands, it established progressively stricter laws that governed trust land administration,

    culminating in an explicit and infexible trust mandate in Arizona and New Mexico.

    The trust responsibility and case laws that govern state trust lands sometimes constrain

    the ability o trust managers to adapt to new demographic and economic orces, and these

    pressures also bring trust management issues into the public eye. These challenges create

    a critical needand a real opportunityto explore additional means o generating trust

    revenues that serve the needs o trust beneciaries while aligning trust activities with the

    economic utures o western communities.

    Many state trust land managers have been responding to these challenges with new

    strategies and approaches. We highlight a variety o innovative practices that

    establish comprehensive asset management rameworks that balance short-term

    revenue generation with longer-term value maintenance and enhancement;

    incorporate collaborative planning approaches with external stakeholders to

    achieve better trust land management;

    encourage real estate development activities that employ sustainable land disposition

    tools and large-scale planning processes, especially in ast-growing areas;

    support conservation projects that enhance revenue potential, oer ecosystem services,

    and allow multiple uses o trust lands; and

    introduce comprehensive reorms to expand the fexibility and accountability o trust

    land management systems.

    All o these activities are consistent with the duciary duty o state trusts, and each

    has been employed by at least one trust manager in the West. The report presents specic

    examples o these initiatives in order to help land managers and other interested parties

    ulll their multiple trust responsibilities while producing larger, more reliable revenues

    or trust beneciaries, accommodating public interests and concerns, and enhancing the

    overall decision-making environment or trust management.

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    PA R T 1

    Wat Ar Trst Lads?

    State trust lands comprise approx-

    imately 46 million acres o land

    spread across 23 o the lower 48

    states, primarily west o the Missis-

    sippi River. These landscapes span the orests

    and mountain ranges o the Inter-Mountain

    West and the Pacic Northwest, the grasslands

    and rich armlands o the Midwest, and the

    arid deserts o the Southwest.

    The vast majority o these lands are held

    in trust by the states or the benet o public

    education, including common schools (K

    12) and public universities. In each state a

    specic agency, requently overseen by a land

    board, is responsible or managing the trust

    land portolio by selling and leasing the lands

    and their natural products to generate revenue

    or the beneciaries o the trust. In most states

    a portion o these revenues is invested in a

    permanent und, thus establishing ongoing

    interest revenues or the beneciaries as well.

    Throughout the historical development

    o the West, state trust lands have repre-

    sented an important resource providing a

    key land base or settlement and generating

    revenue to help build and sustain important

    public institutions. At the same time, these

    landstogether with ederal public lands

    have served important roles in the local

    economies o western states.

    Traditionally, state trust land management

    has ocused on the leasing and sale o natural

    products, and a number o states continue

    to obtain signicant nancial benets rom

    natural resource activities. For example, oil,

    gas, coal, and other mineral extraction pro-

    vides the bulk o the revenues derived rom

    trust lands in Colorado, New Mexico, Utah,

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    and Wyoming; and timber management

    still raises signicant revenues in Idaho,

    Montana, Oregon, and Washington.

    Despite some continued nancial successwith traditional management practices on

    state trust lands, mining, logging, ranching,

    and arming play a diminished role in todays

    economy. The rapidly growing population

    and an ongoing shit toward more diver-

    sied, knowledge-based economies with

    more mobile and better-educated residents

    in many western areas have increased the

    importance o cultural, environmental,

    recreational, and location-based amenities.

    Although the extent o this transition

    varies rom state to state and community

    to community, in many parts o the West

    these economic shits have brought state

    trust lands into increasing prominence,

    leading trust managers to diversiy trust

    activities or change management strategies

    to better utilize trust assets.

    For example, explosive growth in some

    places has led some trust managers to ex-

    plore opportunities or lucrative residential

    and commercial development on trust lands.

    At the same time, the changing landscapes,

    economics, and demographics o the West

    mean that many communities increasingly

    view state trust lands as public assets that

    have value or open space, watershed pro-

    tection, sh and wildlie, and recreation

    a perspective that has brought new scrutiny

    to the use o these lands.

    ConCEp TuAL or ig inS

    o TruST L AndS

    In the decades ater the Revolutionary War,

    early Congressional programs refected the

    tension between the belie in the need or

    westward expansion and the belie that a ree

    people must be educated. Thomas Jeerson

    was a strong proponent o the latter view;

    his requently cited concept o agrarian

    democracy described a society that would

    draw its strength rom well-educated armers

    whose commitment to the land would pro-

    vide the oundation or both equality and

    reedom. This belie in the essential relation-ship between people and place was a major

    infuence in the development o the state

    land grant programs.

    Although rapid expansion into the western

    territories was viewed as both inevitable and

    essential to secure the new nations claims to

    that rontier, the debt-ridden, postRevolu-

    tionary War government aced signicant

    nancial challenges associated with provid-

    ing or public education and other essential

    services. Granting lands to settlers and to

    the new states that would govern them help-

    ed to organize settlements, establish new

    governance systems, provide services, and

    repay the burgeoning national debt, while

    creating a permanent relationship between

    the settlers and the land they were to inhabit.

    The General Land Ordinance o 1785 and

    the Northwest Ordinance o 1787 established

    the innovative policies that would govern the

    large-scale disposal o the public domain to

    settlers and the creation o new states. Under

    this ramework, a centrally located parcel in

    each surveyed township would be reserved

    or the support o schools. Once the territory

    became a state, it would receive title to these

    reserved parcels, as well as land grants to

    support other public institutions.

    The General Land Ordinance o 1785

    established the rectangular survey system,

    along with a process or recording land

    patents and the related records or public

    domain lands. The Ordinance provided that

    section 16 in every township (one square

    mile o land, adjoining the center o each

    36-square-mile township) would be reserved

    or the maintenance o public schools

    within the said township (see Box 1 and

    Figure 2).

    The Northwest Ordinance o 1787 created

    a system o territorial governments and a pro-

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    Theconceptostatetrustlandswasstronglyinormedbytherevolutionarysentimentsrelatedtopubliceducation,

    enlightenment-erarationalism,andtheconceptoagrariandemocracy.Thissystemoorganizinglandandeducation

    envisionedthe36-square-miletownshipasthemostbasicunitogovernment,distributedacrossthelandscapewiththe

    mathematicalprecisionoarectangularsurvey,andwithpopulationsorientedaroundsmall,agrariancommunitiesthat

    wouldprovideorthedemocraticeducationotheircitizens.InthewordsotheU.S.SupremeCourt,byreservingacentrally

    locatedsectionwithineachtownship,Congresscouldconsecratethesamecentralsectionoeverytownshipoevery

    Statewhichmightbeaddedtotheederalsystem,tothepromotionogoodgovernmentandthehappinessomankind,

    bythespreadoreligion,morality,andknowledge,andthus,byauniormityolocalassociation,toplantinthehearto

    everycommunitythesamesentimentsograteulreverenceorthewisdom,orecast,andmagnanimousstatesmanship

    othosewhoramedtheinstitutionsorthesenewStates,beoretheconstitutionortheoldhadyetbeenmodeled

    (Cooper v. Roberts,59U.S.173,178[1855]).

    Box 1

    Tws gvemet: A Matematcal Vs Cmmt

    Te ectala sve sstem ves la t 36-sae-mle twss, sx

    mles a se, tat ae mease m te tesect a etfe t-st

    mea (le lte) a a etfe asele. Eac tws s ve t

    36 sects e sae mle, eac cta 640 aces. Scl las wee

    eseve t eac tws; eal states eceve l sect 16, wle late

    states eceve sects 16 a 36 sects 2, 16, 32, a 36.

    Figure 2

    Tws Sects Wee reseve plc Ecat

    TownshipDividedintoSections

    6

    7

    18

    19

    30

    31

    5

    8

    17

    20

    29

    4

    9

    21

    28

    33

    3

    10

    15

    22

    27

    34

    oNeMiLe

    Six MiLeS

    SixMiLeS

    oNe MiLe

    16

    32

    11

    14

    20

    26

    35

    1

    12

    13

    19

    25

    36

    2

    cess or transorming territories into new states.

    It also maintained the vision o connecting

    land and public education that was consid-

    ered critical to the success o the westernsettlements and the newly emerging states.

