16
Published May, 1968
MERIT PUBLISHERS873 Broadway
New York, ~. Y., 10003
Printed in the United States of America
0 126
CONTENTS
Statement by Paul Boutelle
Martin Luther King-the End of an EraBy George Novack
Uprisings Rock U. S. CitiesBy Joseph Hansen
Excerpts from Speech by Clifton DeBerry
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6
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Statement By Paul Boutelle
The responsibility and guilt for the assassination of Dr. MartinLuther King rest squarely with the racist capitalist government. FromWashington right on down to the local city administrations, thedemands of black people have been met with violence and repression,the same response displayed by the assassin.
What has been the answer at every level of government to the waveof angry protests which swept the black community on the newsof the murder of Dr. King? Troops, bullets, rifle butts, bayonets,and tear gas. Having done absolutely nothing to improve the conditions of black people in the months since last summer's massiveprotests, the capitalist power structure has responded to these renewedoutbreaks of wrath against racist terror and oppression with the dispatch of over 60,000 troops in addition to local police, with over15, 000 arrests of black people and with the killing and woundingof many others.
In Oakland, California, cops used the occasion to assassinate BlackPanther Party militant Bobby James Hutton, and to shoot and reimprison Black Panther Party leader Eldridge Cleaver.
The man who pulled the trigger on the rifle that killed Dr. Kingwas emulating that kind of racist violence on the part of the protectors of "law and order" who, in the name of defending "privateproperty," are ready to shoot down a man for expropriating a shirt.
The assassin was hoping to imitate the action of the Memphiscops who, just a few days earlier, shot and killed in cold blood16-year-old Larry Payne- and got away with it. This murder occurredduring the police rampage against a peaceful march led by Dr. Kingin support of striking sanitation workers.
The Memphis city authorities have met the demands of the blacksanitation workers for union recognition, a union contract, and anincrease in their miserable wages with court injunctions, police attacks,the hiring of scabs, and other acts of strikebreaking. They have metthe demands of the entire black community in Memphis, which has
Paul Boutelle, Socialist Workers Party candidate for Vice-President,issued the above statement on April 9. It is reprinted from TheMilitant of April 15, 1968.
4
taken up the cause of the sanitation workers, with attacks on peacefuldemonstrations.
The Tennessee state government joined the conspiracy against theblack community and sent National Guard troops to suppress theblack people and weaken the fight of the sanitation workers.
The murderous action of the assassin fits right into this logic ofgovernment suppression of black people. It was prefigured by everycop across the country who brutalizes black people, every cop whopicks up a black youth and works him over in the back room ofthe station house. But the responsibility does not stop with the localgovernments.
It is the federal government that stands behind the state and localgovernments, condoning and supporting their actions, ready to sendits massive machine of violence to keep black people down, as thelast few days have amply demonstrated. And it is the federal government which is and has been all these years primarily responsiblefor maintaining the system of racial oppression.
Afro-Americans cannot expect the capitalist power structure at anylevel to protect them or their leaders. Cops and national guardsmenwere swarming over Memphis when Dr. King was shot, but they wereso busy keeping the black community down they provided noprotection for Dr. King, in spite of the fact that repeated threatshad been made on his life and he was in danger.
Jesse Jackson, an aide of Dr. King, said that as soon as themurderous shot was fired, ee I saw police coming from everywhere.They said, 'Where did it come from?' And I said, 'Behind you.'The police were coming from where the shot came. "
Black people cannot expect city, state or federal governments toprotect them from racist killers. They have the constitutional rightand obvious need to organize to defend themselves.
Black people cannot expect redress of their grievances by the racistcapitalist government. The entire history of this country demonstratesthat racism has been incorporated into the very foundations of thecapitalist system. The government has never intended and does notnow intend to go one step beyond meaningless policies of tokenism andgradualism where the vital needs of black people are concerned.A long series of bitter experiences have demonstrated that black peoplecannot hope the capitalist government will change its basic policies.Experience has proven that before black people can attain justice,the government itself must be changed.
It follows that the central problem for Afro-Americans is a politicalone. It can be solved only by taking independent black politicalaction. Afro-Americans must have their own independent politicalparty. Only through such a political instrument of their own canblack people effectively combat a ruling class that profits from themaintenance of racial oppression and controls the government through
- Phot o by Shannon
Paul Boutelle (in center of photo), Socialist WorkersParty candidate for Vice-President, marching in April 8parade in Memphis in support of sanitation strikersand memory of Dr. King. At Boutelle's left is FredHalstead, SWP candidate for President.
the capitalist politicians, organized in the Democratic and Republicanparties.
