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STREETS NOT THROUGH 2
Abstract
This paper explores the areas of St. Louis that were formerly a contiguous street system and were
voluntarily dissected to create introspective neighborhoods. Primary concerns of the research are
focused on where, why, and how these were implemented, as the city may be either adapting to
changing market forces or in response to fear from problematic social conditions such as nearby
crime rates. Particular focus is on spatial mapping of these elements as they relate to wards within
the city.
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 3Streets are one of the most fundamental aspects of building a city. Many cities are
begun as an intersection of two country lanes, which build over time and continue to evolve. In
many cases, the road continues to widen, and the buildings that were rst built adjacent to the
streets may evolve to be replaced by other buildings, but the original street the building facedremains the same. These same streets have the capability to de ne boundaries, or conversely the
capability to connect towns, neighborhoods, or areas together. Streets can even create an effect of
causing one area to grow more rapidly than an adjacent area based on its path and location.
Once laid, a street often remains in its location. Because of their permanent nature, the
development and pathway of cities is often correlated with the manner in which streets are laid.
Very rarely is the path of a street subsequently diverted in a different manner. In the beginning of the twentieth century, several new designs for residential areas were presented with the plans for
Radburn, New Jersey, from which many aspects of suburban residential development were
copied.
St. Louis, like many other American cities in the twentieth century, has witnessed an
incredible change since the closure of World War II. At the time, the city was already beginning a
de-densi cation 1, but it was radically accelerated during the 1950s, dropping to 750,026 and its
1 U. S. Census Bureau. St. Louis Population Changes. (Washington, D.C.: 2009).
0
200,000
400,000
600,000
800,000
1,000,000
0
200,000
400,000
600,000
800,000
1,000,000
Figure 1. Population changes in St. Louis, 1830-2000.
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 4lowest point of 362,736 in 2000. Concurrent with these population changes was a palpable
amount of racial injustice, which often excluded entire districts from obtaining loans for
improvements. 2 Fifty years later, the remnants of this policy can still be seen on a regional scale,
where entire cities look blighted and beyond repair. Within the city of St. Louis, however, theeffects are more pocketed, where neighborhoods - and even segments within them mark
changes in blight.
In 2009, the U. S. Census Bureau reported St. Louis had a net population gain of 6,172
from the 2000 Census, to 368,908 3, while the population of the county as a whole has declined.
This may suggest that people have begun to move into the city. Considering market trends of
spacious living it seems, these new residents move into a city with suburban concepts that thecentral cities must adapt to in order to regain population. For example, each condo or apartment
often needs to have a spacious kitchen with modern appliances, and at least one parking spot per
tenant. If the city wants to revive itself, it needs to do what it can to embrace the trend. For that
reason, a variety of urban housing incentives and redevelopment grants exist 4, which are largely
credited with continuing the population gain. 5
Similarly, the urban revival has impacted the citys streets. Having been built with afairly continuous street grid, St. Louis has cleaved its network in the past several decades. Now
streets that used to exist for miles are now segmented, stopping connections between many
residential streets and the major streets that pass along them. The irony of this is that many urban
planners see cul-de-sacs as an objectionable idea, since in cutting the grid a hierarchy of transit
levels is formed, leading to zoning regulations that separates housing from grocery stores and
transit 6.2 Dedman, Bill. 1988. The Color of Money. The Atlanta Journal and The AtlantaConstitution. May 1-4.3 U. S. Census Bureau. St. Louis Population Changes. (Washington, D.C.: 2009).4 U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. Available Funds. (Washington,D.C.: 2008).5 Andrews, Marcellus. 1994. On the Dynamics of Growth and Poverty in Cities.Citiscape 1, 1 (August): 53-73.6 Duany, Andres, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk and Jeff Speck. Suburban Nation. (New York:Farrar Straus & Giroux, 2001).
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 5
2
7
5
6
9
28
8
34
1
17
22
24
10
27
19
16
23
18
21
26
1312
14
25
15
20
11 11
Legend
Blockages
Year
1976; 1977; 1978; 1979
1980; 1981; 1982; 1983; 1984; 1985; 1986; 1987; 1988; 1989
1990; 1991; 1992; 1993; 1994; 1995; 1996; 1997; 1998; 1999
2000; 2001; 2002; 2003; 2004; 2005; 2007; 2008; 2009
Wards
Streets
Rivers
0.5 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.50.25
Miles
Figure 2. Saint Louis Street Blockages by Decade, 1970-Present.