    The Northwest Ordinance announced that

    Religion, Morality, and Knowledge being

    necessary to good government and the happi-

    ness o mankind, Schools and the means o

    education shall orever be encouraged, and

    that Congress should admit every new state

    on an equal ooting with the existing states.

    ThE TruST L AndgrAnT p rogrAM

    Ohio (1803) was the rst public domain

    state admitted to the Union, and the rst to

    receive a grant o reserved lands to support

    schools. This practice was continued and

    expanded throughout the process o state

    accession, with virtually every state admitted

    to the Union ater Ohio receiving substantial

    land grants (see Appendix).

    Over time, however, the doctrines govern-

    ing these land grants changed signicantly.The impracticability o reserving specic

    sections to maintain schools in that township

    became increasingly maniest as population

    centers tended to develop around natural,

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    economic, and military eatures without

    regard or the articial township boundaries.

    Many trust lands were not located near these

    centers, and thus could not provide meaning-

    ul support or schools, and local governments

    did not always exist or have the resources

    to manage the lands.

    In response, Congress gradually shited

    away rom township-centered administration,

    rst by granting lands to county governments

    to benet schools in their townships, and

    later by centralizing management o the

    lands in the state government, while reserv-

    ing the benets o the lands to the corre-

    sponding townships. By the middle o the

    nineteenth century, Congress had aban-

    doned the local management concept

    altogether and, beginning with its grant to

    the State o Michigan in 1837, granted the

    reserved lands directly to the states or the

    support o schools statewide.

    As new state admissions moved into the

    steeper, more arid, and less productive lands

    o the West, Congress began granting more

    reserved sections. Beginning in the 1850s,

    Congress granted two sections out o each

    township instead o just one, and later ex-panded these grants to our sections. The

    ederal government also began to allow

    states to select in lieu lands rom elsewhere

    in the public domain when the reserved

    lands in a given township were already oc-

    cupied by private homesteaders or railroad

    grantees, or reserved or Indian reservations,

    military bases, parks, and other ederal

    purposes (see Box 2).

    Congress also began granting more

    generous amounts o land to underwrite

    county bonds and to support other public

    institutions, such as state universities and

    agricultural colleges, schools or the dea,

    dumb, and blind, penitentiaries, and public

    buildings. For example, the 1841 Preemp-

    tion Act granted 500,000 acres o land to

    eligible states, and the Agricultural College

    Act o 1862 granted lands to endow agri-

    cultural and mechanical colleges.

    In addition, Congress requently granted

    lands to states to nance railroads and other

    essential inrastructure, or in advance o state-

    hood to support territorial governments. These

    programs were supplemented by a number

    o post-statehood grants, such as the Morrill

    Act grants or colleges, and culminated in the

    Jones Act o 1927, which granted states the

    mineral rights in all previously granted lands.

    When New Mexico and Arizona were

    admitted in 1910, they received not only

    our sections o land per township, but also

    enormous additional grants or a long list o

    public purposes. With their accession as the

    47th and 48th states, the era o state trust

    lands essentially ended (see Box 3).

    ChAng ing ruL ES

    or TruST L AndS

    The rules and restrictions applicable to state

    trust lands also changed signicantly through

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    the history o the grant programs. When the

    land leasing experience o the early states

    proved to be a ailure, Congress subsequently

    passed legislation retroactively granting allstates the authority to sell land to generate

    revenue. Following this change, most early

    states rushed to sell their lands in the renzy

    o rontier land disposals. While this served

    to support early school systems, it provided

    ew lasting benets or schools.

    By the 1830s, states were becoming

    increasingly concerned with the sustainability

    o this approach to managing trust lands.

    One o the early innovations to address this

    problem appeared with the admission o

    Michigan in 1837. Its constitution adopted

    specic restrictions on the use o revenues

    rom trust lands and required the state to place

    sale proceeds into a permanent und that would

    then be invested. The interest rom these

    investments, combined with rental revenues,

    would be used to und school activities.

    This widely adopted innovation was soon

    complemented with increasingly complex

    restrictions on the sale and lease o trust lands

    that grew out o experience with questionable

    land transactions (and in many cases, outright

    raud) and the eorts o a growing public

    school lobby to protect the trust grants. Many

    states began to impose constitutional require-

    ments or minimum land sale prices, provi-

    sions requiring the state to receive air market

    value in all land sales, and requirements or

    sales and other dispositions to be conducted

    at public auction.

    The rst signicant restrictions imposed

    by Congress came with the passage o the

    Colorado Enabling Act in 1875, which picked

    up several o these key provisions rom pre-

    vious state constitutions. These restrictions

    culminated in the New MexicoArizona

    Enabling Act o 1910, which has detailed

    provisions or the management and dispo-

    sition o trust lands and the management

    o the revenues derived rom them. Most

    inlieuselectionswerenotinitiallythepanaceathatthestates

    wanted.Washingtonsterritorialgovernmenthadhopedtouseits

    inlieuselectionstoprotromtherenziedlandspeculationthat

    dominatedtheearlyhistoryothestate;however,thisdidnothappen

    becausethestatelandselectionsoccurredlast,atermillcompa-

    nies,landspeculators,prospectors,settlers,andrailroadcompanies

    hadalreadylaidclaimtomostothelandnearrailroadlinesand

    navigablewaterways.

    Forthestatesthatcontinuetoholdtheirtrustlandstoday,however,

    inlieuselectionshaveconveyedsignicantadvantages.Theyallowed

    thestatestoacquirelarge,contiguousparcelsthathavebeenar

    morepracticaltomanagethanthescatteredone,two,oroursec-

    tionspertownshipthatstatesnormallyreceived.InArizona,once

    remoteinlieuselectionshavebecomeaninvaluableresource.The

    ArizonaStateLandDepartmentnowcontrolsmorethan30percent

    othelandavailableorurbandevelopmentinMaricopaCounty

    theastestgrowingareaothestateandholdsmuchoitinlarge,

    contiguousblocksthatareidealormaster-planneddevelopment

    andurbanopenspace.

    Box 2

    i Le Las nw oe Sme States a Me gl Me

    ollowingtheadmissionoArizonaandNewMexicoin1910,

    thestate-makingprocesswasnotreinstituteduntiltheadmis-

    sionoHawaiiandAlaskainthe1950s.Hawaiisstatehoodactrati-

    edanexistingtrustestablishedonroyallandstosupportschools

    (basedontheGreatMahaleo1848).Theederalgovernmentalso

    returnedallothelandsheldbytheU.S.toHawaiiatthetimeo

    statehood.Alaska,bycontrast,wasgiventhelargestlandgranto

    anystatemorethan110millionacres.However,unlikeprevious

    landgrants,thevastmajorityoAlaskaslandsweregiventothe

    statewithoutanyspecialrestrictionsontherevenueuses;only1.2

    millionacreswerededicatedorschoolpurposes,withanadditional

    onemillionacresdedicatedtosupportmentalhealthservicesin

    thestate.

    Box 3

    Tst Las hawa a Alaska Ae Teate deetl

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    signicantly, this act provided that the

    granted lands were to be held in trust or

    the purposes specied (public education,

    universities, penitentiaries, and so orth).

    A CoM M on ThrEAd :

    ThE TruST rESp onS ib i L i Ty

    The ever-changing nature o the historical

    program o granting lands to the states has

    resulted in substantial dierences among state

    requirements and approaches to managing

    these lands, ranging rom whether lands

    must be sold or leased at public auction to

    more subtle variations with implications not

    yet tested in the courts. These dierences

    requently relate more to what Congress did

    not speciy than to what it did, since the lack

    o guidance provided by most state enabling

    acts let states ree to improvise in developing

    trust asset management practices. Neverthe-

    less, trust lands share a common origin and

    thus have many common themes. The most

    important o these is the concept o the trust

    responsibility.

    Court decisions that interpreted the

    requirements o the earliest trust grants to the

    states generally ound that although Congress

    had specied the purposes or which the lands

    were granted (e.g., to support public educa-

    tion), it did not create any binding obligations

    on the states. For example, in Cooper v. Roberts

    (1855), the U.S.Supreme Court ound thatthe condition in Michigans Enabling Act

    that lands were or the use o schools con-

    stituted a sacred obligation imposed on its

    public aith, but was not enorceable against

    the state. Similarly, in State o Alabama v. Schmidt

    (1914), the U.S. Supreme Court concluded

    that Alabamas obligation was ultimately

    honorary in nature. As such, the states were

    ree to manage the lands as they saw t.