An independenf black party, responsible to the black masses, wouldbe capable of organizing our energy and determination and angerinto a powerful political striking forc e capable of taking on the oppressors at the highest, most important level , the level of politics,of government. We would then end our situation of political impotence,and powerfully advance our struggle to control our lives and communities. Through our example of independent political action againstthe capitalist parties, we could spearhead a general anticapitalistmovement that will take governmental power out of the hands ofthe exploiters, opening the way to the construction of a new societybased on human dignity, justice, and brotherhood.
Martin Luther King-the End of an Era
By G.org. Monck
The 39-year-old Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was shot downby an unidentified white gunman in Memphis, Tennessee, Thursday,April 4, as he was planning to lead the second massive street demonstration in suport of the striking sanitation workers of that city thefollowing Monday.
The assassination of the civil-rights leader not only ended the lifeof the most celebrated advocate and practitioner of nonviolent massaction since Mahatma Gandhi but brutally terminated an entire phaseof the black liberation struggle in the United States.
Martin Luther King has been prominently identified with the movement against racial segregation for thirteen years. He was first propelled into the national limelight by his participation in the 1955bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama, once the capital of the Confederacy. This city-wide action, which came a year after the SupremeCourt decision outlawing segregation in the public schools, markedthe beginning of the civil-rights movement. Through this successful381-day boycott, the young Baptist preacher first popularized thepacifist teachings of Gandhi and Thoreau as the way to equality andemancipation.
When his own home was bombed, he counseled the angry neighbors,who rallied to his side, to use the "weapon of love" rather than hate.
This remained the center of his philosophy and program to the veryend. Late in 1963, at a meeting of poor blacks who had been brutally beaten by local police in Gadsden, Alabama, King urged: "Someof you have knives, and I ask you to put them up. Some of you havearms, and I ask you to put them up. Get the weapon of nonviolence,the breastplate of righteousness, the armor of truth, and just keepmarching."
King kept marching in this spirit. In 1960, after the first sit-insin the South, he launched the Southern Christian Leadership Conference(SCLC), based on Negro ministers, business and professional men.By its emphasis upon mass mobilizations, this middle-class civilrights movement represented an advance over the previous tacticsof the principal Negro organization, the National Association for
Reprinted from World Outlook, April 12, 1968.
7
the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), which had largelylimited itself to legal and legislative measures. I
The SCLC organized campaigns designed to put pressure uponlocal, state, and federal authorities to secure civil and legal rightsfor oppressed Negroes. In 1961 it helped initiate the freedom lidesto integrate Southern buses. The next year it conducted a struggle 'Itodesegregate public facilities in Albany, Georgia, which failed. Thehigh points of King's influence were reached in August, 1963, whenhe was the star in the assembly of 250,000 people at the LincolnMemorial in Washington, and in March, 1965, when he led 25,000marchers from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama, in a drive for voterregistration and desegregation.
These actions succeeded in focusing national and international attention on the racial conflict in the United States, impelled the Kennedyand Johnson administrations to pay lip service to the grievancesof the black population, and forced Congress to pass several civilrights bills. But they did nothing to relieve or remove the basic problems agitating the black community: police brutality, unemployment,inadequate education and housing, and other built-in evils of theracist capitalist system.
The flagrant failure to achieve the main objectives of King's civilrights crusades after a decade of struggle from 1955 to 1965, andthe paltry results obtained from his liberalistic policy of pleadingwith capitalist politicians for improvements, ushered in a new stageof the struggle. The outstanding representative of this more militantand radical phase was Malcolm X, who rose to challenge Dr. King'sChristian pacifist principles and dependence upon the powers-thatbe before he, too, was gunned down by assassins in February, 1965.
King and his associates aspired to eliminate racial inequalitiesthrough integration into official white society by peaceful, legal, andelectoral means. They brought the presence and pressure of the massesto bear upon the authorities in limited ways, hoping to make themmore responsive to the just claims of the black minority. But, whenever the masses threatened to move too aggressively against theracist system and its official upholders, King hastened to curb andcall off their activities.