The disconnections of the street grid have occurred primarily in the neighborhoods of
Skinker / DeBaliviere, DeBaliviere Place, and the Central West End in Ward 28; Shaw and Tower
Grove East in Ward 8; Shaw, Botanical Heights (formerly McRee Town), Forest Park Southeast
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 6and Central West End in Ward 17, and Columbus Square, Old North St. Louis, and Near North
Riverfront in Ward 5. There are many differences in how the divides are manifested physically,
but large amount of similarities exist as to when and how the barriers were put in place.
2
7
5
6
9
28
8
34
1
17
22
24
10
27
19
16
23
18
21
26
1312
14
25
15
20
11 11
Legend
BlockagesType
barricade
cul
highway barrier
iron fence (P.C.)
post/rails
posts/chains
pots
wrought iron fence
WardsWards
Streets
Rivers
0.3 0 0.3 0.6 0.9 1.2 1.50.15 Miles
Figure 3. Saint Louis Street Blockages by Type, 1970-Present.
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 7In all, there are 262 streets that used to be contiguous yet no longer are throughways.
These sectioned pieces of infrastructure represent an important history to the usage and personal
identi cation with the residents of the city, and how a city can choose to change in an effort to
adapt to the diverse needs of its people.
In the 1950s, the city was beginning to decline in population, as the rising middle-class
population was able to move to newer houses that could be owned through FHA mortgages 7.
Concurrently, images of owning a house with a white picket fence along a quiet residential street
were heavily promoted in both public and private advertising. Not wanting to be outdone by a
neighbor, many residents of the city rapidly moved westward, and the City of St. Louis lost an
enormous percentage of its population. Many new neighborhoods were built rapidly, such as thisone: 8
Image 1. Development in Saint Louis County dated 1948.
7 Institute on Race and Poverty, Minority Suburbanization and Racial Change: StableIntegration, Neighborhood Transition,and the Need for Regional Approaches Washington, D.C.:2005).8 Google Inc. 38 39 16.55N|90 1948.38W. (Mountain Bay, CA: 2009).
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 8As the population decline of the city pervaded, many ideas were publicly proposed that
might re-energize the city. Several plans suggested ways of clearing the city so that it might
have the opportunity to evolve in new ways. 9 Other urban theorists, such as Oscar Newman,
recommended making multiple small changes and letting the city exist as it is. In Creating Defensible Spaces , his 1972 compilation of theories, Newman proposed that an area is safer
when people feel a sense of ownership and responsibility for a particular segment of their
community. 10 As St. Louis was the initial city of study, much of his theories were rst tested in
the city, then later applied them on a larger scale in other cities such as Dayton, Ohio.
Image 2. Many of Newmans drawings in Defensible Spaces look remarkably similar to the Radburn plan. The streets endin cul-de-sacs, but empty onto collectors that transfer traf c toarterials.
9 Teaford, Jon C. Urban Renewal and Its Aftermath, (New York, 2000): 443-65.10 Newman, Oscar. Creating Defensible Space. U.S. Of ce of Housing and UrbanDevelopment. (Washington, D.C.: 1973), 38
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 10Committee on Ways and Means. After 1977, however, there are no additional suggestions by the
committee, and all requests are made from aldermen acting on behalf of their residents.
There were twenty three in 1978, and fourteen in 1979, and six in 1980, a majority of
which were in the 6 th and 28 th Wards (depicted in Appendix A). It appears from the maps that in
the 1970s the 28th Ward did not have an drastic rise that might correspond to a communal desire
for protection. There were only three new barricades in 1981, ve in 1982, and three again in
1983. However, thirty new barricades were added in 1984, eighteen in 1985, and thirteen in
1986. These were monstly concentrated in the 8 th, 18 th, and 28 th Wards. At this point, all but one
of the barricades presently in Skinker/Debaliver had been installed, and all of the barricades in
the 8th
Ward had been installed as well. No signi cant events in the years 1978 through 1980 and1984 through 1986 that would indicate a speci c need to respond to a crime increase.
Between 1987 and 1993, an average of less than four closures per year occurred, when
three-term mayor Vincent Schoemehl left of ce. In his twelve-year tenure, 104 barricades had
been installed under forty separate ordinances. Of these, fty- ve were planters, which many
residents of St. Louis currently refer to as Schoemehl pots (depicted in Appendix B).
Image 3. Sample planters.