    As the courts looked to the later state

    grants, however, a very dierent position

    began to emerge. Two decisions o the U.S.

    Supreme Court (Ervien v. U.S. and Lassen v.

    Arizona) interpreting the New MexicoArizona

    Enabling Act o 1910 essentially redened

    the state lands doctrine (see Box 4). In that

    act Congress specied that the lands granted

    to Arizona and New Mexico were to be held

    in trust or the purposes provided in the

    grants, mirroring provisions adopted by

    several previous states in their state consti-

    tutions. The Court ound that through this

    provision Congress had intended to im-

    pose a ederal trust responsibility on

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    Ervien v. U.S.(1919)consideredthevalidityoaprogramunderwhichtheNewMexicolandcommissionerproposedto

    utilizeundsderivedromschoollandstoadvertisethestatelandstoprospectiveresidents.Thestatedrationalewas

    thatthisadvertisingwouldultimatelybenettheschoolsbyincreasingdemandortrustlands.TheEighthCircuitCourto

    Appealsdisagreed,notingthattheEnablingActo1910requiredthatundsderivedromthoselandsbeusedtosupport

    specicpublicinstitutions.Becausetheadvertisingprogramwouldtakeundsintendedorthesespecicpurposestoben-

    etthestateasawhole,whileprovidingonlyincidentalbenetstothetrust,theEighthCircuitoundthattheprogramwas

    abreachotrust.TheU.S.SupremeCourtupheldthisinterpretation,butdidnotexplainthecharacteristicsothetrust

    towhichthestatewasbound.

    Nearly50yearslater, Lassen v. Arizona(1967)consideredthevalidityoArizonaslong-standingpracticeograntingrights-

    o-waytotheStateHighwayDepartmentreeocharge(despitearequirementinthestateenablingactprovidingthatlands

    couldbesoldorleasedonlyatpublicauctiontothehighestandbestbidder).TheArizonaSupremeCourtinitiallyheldthathighwaysbuiltontrustlandswouldalwaysenhancethevalueothosetrustlandsinanamountatleastequaltothevalue

    otheright-o-way,suchthatcompensationtothetrustwasnotrequired.

    TheU.S.SupremeCourtreversedthedecision,notingthatunderitspreviousholdingin Ervien,thestatewasrequired

    tomanagetheschoollandsinamannerconsistentwiththepurposesandrequirementsspeciedintheenablingact.

    TheCourtheldthattheactrequiredthatthebeneciariesreceivetheullbenetromthedisposalotrustland.Because

    adiscountorenhancedvaluewouldrequirethestatetomakeaninherentlyuncertainestimateothevalueothe

    enhancement,thiswouldriskdivertingaportionothebenetsawayromtrustbeneciaries.

    Box 4

    Ke decss new Mexc a Aa Afme te Tst resslt

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    0 p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    ments, and the lands were thus held in trust

    pursuant to the constitution.

    A similar result was reached in Riedel v.

    Anderson (2003), where the Wyoming SupremeCourt ound that neither the states admis-

    sion act nor its constitution imposed a trust

    responsibility on the management o its state

    Arizona and New Mexico that would

    armatively require the states to manage

    the lands granted to them or the purposes

    specied in the act.Although these were not the rst deci-

    sions to nd a trust responsibility associated

    with state trust lands, they were the rst U.S.

    Supreme Court decisions to impose a legally

    binding trust. Thus these cases have exerted

    a powerul infuence on subsequent decisions,

    which have made clear that the determina-

    tion o whether or not a trust exists in a

    given state requires a case-by-case analysis

    o the terms o each states enabling act and

    constitution (see Papasan v. Allain [1986]).

    Regardless, since Ervien and Lassen, virtually

    all o the western states whose courts have

    considered the issue have ound that trust

    relationships were created by their individu-

    al enabling act grants, even though other

    enabling acts had not explicitly stated that

    the lands were to be held in trust.

    In recent years, several courtsinclud-

    ing those in Colorado, Utah, and Wyoming

    have revisited the issue o whether or not

    the restrictions in their enabling acts were

    explicit enough to create a trust, with vary-

    ing results. InBranson Sch. Dist. RE-82 v. Romer

    (1998), the Tenth Circuit Court o Appeals

    reviewed the history o the Colorado Enabling

    Act and determined that several restrictions,

    such as a requirement that lands be sold at

    public auction and the imposition o a mini-

    mum sales price, showed sucient intent to

    create a trust by imposing specic duties on

    the state or the benet o schools.

    By contrast, inDistrict 22 United Mine Workers

    o America v. Utah(2000), the same court ex-

    amined the Utah Enabling Act, which grants

    lands or a state miners hospital, and ound

    that no trust had been created because the

    act did not place any specic restrictions on

    how the lands were to be managed or dis-

    posed. However, the court ound that the

    Utah Constitution did impose such require-

    trust lands, since neither imposed specic

    restrictions on the state. As a result, the

    Wyoming legislature can unilaterally alter

    the requirements or the management o

    the states trust lands. However, the court

    did nd that those lands were held in trust

    pursuant to Wyoming statutes, which used

    explicit trust language and imposed

    trust-like requirements.

    It seems doubtul that western states

    will revisit the adoption o the trust doctrine

    with regard to the administration o their

    state trust lands in the uture. Today, all o

    the western states except Caliornia recog-

    nize some orm o trust responsibility asso-

    ciated with their landsa responsibility that

    imposes a duciary duty on the state agen-

    cies that are responsible or these lands to

    manage them in the best interests o the

    trust beneciaries.

    Part 3 o this report discusses the prin-

    ciples underlying the trust responsibility in

    greater detail, and explores the implications

    o this singular mandate or trust land

    management.

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    Twenty-three states continue to hold

    some state trust lands rom their

    original grants: Alaska, Arizona,

    Arkansas, Caliornia, Colorado,

    Hawaii, Idaho, Louisiana, Minnesota, Mis-

    sissippi, Montana, Nebraska, New Mexico,

    Nevada, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon,

    South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Washington,

    Wisconsin, and Wyoming. Several o these

    states have retained only a small raction o

    the original landsNevada, or example,holds only around 3,000 acres o its original

    2.7 million acre grant. By contrast, Arizona,

    Montana, Washington, and Wyoming each

    have more than 80 percent o their original

    land grants.

    In the lower 48 states, Arizona and

    New Mexico have by ar the largest holdings

    o state trust lands, with about 9.3 million

    and 9 million acres, respectively (see Figure

    3). Just nine o the eleven contiguous wes-

    tern states (Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Mon-

    tana, New Mexico, Oregon, Utah, Washing-

    ton, and Wyoming) hold nearly 85 percent

    o all existing trust lands, totaling almost

    40 million acres.

    Although a ew states hold large quantities

    o consolidated lands due to in lieu selection

    programs (Arizona, Idaho, New Mexico, and

    Washington), the vast majority o state trust

    lands consist o scattered, checkerboard sec-

    tions. Because o the management challenges

    associated with these scattered holdings and

    the limited utility o many parcels, these trust

    lands return signicant revenues to only a

    ew states (see Figure 4).

    Most trust revenues are generated on a

    subset o lands that contain high-value tim-

    ber (Idaho, Montana, Oregon, and Washing-

    ton), oil and gas reserves (Colorado, Mon-

    tana, New Mexico, Utah, and Wyoming),

    PA R T 2

    Trst Lad Maagmt, Rvs,ad Rv Distribtio

    Sources:Alldatawerederivedromtheapplicablestates2005annualreport,exceptasollows:Arizonadataareroma2005dratannualreport.DataorColoradoareavailableonlineathttp://www.trustlands.state.co.us/Documents/TLObyben.pd.DataorOregonareavailableonlineathttp://www.egov.oregon.gov/DSL/DO/aboutcs.shtml .