The Democratic administrations often turned to the compliant Kingand his organization to hold the aruused black communities in check.Thus, after the 1964 outbursts in Harlem and other cities of theNorth with large black populations, King signed a statement callingfor "a broad curtailment if not total moratorium on mass demonstrations until after the Presidential elections."
This moderate course won him the Nobel Peace Prize. At the timeof his murder, he still had the largest personal following of any Negroleader, especially among middle-class blacks and whites. However,he had lost his hold upon the vanguard of the black liberation strug-
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gle and, above all, upon the youthful rebels who were in its frontranks.
His loss of influence over the militant youth was most dramticallyevidenced in the evolution of the Student Nonviolent CoordinatingCommittee. SKICK was established in 1960 under his sponsorshipas I the student counterpart of the Southern Christian LeadershipConference. By 1967 most of SNICK's leadership and membershfd 'r epu dia ted King's civil disobedience methods, turned away fromhis pacifism, and adopted Malcolm X's ideas. They became forcefuladvocates of the "black power" and black nationalism that Kingopposed.
King was fully aware that he had passed the peak of his effectiveness. He sought to regain his authority and attune himself to the moremilitant moods of the urban masses by radicalizing his positionsto a certain extent in two directions. In 1966 he became the firstmoderate civil-rights leader to oppose the Vietnam war, which hecharacterized as "one of the most unjust wars ever fought in thehistory of the world."
At the same time he intensified his campaigns to improve slumconditions in Chicago, Cleveland, and elsewhere in the North - butwith no success. He was killed while preparing for a Poor People'sCrusade, scheduled to begin in Washington on April 22.
His organization was planning to bring 3,000 Negroes from theSouth to camp out in the nation's capital as a means of puttingpressure on Congress to provide decent jobs and a living income forthe black poor.
King's ambivalent role as a leader of the black community washighlighted by the events preceding his assassination. He had goneto Memphis to assist the organization of Negro ministers namedCOME (Community on the Move for Equality), which had beenformed to support the three-months-long fight of 1,300 sanitationworkers for union recognition. The entire black community wasactively behind the strike, which was likewise endorsed by the localAFL-CIO.
On March 28 King led a massive solidarity march of 15,000,including thousands of black students, down the Memphis streets.Hundreds of demonstrators were injured and one black youth waskilled when the Memphis cops assaulted the marchers with tear gas,clubs and chemical sprays. The National Guard was sent in to intimidate the strikers and their supporters. King had returned to heada second protest march when he was shot down
While King's ministerial associates were calling upon their followersto rededicate themselves to "nonviolence as a way of life," the reactionof most black Americans was best articulated by Floyd McKissick,National Director of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). Hesaid that King's death by violence meant the end of the nonviolent
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philosophy. "Dr. Martin Luther King was the last prince of nonviolence ... nonviolence is a dead philosophy and it was not theblack people that killed it. It was the white people that killed nonviolence and white racists at that."
This was the prevailing sentiment among the black community andits most forceful spokesmen. In Washington, Stokely Carmichael isreported to have told about 400 black militants to "go home andget your guns" for self-protection. After the news of King's assassinationspread, there were scattered outbursts of outrage and protests inblack communities in all sections of the country.
The real attitude of the ruling class was made plain, not by thecondolences of its representatives, but by the actions of its officials.The Tennessee government sent 4,000 troops into Memphis anhour after the shooting to keep the black people subdued. The federalgovernment prepared to move elite army troops swiftly against anytroubled areas. The 18th Airborne Corps at Fort Bragg, NorthCarolina, opened its emergency operation headquarters; while David E.McGiffert, Under Secretary of the Army, General Harold K. Johnson,Army Chief of Staff, and General Counsel of the Army Robert Jordan,went to Army Operations Center at the Pentagon.
The full returns of this bloody deed have yet to be registered. Thedeath of Dr. King removes from the arena of action the most reliablepersonality that officials could turn to in times of extreme tensionbetween the infuriated black masses and the authorities. The twoassassinations, first of the militant and uncompromising Malcom X,and now of the moderate and conciliatory Martin Luther King,have dealt mortal blows to the philosphy of nonviolence.