These planters are actually sewer pipes, cut into a four foot length then cast with a solid
bottom and a few drainholes. In some areas, these planters are painted to look more attractive.
It was interesting to look at Figure 5 and note that when comparing types of barricades across
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 11neighborhoods, Ward 5 has a larger majority of the planters than Ward 28 or 17, which may be
due to the reduced income of the area and a weaker voice in receiving allocated funds.
Though the barricades and planters are considered to be one of Schoemehls legacies in
St. Louis, he had very little to do with deciding which streets would be blocked off, or by what
method. In many cases, the decision to sequester a part of a neighborhood came from residents
of the street itself and needed subsequent approved by the neighborhood alderman. The alderman
would propose it at the Board of Alderman meetings, and would almost certainly be passed into
ordinance. Initially, each street closure was considered without any sort of integrated plan or
validation of improved property values or safety. It theoretically could have been possible to
block off an entire neighborhood by each street requesting their own to be blocked.
Although every street closure is commissioned with an of cial ordinance from the citys
Board of Alderman meetings, the public records contain no mention of voting records amongst
the aldermen themselves, or public comments prior to their voting. In lieu of going through the
monthly or semi-monthly meetings of each, the report has narrowed to the 17 th Ward, which
comprises Forest Park Southeast and Botanical Heights. Current Alderman Joseph D. Roddy has
been a public servant of this area for 22 years, and his father, Joseph P. Roddy, was an aldermanon the Committee of Ways and Means in the late 1970s and early 1980s.
In the 17 th Ward, presumably as every other area, the initial bollards were installed for a
variety of reasons. In public meetings, the rationale for the citys installation is safety when our
kids play on the street and slowing down the traf c in front of our houses from ying by, as
opposed to keeping out potential criminals, and protecting out real estate values. 15
Without question, these two levels of reasons are intertwined and yet only discussed on
one level. By discussing aspects that often have positive connotations, such as letting the kids
play in the street, the residents appeal to prototypical plans of suburban residential development.
These positive connotations have a more positive outcome, as they receive more factual coverage
15 Urban Design Associates. Forest Park Southeast Revitalization Plan. (St. Louis, 1999).
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 12in local press, such as the St. Louis Post-Dispatch or neighborhood publications. If residents
were to be publicly stating a desire to prevent interaction with other residents, a newspaper could
easily escalate the situation with editorials and one-sided coverage.
This stems from a major issue despite many claims of safety improvement, faster
residential sales, and so forth, there was a de nitive lack of researched, comparative analysis
that studied whether or not these barricades made any signi cant contribution to the crime rates
in the area. Considering the wide-spread usage in other cities such as Chicago, Baltimore, and
Cleveland that shared issued of blight, crime, and racial tension, one would think that factual-
based implementation could be more accessible.
Image 5. Analysis showing fewer crime locations after barricades installed.
Only one recent thesis document 16 was able to be uncovered, which did prove a small
decline in crime, with the exception that drug crimes were simply relocated to other areas of the
city [depicted in Appendix C].
16 Zavoski, Robert W., Lapidus, Garry D., Lerer, Trudy J. Evaluating The Impact Of A
Street Barrier On Urban Crime. Inj Prev (1999), 66.
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 13The discovering of the thesis seems to be at odds with a 1987 column in the Post-
Dispatch, 17 which discussed a fairly observation-based study on the routes taken by the St. Louis
Police Department. According to the article and illustrated in Image 5, the police cruisers would
patrol along a prescribed route though the neighborhood of Skinker/DeBalivere, and becausethe closures formed such a series on one-way-in-one-way-out routes, the cruisers would make
a circuit on a twenty-four minute cycle. That meant a potential car-jacker in this neighborhood
could have almost half an hour - without disturbance - to take a vehicle. Shortly after the article
was published, the police presumably changed their routes, and the rate of small crimes was
reduced in the neighborhood the following year.
Image 5. Prescribed police patrol route per Post-Dispatch, 1987.
In line with this thinking the theory of eyes on the street promoted by Jane Jacobs
would seem to add to increased crime, as less traf c passing through a residential street
can allow for a higher amount of petty violence. On page thirty ve, she lists three primary
requirements for keeping a street safe:
17 Is This The Best Method: Police Patrol. St. Louis Post-Dispatch. May 9, 1987.
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 14 First, there must be a clear demarcation between what is public space and what is private space.
Public space and private spaces cannot ooze into each other as they do typically in suburban
settings or in projects.