    Figure 3

    State Tst La Sace hls St Sclsa ote Tsts, 2005

    10,000,000

    9,000,000

    8,000,000

    7,000,000

    6,000,000

    5,000,000

    4,000,000

    3,000,000

    2,000,000

    1,000,000

    0

    A

    creage

    AZ CO ID MT NM OR UT WA WY

    CommonSchoolTrust

    OtherTrusts

    Figure 4

    Tee States receve Scat gss reveesm State Tst Las 2005

    $400,000,000

    $350,000,000

    $300,000,000

    $250,000,000

    $200,000,000

    $150,000,000

    $100,000,000

    $50,000,000

    $0

    Revenues

    AZ CO ID MT NM OR UT WA WY

    Sources:Alldatawerederivedromtheapplicablestates2005annualreport,exceptasollows:Arizonadataareroma2005dratannualreport.ColoradodataareromanAugust24,2005memorandumtoLandBoardCommissionersandOtherInterestedParties.Oregondataareromthestates2003biennialreport.Washingtondatadonotincludeaquaticlands.

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    coal and other mineral deposits (Colorado,

    Montana, Utah, and Wyoming), or lands

    with signicant potential or commercial

    and residential development (Arizona and

    Utah). Other uses o trust lands include

    transers or conservation, rights-o-way,

    licenses, cottage sites, sand and gravel leases,

    and land exchanges. Some states also allow

    easements or schoolhouse sites, parks, or

    community buildings. However, ew o

    these latter uses currently generate signi-

    cant revenues in most states (see Figure 5).

    grAzing , AgriCuLTurE,

    And T iM bEr L EASES

    State trust lands in the West are utilized

    primarily or grazing or agriculture. The users

    are generally granted short-term leases or

    5 to 15 years, with some states allowing longer-

    term leases under special circumstances. Leases

    are normally awarded to the highest bidder,

    although many states extend a preerence to

    existing lessees, allowing them to meet the

    highest bid oered by a conficting lessee or

    requiring conficting lessees to buy out the

    improvements o existing users. Multiple

    uses o the land are permitted in a ew

    states, stacked on top o the grazing or

    agricultural lease.

    Many western states now ace challenges

    to grazing lease programs, which have tradi-

    tionally incorporated a series o preerences

    or grazing lessees and have not always been

    administered on a competitive basis. In

    Arizona, conservation groups have success-ully sought to lease grazing lands or conser-

    vation use, and Oregon, Montana, and New

    Mexico have recently seen challenges brought

    against preerence systems and other elements

    o their grazing programs.

    Revenues generated rom grazing leases

    are minimal in virtually all states, while agri-

    culture revenues tend to be comparatively

    higher. For example, Idaho, Washington, and

    Wyoming each generates less than $2 per acre

    or grazing leases beore expenses; Arizona

    generates only around $0.25 per acre or these

    leases. By contrast, agriculture revenues in

    these states range rom $18 to $50 per acre.

    Timber production in some states repre-

    sents a signicant source o income or trust

    beneciaries, but it is also one o the most

    controversial uses o trust lands, generating

    legal and political conficts over impacts to

    sh, wildlie habitat, clean water, aesthetics,

    and recreational use. Generally, air market

    value is the minimum price set or timber

    sales on state trust lands. These sales can

    occur at public auction or via competitive

    bidding, although low volume or low value

    sales may occur on a noncompetitive basis.

    For example, Washington allows expedited

    sales o timber damaged by re, wind, or

    foods. It also allows trust managers to re-

    serve portions o harvested orests rom sales

    or leases to promote reorestation and to pro-

    tect the uture income potential o the lands.

    SubSurACE uSES

    Those states ortunate enough to have oil

    and gas deposits below their trust lands enjoy

    substantial revenues rom oil and gas develop-

    ment. New Mexico, Utah, and Wyoming re-

    ceive a substantial percentage o their trust

    revenues rom these sources. Oil and gas

    leases are generally issued on a competitive

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    basis via sealed bid or public auction. Some

    states allow noncompetitive leases i the oil

    or gas is discovered by the lessee. An annual

    per-acre rental is charged initially, with royal-ties (normally around 12.5 percent) charged

    on actual production. Revenues and royal-

    ties rom subsurace uses are generally

    deposited into a states permanent und.

    Production o coal and other minerals

    and the royalties associated with them are

    an important source o revenue rom trust

    lands in Colorado, Montana, and Wyoming.

    Most states allow prospecting permits to

    encourage mineral exploration on trust

    lands and give the permit holder a preeren-

    tial right to lease lands or production once

    minerals are discovered. Leases are generally

    issued at public auction, with a right o rst

    reusal normally granted to the discoverer,

    subject to a continuing royalty o around

    12.5 percent on the minerals produced by

    the permittee. Metallic mineral leases are

    usually issued through a competitive bidding

    process, and some states allow nonmetallic

    minerals to be leased through a noncom-

    petitive process.

    CoM M ErC iAL L EASES , L And

    SAL ES , And dEVEL op M EnT

    Commercial leases (normally or industrial,

    commercial, and residential uses) are an

    increasingly common source o revenue

    rom trust lands. Although most states pro-

    vide or short-term commercial leases, a

    growing number also allow or long-term

    leases. For example, Arizona and Montana

    permit leases o up to 99 years. Nearly all

    states require a public auction or competi-

    tive bidding process or commercial leases,

    although some exceptions are provided

    or short-term leases.

    Virtually all states provide a mechanism

    or trust lands sales, although some allow

    only the disposal o lands that are challeng-

    ing to manage, are no longer valuable or

    Sources:Alldatawerederivedromtheapplicablestates2005annualreport,exceptasollows:Arizonadataareroma2005dratannualreport.ColoradodataareromanAugust24,2005memorandumtoLandBoardCommissionersandOtherInterestedParties.Oregondataareromthestates2003biennialreport.Washingtondatadonotincludeaquaticlands.

    Figure 5

    Cmst a Amt revees Va geatl State, 2005

    new Mexc

    TotalRevenues$385,982,082

    Aa

    TotalRevenues$367,100,510

    Wast

    TotalRevenues$287,607,000

    Wm

    TotalRevenues$123,168,741

    uta

    TotalRevenues$92,462,400

    Mtaa

    TotalRevenues$60,765,487

    ia

    TotalRevenues$59,294,338

    Cla

    TotalRevenues$58,692,383

    oe

    TotalRevenues$26,558,000

    Grazing

    Agriculture

    Timber

    Oil&GasRevenue

    Oil&GasRoyalty

    Coal&MineralRevenue

    Coal&MineralRoyalty

    CommercialLeases

    LandSales

    AllOther

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    o revenue only in Arizona, which has sub-

    stantial amounts o trust lands located in

    rapidly growing areas. These lands comprise

    more than 30 percent o the available urbandevelopment land in Maricopa County, in-

    cluding the Phoenix metro area, the astest-

    growing part o the state. Although these

    lands clearly represent a major asset or

    the trust due to their potential value or

    development, in many cases they also have

    important value or urban open space.

    Arizona applies a relatively sophisti-

    cated approach to land disposals, identiy-

    ing lands with high development potential

    and engaging in planning and inrastructure

    development to increase the value o those

    properties prior to sale. Recent land sales

    in Arizona have broken records or land

    dispositions, with single sales o small

    parcels etching tens and even hundreds

    o millions o dollars at auction, at prices

    as high as $800,000 per acre. Commercial,

    residential, and industrial development o

    trust lands is likely to become an increas-

    ingly important revenue source in other

    states as well, since population centers near

    Figure 6

    Scls Ae te pma beefcaes State Tst Las

    plc

    a

    Cmm

    Scls

    plc

    bls,

    Catals

    a

    Laes petetaes

    State

    Catale

    isttts

    dea

    a

    bl

    Scls

    nmal

    Scls

    ote

    Scls

    a

    Cllees uvestes

    State

    a ote

    hstals

    Mlta

    istttes

    resevs

    a State

    paks

    AZ X X X X X X X X X X -

    CO X X X - - - X X - - X

    ID X X X X X X X X X - -

    MT X X - X X X X X - - -

    NM X X X X X - X X X X X

    OR X - - - - - - - - - -

    UT X X - X X X X X X - X

    WA X X - X - X X X - - -

    WY X X X X X - X - X X -

    revenue generation, or utilize a land bank-

    ing mechanism that requires any lands that

    are sold to be replaced with other lands.