Millions more Afro-Americans are now convinced that it is theblack skin and subject status, rather than the special ideas and programs of their leaders, that matter most. They see that the UnitedStates is ruled by a gang of killers, who operate with equal ruthlessness abroad and at home, that they can rely only upon themselvesfor security, and that they must be armed for self-protection againstofficial and unofficial genocidal assaults.
Uprisings Rock U.S. Cities
By J05lP~ Hal5l1
Within hours of the slaying of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King,Jr., Thursday, April 4, Afro-Americans in the ghettos of more thanforty cities in the United States were in the streets. To most of themthe assassination of the black community's leading advocate of nonviolence was clinching proof that white America had declared war tothe finish against the blacks.
Chicago was swept by fires declared to be the worst since 1871.In Washington, to find a parallel for the columns of smoke risingover the dome of Congress, commentators had to go back to thewar of 1812. Violence flared in dozens of cities as police, the NationalGuard and troops moved in with armor and tear gas, like "pacification" forces in a colonial conflict. The April 7 New York Timespictured the scenes as "warnings of catastrophic civil war at home."
In truth, the social and political crisis facing America's capitalistruling class was the most acute since the eve of the Civil War acentury ago.
The entire communications media rallied to the emergency withsingular unanimity. The television companies in particular pushedaside their regular programs to saturate the channels with materialaimed at assuaging the feelings of the black community, keeping thempinned to their television screens and subjected to Martin LutherKing's image and voice on the single theme of nonviolence.
The tapes showing scenes in King's life were carefully selectedand edited to emphasize nothing but his Gandhian philosophy of nonviolence. Little was shown of the marches he organized, the demonstrations he headed, the masses he led into the streets.
No shots were shown even of his last action in Memphis in behalfof the striking sanitation workers, the action that was disrupted bythe Memphis police, who shot one of the demonstrators, thus incitingthe atmosphere of violence which King's assassin only carried to itslogical conclusion.
Similarly by-passed on television were King's denunciations ofthe failure of the powers-that-be to act, his warning of what couldhappen if the lawmakers persisted in their course of disregarding
Reprinted from World Outlook, April 12, 1968.
11
the basic causes of the mounting unrest and rebellion in the ghettos.Likewise disregarded was the last phase of Martin Luther King's
public activity in which he joined the opposition to the war in Vietnamand sought to help link up the antiwar and civil-rights movements.No television channel, for instance, ran tapes of Martin Luther Kingaddressing what he said was the largest audience he ever spokebefore-the huge throng of 400,000 persons who participated inthe April 15, 1967, antiwar demonstration in New York.
In addition, a striking aspect of all this propaganda was the prominence given to Negroes like Roy Wilkins of the National Associationfor the Advancement of Colored People and Whitney M. Young, Jr.,of the National Urgan League, long notorious as house servantsof the white capitalist power structure. More militant spokesmenof the black people were given minimun time, and the best-knownadvocates of black power, like Stokely Carmichael and H. Rap Brown,were virtually excluded.
But anger was running deep in the ghettos. John C. Waugh reportedfrom Los Angeles in the April 6 Christian Science Monitor.
"Many blacks here, in the shadow of Watts, where the first violentoutbreak of the black revolution erupted three summers ago, thinkthe King murder opens a whole new and troubled era in Americanrace relations.
"'Now the black man really feels threatened,' one Negro here said.'If a man like King can't survive, then where is there room for peaceful protest?' "
Three correspondents reported from New York in the same issueof the Monitor.
"But a local preacher, the Rev. Jesse Truvillion, seemed closerto the general Harlem reaction with his word: 'rage.'
"'And that,' he said, 'is probably the mildest feeling you'll findin Harlem. Who could expect less? We've endorsed hatred in thiscountry for so long that we get to expecting something like that[ the assassination]. '
"The Rev. Mr. Truvillion, asked what he might say to his congregation next Sunday, thought for a moment, then said: 'I wouldnot advise them to engage in violence. However, I don't think oneman did the shooting. There are a few million people in this countrywhose hatred pulled that trigger.
"'We have warned for years that the white man must learn to lovethe Negro before the Negro learned to hate like the white man does.Now it's too late, brother. We've learned to hate."'I cannot climb into my pulpit on Sunday and in good conscience
preach the love of Calvary. ' "Again in the same issue of the Monitor, Howard James reported
from Louisville, Kentucky, on a conversation with Samuel Hawkins,a devoted follower of Martin Luther King, who spent much of last
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summer in jail in Louisville because of his participation in civil-rightsmarches.