    Trust lands normally must be disposed at

    public auction to the highest and best

    bidder, with a minimum bid price estab-

    lished at the lands air market value.

    Land sales are currently the major source

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    these lands are predicted to see signicant

    growth over this century (see Part 5).

    TruST bEnE iC iAr iESAnd rEVEnuE d iSTr ibuT ion

    The revenues generated rom state trust

    lands support a variety o beneciaries,

    corresponding to the purposes or which

    lands were granted by Congress in the original

    land grants (see Figure 6). The largest single

    beneciary is the common school system

    (K12), which generally receives 90 percent

    or more o the trust revenues in any given

    state. Public universities, state hospitals,

    schools or the dea and blind, state peniten-

    tiaries, public buildings, and other institu-

    tions are also beneciaries o these lands.

    Most states utilize a permanent und mech-

    anism to retain the proceeds rom permanent

    disposals o trust lands or their nonrenew-

    able natural resources (such as oil, gas, and

    minerals). Some o these und balances are

    now in the billions o dollars (see Figures 7

    and 8). These unds are generally invested

    in a combination o sae, interest-bearing

    securities, although a ew states allow a per-

    centage o their unds to be invested in more

    lucrative (and risky) equity-based securities.

    In some states a portion o these unds are

    also used to guarantee school bonds, loans,

    and other beneciary-related public debts.

    The proceeds rom land sales can some-

    times be deposited in a holding account that

    the trust managers can use to acquire replace-

    ment assets or the trust. I the unds in the

    holding account are not used within a spe-

    cied timerame, they are directed to the

    permanent und. The interest derived rom

    the permanent unds is generally combined

    with revenues rom leasing, permitting, and

    other renewable activities on trust lands or

    annual distribution to the trust beneciaries.

    Washington is particularly noteworthy in

    this regard, as that state continues to diver-

    siy its portolio through land sales and sub-

    Revenues

    Figure 7

    new Mexc hls te Laest pemaet balace 2005

    AZ CO ID MT NM OR UT WA WY

    $2,000,000,000

    $1,750,000,000

    $1,500,000,000

    $1,250,000,000

    $1,000,000,000

    $750,000,000

    $500,000,000

    $250,000,000

    $0

    $8,250,000,000$8,250,000,000

    Sources:Alldatawerederivedromtheapplicablestates2005annualreport,exceptasollows:Arizonadataareroma2005dratannualreport.ColoradodataareromanAugust24,2005

    memorandumtoLandBoardCommissionersandOtherInterestedParties.IdahodataareromFY2005StateoIdahoEndowmentFundsAdministeredbytheEndowmentFundInvestmentBoard.Oregondataarerom2005andareavailableonlineat:http://egov.oregon.gov/DSL/DO/aboutcs.shtml.Washingtondataarerom2006andareavailableonlineat:http://www.sib.wa.gov/fnancial/p_p.html.

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    goVErnAnCE o

    STATE TruST L AndS

    There are essentially two management

    rameworks at work: systems in whichoversight or control o the agency and/or

    board that manages trust lands is vested

    in appointed ocials; and systems admin-

    istered by elected ocials (see Figure 9).

    Within these broad rameworks, there

    remain signicant dierences between

    management regimes, typically centered

    on the existence o and/or composition

    o the land board or commission and the

    degree and type o stakeholder representa-

    tion. For example, Arizona is managed by

    a single appointed ocial and New Mexico

    by an elected ocial. Utah has an appointed

    board, whereas Montana has an elected

    commission. Trust land administration is

    also unded through dierent mechanisms;

    some agencies are unded by legislative

    appropriation, while others use an enter-

    prise unding mechanism that uses trust

    proceeds to und operations.

    Amstat dect/Cmmsse La Cmmss La ba

    State

    Aec

    det.

    ie.

    Aec

    Sel-

    dect/

    Cmmsse Electe Ate ba Electe Ate

    Stakele

    reesetat

    Arizona X X Governor

    Colorado X X X Board X Governor X

    Idaho X X X Board X X

    Montana X X X Governor X X

    New

    Mexico X X X X * Commissioner X

    Oregon X X X Board X X

    Utah X X X Board X Governor X

    Washington X X X X ** X

    Wyoming X X Governor X X

    Figure 9

    Tst Las gveace amewks de Acss States

    *NewMexicoStateLandTrustsAdvisoryBoard(advisoryonly).

    **WashingtonsBoardoNaturalResourcesincludeselectedocialsandunelectedrepresentativesromtheuniversitiesandcountygovernments.

    Figure 8

    Aal dstts t beecaes deve mLa Actvtes a pemaet iteest 2005

    $120,000,000

    $100,000,000

    $80,000,000

    $60,000,000

    $40,000,000

    $20,000,000

    $0 AZ CO ID MT NM OR UT WA WY

    AnnualRevenuesromLandActivities

    AnnualInterestromPermanentFund

    $50,951,479$50,951,479

    $422,198,988$422,198,988

    Sources:Alldatawerederivedromtheapplicablestates2005annualreport,exceptasollows:Arizonadataareroma2005dratannualreport.ColoradodataareromanAugust24,2005memorandumtoLandBoardCommissionersandOtherInterestedParties.IdahodataareromFY2005StateoIdahoEndowmentFundsAdministeredbytheEndowmentFundInvestmentBoard.Oregondataareromthestates2003biennialreport.Utahdataareromthe2005con-solidatedbalancesheet,availableonlineat:http://www.utahtrustlands.com/lib/viewDocument.asp?docID=331.Washingtondatadonotincludeaquaticlands.

    sequent acquisition o commercially valuable

    properties with longer-term revenue gener-

    ating potential.

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    As a result o the provisions con-

    tained in state enabling acts and

    constitutions, most state trust lands

    that remain in public ownership

    today are recognized as being held in a

    perpetual, intergenerational trust to support

    a variety o beneciaries, including public

    schools (the principal beneciary), univer-

    sities, penitentiaries, and hospitals. Only

    Caliornia and Wyoming have ound that

    neither their enabling acts nor their constitu-tions impose any trust responsibilities on the

    state, although Wyoming holds its lands in

    trust pursuant to the direction o the state

    legislature.

    The precise nature o the trust responsi-

    bility varies substantially depending on the

    specic enabling act, constitutional, and sta-

    tutory requirements that apply in each state.

    This doctrine is also continuing to evolve as

    courts consider challenges to the decisions

    o trust managers through litigation and as

    states adopt new statutory and constitution-

    al requirements.

    Several common themes apply to most

    o the states that hold trust lands west o

    the Mississippi River: (1) these lands are

    held in trust by the state; (2) the state, as the

    trustee, has a duciary duty to manage the

    lands or the benet o the beneciaries othe trust grant; and (3) this duciary duty

    operates as a constraint on the discretion

    o the state and requires that lands be man-

    aged in a manner consistent with the best

    interests o the trust. However, this duciary

    duty is in certain ways very dierent rom

    that which applies to other types o trust

    managers.

    PA R T 3

    T Trst Rsposibilit

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    iduC iAry duT iES

    o TruST M AnAgErS

    The manager o any type o trust is charged

    with a series o express or implied duciaryduties to the beneciary o the trust (see Box

    5). The most important o these duties are

    the ollowing.

    The Duty to Follow

    the Settlors Instructions

    The trustee is normally required to ollow

    the instructions o the settlor in administer-

    ing the trust assets. However, depending on

    the level o detail associated with the restric-

    tions established by the settlor, the trustee may

    have broad discretion in managing trust

    assetsas long as this discretion is exercised

    in urtherance o the purposes o the trust.

    Courts may authorize changes to trusts

    under some circumstances, particularly

    where compliance with trust instructions

    becomes illegal or impracticable due to

    changed conditions.

    The Duty of Good Faith

    The duty o good aith requires that the trustee

    act honestly and with undivided loyalty to the

    interests o the trust and its beneciary(ies).

    The trustee cannot put his own interests or

    those o third parties ahead o the interests

    o the trust.

    The Duty of Prudence

    The duty o prudence involves a number o

    interrelated components requiring the trustee

    to act with due care, diligence, and skill inmanaging the trust. First, it requires the trustee

    to bring the appropriate level o expertise

    to the administration o the trust asset, or

    to retain experts to assist with management.

    Second, this duty is generally understood to

    imply a requirement that the trustee distribute

    the risks o loss through a reasonable diver-

    sication in the trust portolio that meets the

    trusts long-term management objectives;

    signicantly, courts have recently ound that

    this prudence standard should be applied to

    investments not in isolation but in the context

    o the overall trust portolio. Third, this duty

    requires the trustee to make decisions using

    the proper level o care, precaution, atten-

    tiveness, and judgment; investigate and eval-

    uate alternatives; assess risks and rewards;

    and then make the best choice in light o this

    inormation or the strategy o the overall

    portolio. Finally, the duty o prudence implies

    a requirement to constantly monitor and

    reassess trust-related decisions over time.

    The Duty to Preserve the Trust Assets

    The duty to preserve and protect the assets

    o the trust is closely related to the duty o

    prudence. It requires the trustee to manage

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    ThelegalconceptotrustsdatesbacktotheearliesthistoryoEuropeanlegaltheory.Initssimplest

    orm,atrustisalegalrelationshipinwhichonepartyholdspropertyorthebenetoanother.

    Atypicalexampleoaprivatetrustisoneestablishedbyparentsorthebenetotheirchildren(ormultiple

    generationsodescendants)toprovideoreducation,healthcare,ormaintenancepayments,witha

    speciedperson(suchasalawyer,banker,oramilymember)servingasthetrustee.Theprivatetrust

    isthepurestormothetrustrelationship,inwhichthesettlor,trustee,andbeneciariescanbeeasily

    (andspecically)identied.Thishasparticularsignicancewithregardtowhocanenorcethetermso

    thetrust,asthetrusteesdutiesareowedonlytothespecicindividualswhoaretheidentiedbene-

    ciariesothetrust.Privatetrustsaregenerallylimitedinduration,havingapurposethatwillbeachieved

    withinsomeidentiableperiodotime,aterwhichthetrustterminates.

    Tee ates ee eve tst elats:

    Sttlestablishesthetrustandprovidesthetrustpropertyorres

    Tstmanagesthetrustinkeepingwiththesettlorsinstructions

    Bnfcayreceivesthebenetsromthepropertyheldintrust

    Tee elemets eee t estals a tst:

    Clearmaniestationointentbythesettlortocreateatrust

    Trustpropertyheldbythetrusteeorthebenetoanother

    Identiedbeneciaryorcharitablepublicpurposeorwhichthepropertyisheldintrust

    the assets with a long-term perspective,ensuring that the trust can satisy both the

    present and uture needs o the beneciary.

    In the context o a perpetual trust, this gene-

    rally requires the trustee to manage the trust

    corpus in a manner that will ensure that the

    trust will remain undiminished to serve the

    needs o uture beneciaries in perpetuity.

    STATE TruS TS AS

    ChAr iTAbL E TruSTS

    In a charitable trust, the term charity has

    a broad meaning that embraces any trust

    that serves a public purpose and benets an

    indenite number o persons, such as trusts

    that benet educational, religious, medical,

    or social welare institutions, or that set aside

    property or public use, such as a public park.

    Charitable trusts are also permitted to be

    perpetual trusts since the public purposes

    or which they are granted are requentlynot limited in time.

    Charitable trusts devote some portion

    o the equitable interest in the trust prop-

    erty to the public or to the community at

    large. Unlike a private trust the charitable

    trust beneciaries cannot be denitely

    ascertained. Thus, charitable trusts can be

    enorced more broadly than private trusts,

    and as a result they can be enorced by the

    state attorney general or any person with

    a special interest in the trust.

    State trusts are most similar to common

    law charitable trusts in that grants or the

    benet o common schools embrace a pur-

    pose that is among the most basic o the

    charitable trust purposes recognized under

    the common law. The secondary trust grants

    or hospitals, schools or the dea and blind,

    and public buildings are also traditional

    Box 5

    Wat is a Tst?

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    0 p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    charitable purposes. All o these grants

    benet either an indenite class o benecia-

    ries (such as the common schools), or specic

    public institutions that are properly thesubject o a charitable trust. The grants also

    establish the trusts in perpetuity, embracing

    purposes that will continue rom generation

    to generation without a oreseeable end.

    Decisions interpreting the requirements

    o state trusts have applied a variety o these

    common-law duciary principles to trust man-

    agers. A typical case is State ex rel. Ebke v. Board

    o Educ. Lands and Funds(1951), in which the

    Supreme Court o Nebraska ound that the

    state was subject to a number o common

    law trust principles.

    Trust lands are required to be administered

    under rules o law applicable to trustees

    acting in a duciary capacity, and laws

    adopted by the legislature that govern the

    activities o trust managers must be con-

    sistent with the duties and unctions o

    a trustee.

    The state owes a duty o undivided loyalty

    and good aith to the trust beneciaries,

    Evenwhereastatesconstitutionalprovisionssimplymirrorthe

    requirementsothestatesenablingact,courtsmayultimately

    adoptdierentinterpretationsothesameprovisions.InDeer Valley

    Unifed School District v. Superior Court(1988),theArizonaSupreme

    CourtadoptedastrictconstructionotheArizonaConstitutionto

    preventthestateanditslocaljurisdictionsromcondemningstate

    trustlands,despitetheactthattheU.S.SupremeCourthad

    interpretedidenticallanguageinthestatesenablingacttoallow

    condemnations.

    TheArizonaSupremeCourtsubsequentlyprohibitedexchangeso

    statetrustlandsinFain Land & Cattle Co. v. Hassell(1990),conclud-

    ingthatexchangeswouldconstituteasalewithoutpublicauction

    inviolationotheArizonaConstitution,despitetheactthatthe

    enablingactexpresslyallowsexchangesandprovidesthatex-

    changesarenotsalesorpurposesotheact.

    and lands must be administered in the

    interest o those beneciaries.

    The state must balance its duty to protect

    the trust assets in a manner that bears areasonable relationship to the risk o loss.

    These duciary duties have signicant

    implications or trust management, as they

    can constrain the activities o trust managers.

    For example, based on the duciary require-

    ments that are commonly held to apply to the

    managers, other courts variously ound that:

    Public auctions and competitive bidding

    are required or all sales o land, even when

    the purchaser is a governmental entity

    (although a ew courts have permitted

    condemnation).

    Provisions granting rights o renewal to

    grazing lessees or denying the participa-

    tion o conservation groups in grazing

    lease auctions are invalid, as the state is

    always required to grant leases competi-

    tively and in accordance with the best

    interest o the trust.

    Legislation allowing lessees to cancel

    their leases when market conditions

    declined was invalid, as it conerred

    benets to third parties that would not

    occur in a private contract.

    The value o rights-o-way, leases, minerals,

    and other products o trust land, however

    incidental, must always be established by

    appraisal, not xed by statute.

    These or similar requirements are typically

    understood to apply to most state trust man-

    agers. However, there are signicant variations

    in goals, terms, and restrictions on trust mana-

    gers as a result o the multilayered require-

    ments contained in enabling act provisions,

    state constitutions, state legislation, and

    administrative rules (see Box 6). There are

    also a number o dierences between state

    trusts and common law trusts relating to the

    status o the state trust parties as government

    Box 6

    Aas State Tst has Mltlaee reemets

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    bodies with public obligations that extend

    beyond the normal duties o a private settlor

    or trustee.

    The trust doctrine can be used by state

    trust managers, beneciaries, user groups,

    and others to argue that the managers lack

    discretion over resource management and

    must always act to maximize returns rom

    state trust lands or the benet o the bene-

    ciaries, to the exclusion o other consider-

    ations. A closer examination o the laws and

    operating environments within each state

    indicates that there is greater fexibility within

    the trust mandate than generally assumed.

    This inherent variation among the states

    argues against a one-size-ts-all approach

    or trust land management.

    un iquE EATurES

    o STATE TruSTS

    Trustees are normally subject to a duty o

    undivided loyalty to the interests o the trust

    and cannot alter the terms under which a

    trust is managed. However, state trustees are

    also sovereign governments that are respon-

    sible or passing and enorcing laws and pro-

    tecting the public welare. State trusts are

    subject to laws o general application even

    where this causes a direct loss to the trust.