At a Baptist church, Samuel Hawkins announced the news aboutDr. King. "Then he showly turned to me and said in measuredwords: 'That's it. That's it. Nonviolence died with Dr. King.'
"As his anger obviously rose, he turned away from me and saidto no one in particular, 'That's white America.'
"Then he turned back to me (a white reporter)."'That's what happens to the decent guys. He didn't say nothing
about black power. He didn't advocate violence. He preached love,man. And they killed him. Carmichael was right. He WuS right.' "
Howard James reports another conversation, this time in the homeof the Rev. A. D. King, Martin Luther King's brother:
"Marshall Jackson, a Negro college student who accompanied us,stood on the front lawn and said words that seemed to reflect themood of all young Negroes that surrounded me:
ee 'I feel anger all over me. I feel hate swelling up in me. If a (whiteman) came down the street now 1 think 1 could kill him in revenge.'
"But even as he said it, it became clear he was lashing out atprejudice, hatred, and violence - not really at white men.
"For he said these words to me, and 1 am white. Because 1 stoodbeside him there on the Rev. Mr. King's lawn, he forgot about mycolor. "
This should be sufficient to indicate how closely in tune StokelyCarmichael was with the prevailing mood in the ghettos when hespoke at a news conference in Washington AprilS. Here is the accountas published in the New York Post the following day:
"Black power spokesman Stokely Carmichael says 'white Americais incapable of dealing with the (race) problem' and warned of increasing violence in the streets.
"He spoke first at a news conference in the headquarters of theStudent Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and later at a HowardUniversity rally.
"Speaking softly at his news conference, Carmichael told thereporters:
"'When white America killed Dr. King last night she declared waron us ... We have to retaliate for the deaths of our leaders. Theexecutions of those deaths will not be in the courtrooms. They'regoing to be in the streets of the United States of America . . . '
"He went on to say: 'The kind of man that killed Dr. King lastnight made it a whole lot easier for a whole lot of black peopletoday. There no longer needs to be intellectual discussions. Blackpeople know that they have to get guns. White America will live tocry since she killed Dr. King last night. It would have been betterif she had killed Rap Brown and/or Stokely Carmichael. But whenshe killed Dr. King, she lost it.'
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"Carmichael termed King's murder America's 'biggest mistake'and added: 'When white America killed Dr. King, she opened theeyes of every black man in this country . . . He was the one manin our race who was trying to teach our people to have love, compassion and mercy for white people. When white America killedDr. King last night she declared war on us . . .' "
The shift in mood in the ghettos, precipitated by the assassinationof Dr. King, constitutes a change in the American political sceneof the greatest portent. Its first consequence was a nationwide explosion of anger. The fires that lit up the night in such metropolitancenters as Chicago will die down, but the feeling of hate, of intolerablesuffocation and provocation, will endure.
This now becomes a new force which every political tendency inAmerica will have to take into account from here on out. It derivesnot from a passing incident but from the superexploitation, thepoverty, the segregation, indignities and violence that constitute lifein America for some twenty million black people.
How will the capitalist ruling class seek to deal with this force?The administration's immediate reaction gave a good indication.
What up to that moment had been a crisis of the first order in foreignpolicy-the war in Vietnam-was pushed aside. Johnson canceledhis projected trip to Hawaii, where he was to consider Hanoi's response to his reduction of the bombing of North Vietnam. The dayafter the assassination of King, President Johnson declared a stateof "domestic violence and disorder" in the nation's capital. By Sundaythe local police force of 2,800 men had been supplemented by 12,500troops; the city resembled a battlefield, and the White House, surrounded by machine guns and battle-ready troops, reminded onlookersof the U. S. embassy in Saigon during the "Tet Offensive."
The line behind which the ruling class appeared to be uniting wasexpressed in an editorial in the April 7 New York Times: "Therecan be no hesitation, no timidity in protecting endangered cities.Burners and looters must be repressed by a massive show of policeforce and arrests."
In Chicago, Mayor Richard J. Daley, an influential boss of theJohnson machine, spoke even more clearly. With 7,500 nationalguardsmen and 5,000 federal troops in the streets and with casualtiesalready at eleven dead and more than 200 wounded, the mayor,speaking over television April 6, demanded "sterner methods" andindicated that it was time to begin "shooting looters." . . .