    Most signicantly, the state can pass laws that

    regulate its own behavior, even i this requires

    the state to behave in a manner that would

    not be required o a private trustee.

    For example, state environmental laws re-

    quently hold state trust managers to a higher

    standard than a private trustee, requiring envi-

    ronmental analysis o trust activities similar

    to that required o ederal agencies under

    the National Environmental Policy Act. In

    Noel v. Coel(1982)and Ravalli County Fish and

    Game Association v. Montana Department o State

    Lands(1995), Washington and Montana courts

    held that trust managers are obligated to

    prepare environmental impact statements

    even i this would impose additional costs

    and put the trust at a competitive disadvan-

    tage as compared to privately managed lands.

    Other provisions require state trustees to

    (1) consider scal impacts on local commu-

    nities beore approving developments on state

    trust lands; (2) give public notice o trust-

    related decisions; (3) hold public hearings

    and accept public comment; (4) maintain

    all materials related to trust administration

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    as public records subject to inspection

    (including by economic competitors); (5)

    produce annual reports; and (6) conducttrust-related management activities under

    the direction o legislative appropriations

    (which may not allocate agency resources

    in a way that optimizes the management

    o trust resources). These requirements

    may direct trust assets and resources to

    serve purposes other than those specied

    in the trust grant.

    In a common law charitable trust, the

    enorcement o the trustees responsibilities

    is essentially limited to the state attorney

    general (who may or may not take the appro-

    priate level o interest) and those individuals

    or entities that can evince a special interest

    in the charitable trust. By contrast, where

    the trustee is a public agency, the number

    o interested parties that can seek to enorce

    the trustees responsibilities (and the range o

    available enorcement tools) can be signi-

    cantly expanded (or limited) because the trust

    requirements are dened by ederal laws, state

    constitutional provisions, and state statutes

    and regulations (instead o a private trust

    instrument). Furthermore, standing (the right

    o a party to sue a public agency) is governed

    by a dierent set o rules and judicial doc-

    trines than would normally apply in a trust

    context.

    These rules also extend varying degrees

    o deerence to state legislatures and state

    agencies in their interpretations o ederal

    laws, state constitutional provisions, and state

    statutes, giving state trustees more fexibility

    than would be allowed to a private trustee.These laws and doctrines eectively supplant

    traditional trust principles. Thus, the trust

    doctrines primary role with regard to trust

    lands is to dene a background o duciary

    principles that inorm the interpretive rame-

    work within which an agencys decisions will

    be evaluated, that is i standing is proper and

    i the court is not required to grant deerence

    to the agencys decision.

    However, courts may apply dierent

    standards or review o trust decision making

    depending on who is challenging the decision.

    Although the court might review a decision

    not to renew a lease under a relatively dee-

    rential standard where this decision was

    challenged by a lessee, it might apply a much

    less deerential standard i the decision is

    challenged by a trust beneciary.

    The availability o standing may also be

    driven by the kind o decision that is being

    challenged. Standing to contest individual

    decisions will generally lie in the parties

    aected by those specic decisions. How-

    ever, standing to challenge a broader set o

    agency decisions, a pattern or policy o deci-

    sion making, or a strategic ramework or

    trust asset management may lie only in an

    entity that can demonstrate the requisite level

    o special interest in the trust to show harm

    rom that decision.

    The judicial doctrines governing stand-

    ing and deerence help to explain why state

    and ederal courts have been somewhat

    inconsistent in their recognition o standing

    in various state trust beneciaries. Some

    courts have recognized standing in bene-

    ciaries as varied as school districts and school

    children, state educational organizations,

    teachers and parents o school children,

    and county governments. Other courts have

    denied standing to these same types o

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    individuals and entities under seemingly

    similar circumstances.

    State trust enorcement is also muddied

    by the act that many entities that perceivethemselves either as trust beneciaries (school

    boards, school administrators, teachers unions,

    and other school advocates) or trust stake-

    holders (lessees, development interests, con-

    servationists, or even the public), may also be

    represented in the legislative and administra-

    tive processes that govern trust management

    decisions. Depending on the governance model,

    trust managers may be answerable to bene-

    ciaries, user groups, and voters in some

    instances in a manner that would be inap-

    propriate or at least unusual in the context

    o a private trust. As a result, there is usually

    no clean separation among the roles o the

    state as a trustee, public agency, and law-

    making and rule-making body. Many trust

    decisions thus involve political considerations

    that are unrelated to the agencys theoretical

    duties as a trustee.

    ThE p Erp ETuAL TruST

    Perhaps the most important characteristic

    o state trusts is their perpetuity. They are

    intended to endure and provide benets rom

    generation to generation without oreseeable

    end. This characteristic o state trust doctrine

    has signicant implications or the common

    duciary requirement that trusts be managed

    or the exclusive benet o the trust bene-

    ciaries. Some trust managers have interpreted

    this obligation as a requirement to pursue

    the highest monetary returns possible or

    trust beneciaries, regardless o other

    considerations.

    However, modern trust doctrine embraces

    a much more fexible theory o portolio man-

    agement that incorporates the concepts o

    balanced risk and return and o management

    or long-term sustainability. These concepts

    require trust managers to look beyond revenue

    maximization, and at least in theory obligate

    them to embrace notions o intergenerational

    equity by investing portolios in manage-

    ment strategies that will maintain healthy

    trust assets or uture generations.The perpetual nature o the state trusts

    and the larger public signicance o state

    trust lands may also require trust managers

    to consider a variety o nonmonetary values

    that are associated with trust lands. InNational

    Parks and Conservation Association v. Board o

    State Lands(1993), the Utah Supreme Court

    ound that the perpetual nature o the trust

    requires the state to consider and preserve

    a much broader range o values associated

    with its trust lands, such as scenic, historic,

    and archaeological values.

    InBranson School District RE-82 v. Romer

    (1998), the Tenth Circuit Court upheld a

    revision to Colorados trust management

    scheme that required consideration o beauty,

    nature, open space, and wildlie habitat in

    connection with trust decisions. Trust man-

    agers thus have the fexibility to consider

    how they can obtain revenues or trust bene-

    ciaries without diminishing other values

    that may be associated with those lands.

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    PA R T 4

    T Big Pictr

    Trust managers oten unctioned

    historically by reacting to markets

    through applicant demand (i.e.,

    responding to outside interests that

    propose economic uses or the land) and

    by maintaining historical uses that lend a

    desired stability and predictability to the

    system (i.e., traditional resource extraction

    activities). While such approaches may serve

    the trust well, trust managers increasingly

    recognize that reactive approaches to trust

    management need to be complemented by

    activities that involve deliberate positioning,

    planning, and entitlement o trust lands, and

    provide short-term revenue while maintain-

    ing or enhancing their value over the long

    term. Such planning or portolio manage-

    ment occurs both internally, through what

    most trust land managers reer to as asset

    Dvlopig a Maagmt Framwork for Dcisio Makig

    management, and externally, through activi-

    ties such as collaborative planning with part-

    ners, other public agencies, key stakeholders,

    and citizens.

    ASSET M AnAgEM EnT

    While all trust management agencies engage

    in asset management to some degree, it is

    becoming more apparent to trust managers

    (and state legislatures) that to improve trust

    management and to honor their duciary

    duty more ully they need to establish a more

    holistic ramework within which to structure

    their decision making (see Boxes 7, 8, and 9).

    Asset management can be dened in

    dierent ways, but in this context it is the

    process o guiding the use, disposal, and

    acquisition o assets to make the most o

    their revenue potential and to manage the

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    related risks and costs over the entire lie

    o those assets. This approach incorporates

    the economic assessment o trade-os among

    alternative investment options to help makecost-eective investment decisions, including

    how to allocate resources most eectively

    to achieve desired goals.

    Management o state trust land assets

    must account or their particular character-

    istics: the perpetual nature o the trust; ex-

    ternally imposed limitations in resources

    available to manage the trust (i.e., legislative

    appropriations); the permanent und as a

    capital asset alternative to the land asset;

    and the states obligations as both a trustee

    and a public agency with, in some instances,

    broader public responsibilities.

    In the absence o more holistic approach-

    es to trust management that embrace these

    considerations, there is little guarantee that

    management strategies and decisions will

    deploy and adaptively manage trust assets in

    a manner that will produce superior benets

    to the trust over the short term while ensur-

    ing that management practices are both

    orward-looking and sustainable over the

    long term.

    A critical element o asset management

    relates to each state agencys ability to engage

    in strategic management o trust portolios,

    which requires aligning organizational re-

    sources with a strategic vision. This is essen-

    tial or any institution or company, and espe-

    cially or trust managers, given the constrained

    institutional capacity o these public agencies

    to und trust management activities, as a

    result o budgetary limitations imposed by

    legislative appropriations. These constraints

    hamper attempts to improve trust land man-

    agement and in many cases even limit the

    trust managers ability to assess the current

    shortcomings in trust management or

    explore opportunities or improvement.

    I trust management is to be improved,

    state executives and legislatures must take

    ThetrustlandmanagementactivitiesotheOregonDepartment

    oStateLands(DSL)areguidedbyanAssetManagementPlan

    (AMP),whichestablishesmanagementphilosophiesandstrategies

    tailoredtotheStateLandBoardslegalobligationswithregardto

    trustassets.TheAMPwasdevelopedwiththegoalsoestablishing

    acoordinated,comprehensiverealestatemanagementphilosophy;

    proactivelymanagingtheLandBoardsrealestateassetswiththe

    samevigorappliedtotheinvestmentportolio;increasingnetreve-

    nuesromrealestateassetstomeetLandBoardgoals;andpro-

    vidingaguidetobalancerevenuegenerationandresourcecon-

    servationdecisions.

    TheAMPprovidesanoverallmanagementphilosophy,guidingprin-

    ciplesormoredetailedmanagementdirectionoralllandassets,

    resource-specicmanagementdescriptions,andstrategiestore-

    solvepotentialconfictsbetweenresourcestewardshipandrevenue

    enhancement.Finally,theplanincludesoverallimplementation

    measuresdevelopedwithinputromstakeholders,otheraected

    parties,andtheLandBoardtodenetheactionsnecessaryto

    carryouttheplan.

    Realestateassetsareclassiedasorestlands,agriculturallands,

    rangelands,industrial/commercial/residentiallands,specialinterest

    lands,waterways,andminerallands.Managementactivitiesineach

    classicationaregovernedbyasetoprinciplesembodiedinthe

    AMP,andtheseareprioritizedorplanningbasedonthepotentialor

    sale,exchange,development,orpublicinterest.Eachplanaddress-

    esgeographiclocation,resourcetype,revenuegenerationpotential,

    andinventory,asappropriate,aswellasvariouseconomic,environ-

    mental,andsocialactors.Whencompleted,theplansareintended

    togovernallmanagementactivitiesundertakenbytheDSLwithin

    thesubjectarea.

    InadditiontotheAMP,theDSLhasdevelopedastrategicplanto

    outlinecurrentandutureneeds,andcratasetogoalsthatrefecttheinputothepublic,sta,environmentalconsultants,organiza-

    tions,andassociations.Theachievementothestrategicplan,as

    wellastheassetmanagementandotherplans,istrackedunder

    asetoperormancemeasuresdevelopedaspartotheoverall

    stategovernmentrameworkormeasuringsuccess.

    Box 7

    oe Estalses a Asset Maaemet pla

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    p o L i c y f o c u S r e p o r t l i n c o l n i n S t i t u t e o f l a n d p o l i c y

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    ThestateoWyomingrecentlyembarkedonaneorttodevelop

    acomprehensiveassetmanagementplanortrustlands.A

    legislativemandaterequiredtheWyomingOceoStateLandsand

    Investments(OSLI)toadoptthisapproach;however,OSLIsabilityto

    carryoutthisdirectivewasconstrainedbyalackoresources.The

    Lincoln/SonoranStateTrustLandsProjectpartneredwithOSLIto

    assessitscurrentinstitutionalcapacityandutureneedstoachieve

    identiedinstitutionalstrategicgoals,objectives,andtrustresponsi-

    bilities.Theresultsothisassessmentwereprovidedtoalegislative

    taskorcethatevaluatedOSLIsinstitutionalcapacityandprepared

    adratreportwithrecommendationsortheWyomingLegislatures

    JointCommitteeonAgriculture,PublicLandsandWaterResources

    andtheJointAppropriationsCommittee.

    renewable resources are usually deposited

    in a permanent und, and the earnings are

    dispersed to trust beneciaries. A compre-

    hensive asset management strategy will con-

    sider the costs and benets o monetizing

    land and natural resource assets. In cases

    where the permanent und is managed by

    another agency (e.g., the state treasurer in

    Arizona), a comprehensive approach to

    asset management is more complicated.

    CoL L AborAT iVE p L Ann ing

    Even with the best internal planning by

    land management agencies, as large land-

    owners in the West they are subject to a great

    degree o external scrutiny by other agen-

    cies, organizations, and the public regarding

    their land use activities. Since conficting

    visions or the land and its resources can

    institutional capacity needs seriously, assess

    these needs objectively, and provide the re-

    sources necessary to manage trust resources

    eectively. Given that trust lands are one o

    the ew revenue-generating activities o gov-

    ernment in these states, unding decisions

    should not be a problem.

    Certain states have asset management

    strategies that include acquisition o new

    assets in concert with disposal o existing

    assets, either through lease or outright sale.

    These states seek to reposition land assets

    by acquiring other replacement lands with

    higher uture revenue potential. Reposi-

    tioning the trust land assets is oten done

    through land exchanges and land banking

    programs. In the case o land banking, the

    unds realized rom the sale o trust assets

    are reserved or uture acquisition o both

    vacant and improved land. Usually these

    unds are directed to the permanent und

    i they are not spent within a specied

    timerame.

    A nal wrinkle on asset management in

    a trust land context is the recognition that

    the revenues rom the sale o land or non-

    Box 8

    Wm Leslate pmts Assessmet istttal Caact

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    c u l p, l a u r e n z i & t u e l l S t at e t r u S t L a n d S i n t h e W e S t

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

    MuchoUtahstrustlandisheldinascatteredownership

    patternthatcorrespondstothe640-acresectionreservations

    oitsoriginalschoollandgrant.Thischeckerboardpatternpresents

    particularchallengesorUtahtrustmanagersbecauseothelarge

    ederallandbase,whichisnowoperatedunderapreservation-

    orientedmodel,createsinherentconfictsbetweenederalland

    managementgoalsandtherevenuegenerationgoalsothe

    statestrustmanagers.

    Toresolvetheseconfictsandaccomplishtheprotectionoenvi-

    ronmentallysensitivetrustlands,Utahhasrecentlyparticipatedintwolargelandexchangeswiththeederalgovernment:a375,000-

    acretranserthatexchangedlandsintheGrandStaircaseEscalante

    NationalMonumentandotherUtahnationalparksandnational

    orestsorcashandminerallands;andanexchangein2001o

    morethan100,000acresotrustlandsinseveralproposedederal

    wildernessareasorlarger,consolidatedblocksoBureauoLand

    Managementlandswithgreaterrevenuepotential.Athirdexchange

    in2002addressinglandsintheSanRaaelSwellmetwithpublic

    criticismandultimatelyailedintheU.S.Senate.

    Utahtrustmanagersalsoengageinassetmanagementthrough

    blockplanning.In2002theSchoolandInstitutionalTrustLands

    Administration(SITLA)developedtheblockplanningprocessto

    providedetailed,assetmanagementplanstailoredtothemore

    than50areasothestatewherethetrustmanages5,000

    ormoreacresinacontiguousblock.

    signicantly delay or constrain landowner

    choices, resolution o conficts is essential,

    and avoidance o confict is preerred. Over

    the past 20 years, collaborative planninghas proven to be a valuable tool in land and

    water management by helping to reduce con-

    fict and reach creative solutions that meet

    the needs o many people and produce

    enduring solutions (see Box 10).

    Collaborative planning is a process where-

    by individuals, agencies, and organizations,

    oten with widely varied interests, work

    together to share knowledge and resources,

    and achieve mutually benecial goals through

    structured, civil dialogue. When uti


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