As for the Afro-Americans, increasing numbers of them will nowundoubtedly come to the conclusion that the great need now is effectivepolitical organization. The explosive force of the ghettos needs arevolutionary program, competent leadership, and disciplined actionto give it irresistible power.
Excerpts From a Speech
By (liflo. D,Berry
On the day of Martin Luther King's funeral, a young Afro-Americansaid to me: "You know, 1 feel upset, 1 feel bad, but I'm confused."1 asked why, and he replied: "I find it hard to understand. How comethey kill him and then they eulogize him? 1 don't understand it."
1 think that to some extent this represents the reaction in the blackcommunity during this whole past week. So first we should be clearabout who is responsible for the assassination of Dr. King. The blamehas to be placed where it belongs. It is this white capitalist systemthat breeds the racism, race prejudice, race hatred, and bigotry thatcaused the murder of Dr. King. And all of the beautiful eulogiesand flags flying at half-mast cannot exonerate this government fromits guilt in the murder.
• • •In all those television and radio broadcasts they left out the fact
that Dr. King had denounced this government for its failure to resolvethe grievances of black people. They also left out the fact that hehad gone on record in opposition to the war in Vietnam and hadcalled it an unjust and immoral war. They also left out or playeddown the events leading up to the assassination- the fact that ademonstration by black strikers had been attacked by the Memphispolice and the cops killed a black youth.
Dr. King was in Memphis to support the black sanitation workersin their fight to get better wages, better working conditions, to get aunion, to achieve dignity. But the fact that he had to be called in tohelp - and lay down his life - is an indictment of this country's bankrupt labor leaders. They had given a little money, but they hadn'treally done their duty by the Memphis strikers or other workers inthe South. They haven't been doing their job of organizing the unorganized, of unionizing the South.
The AFL-CIO bigwigs have been afraid to undertake that becausethey are tied up with the Democratic Party. And they had even lessstomach for the job in 1968 because this is a presidential-election
The above are excerpts from DeBerry's speech at the New YorkMilitant Labor Forum on April 12. DeBerry, National Chairmanof the Socialist Workers 1968 National Campaign Committee, wasthe SWP Presidential candidate in 1 964.
15
yea r. And a serious stru ggle to unionize the South would lead to ahead-on conflict with the Democratic Party. And this would createproblems for them, come November . So th ey , to o, share in the responsibility for the assassination of Dr. King.
* * *There is no black control of the black community unless the black
community controls the politics of that community. Black peoplecannot control the politics of their community as long as the Democratic Party or Republican Party, whichever the case may be, selectsthe candidates for the people to elect.
Only by breaking from the Democratic and Republican parties,only by organizing their own political party, can black people beginthe process of getting their freedom.
Black people must draw the following fundamental conclusion:This capitalist society will not grant Afro-Americans their freedom.The only way that black people are going to get their freedom isby changing this capitalist system, turning it upside down, insideout, by making a complete, basic change.
In order to do this we must utilize our political power- that'sthe real power. And we can do thi s best by organizing our ownpolitical party. When I say " p olitica l party, " I'm not just talkingabout a party that runs candidates in an election campaign- althoughit would do that too. What I'm talking about is a party which unitesthe entire black community of this country from Maine to California,from the Mexican to the Canadian border. A party whose aim is tobring about a fundamental change and which mobilizes the energiesof black people 365 days a year- educating, organizing and leadingcampaigns and actions for their benefit. A party that not only fightselection campaigns, but one that fights for good housing by organizing tenants and conducting rent strikes. That fights for more andbetter jobs with picketlines, demonstrations, and boycotts. That fightsfor black control of the community 's schools and that plans and achieves model, quality education for black children which infuses themwith pride in themselves and their people. A party that organizesself-defense, ends police brutality, and takes over municipal servicesin the community. This kind of party would also seek to organizeblack workers into unions. Where they are already in unions wherethe AFL-CIO leadership sits on its dead rear end, it should organizethe black unionists into a black caucus to protect and advance theirinterests, to make all members first-class members, and to make theunions militant and democratic.
This is the kind of party I'm talking about. It 's the kind of partythat puts forth a program in the interest of the black community as awhole, which can draw black people together regardless of theirdifferences, that can bring about a united front of black people inthe interests of freedom.
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