Second, there must be eyes upon the street, eyes belonging to those we might call the naturalproprietors of the street. The buildings on a street equipped to handle strangers and to insure the
safety of both residents and strangers, must be oriented to the street. They cannot turn their back or
blank sides on it and leave it blind.
And third, the sidewalk must have users on it fairly continuously, both to add to the number of
effective eyes on the street and to induce the people in buildings along the street to watch the
sidewalks in suf cient numbers. Nobody enjoys sitting on a stoop or looking out a window at
an empty street. ... Large numbers of people entertain themselves, off and on, by watching streetactivity.
In summary, she is advocating for through streets because it allows a heavier volume of traf c,
which in turn creates more citizens able to keep an eye on activities in the public realm of the
street, thereby reducing traf c. Reducing the number of cars can rapidly lead to a feeling of
isolation and neglect in an area that is not thriving, and may be a factor in reaching that urban
condition.
With 104 barricades in place when Vincent Schoemehl left of ce in 1993, the public
opinion of the barricades was reported in the newspaper. 18 When asked about their own
neighborhood, a majority of residents (65%) were either opposed or somewhat opposed to
the installation of barricades. When asked whether or not they should be removed, eighty-two
percent would be opposed to taking them out. It seems that once they were put into place, the
residents grew accustomed to their location, and realized they could commence with limited
access.
These results seems to be similar in the 17 th ward. A comprehensive master plan was
18 Remembering his Legacy: The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly of Vincent Schoemehl. St.
Louis Post-Dispatch. May 9, 1987.
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 15created in 1999, in response to the increasing blighted conditions in the neighborhood. The
barricades were a signi cant aspect of the plan by Urban Design Associates, as the lack of
maintenance in the planters had turned them into large encasements of dirt. 19 Several changes
were implemented, and as a result, several blocks have been converted from
ower pots toconcrete balls, which are a marked aesthetic improvement to the ill-maintained pots but less than
the requested granite balls.
One of the public comments referenced in the housing section was, I have the same
feelings [of despair] about the barriers installed in many neighborhoods throughout the region
that interrupt traf c ow and create domains with limited access. To my mind, these structures
are fundamentally undemocratic barriers akin to segregation.
The typical process of beginning a street blockage begins with a petition of a minimum of
six names belonging to the street that needs to be blocked. However, to remove the same street
closure requires three-quarters of the neighborhood , because the city does not want to remove
them then replace them at the next sign of fear.
Ten years later, the barricades continue to be a topic of discussion. As noted earlier, the
barriers often also complicate the pursuit of criminal justice. A large percentage of suspected
criminals resist arrest while on foot, while police of cers patrol in cars and are forced to go
through alleys or take a circuitous route to pursue. As a result, police patrol is diminished in areas
with minimal pathways when compared to as through streets. 20
Perhaps drawing from the precedent set by Shaw in 1985, when McBride and Sons
redeveloped the east portion of Botanical Heights in 2005, the streets of McRee and Blaine
were sectioned off with a curb and fence. The developers placed this condition as a requisite of
continuing with the project, 21 which neither screens views nor bars pedestrians from accessing
19 Op. cit. Urban Design Associates, p. 11.20 Fire Chief Joins Grieving Mother in Push to Remove Street Barricades. October 14,2009.21 Interview with Joseph P. Roddy, Alderman of 17th Ward, 6 May 2010.
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 16Botanical Heights East. The developers thought it was necessary for psychological separation
from the remainder of Botanical Heights, and the fence remains ve years later.
Image 5. Fence between old and new in Botanical Heights for visualeffects only.
One group vocally opposed to these sectioned grids is the St. Louis Fire Department. 22
In the fall of 2009, a major news story covered the rami cations of the barricades. A victim of
an errant gunshot was unable to be quickly reached by medical staff, who resorted to parking an
ambulance a block and a half away then hand-carrying her by stretcher back to the ambulance en
route to the hospital. Although barricades were never directly blamed for the victims death, they
certainly affected the response time. Dennis Jenkerson, the Fire Chief of the City of St. Louis
wants them all removed. As everybody says, minutes count. And sometimes this results in a
couple minutes of delay, says St. Louis Fire Chief Dennis Jenkerson. This has been an ongoing
concern of the Fire Departments. We dont like them. They severely impede what we do.
According to Alderman Joe Roddy, to undo these installations requires a new traf c
plan that creates a neighborhood-wide consensus, which most believe would not occur. Though
contested prior to installation, most neighborhood groups seem to support them once they are in22 Op. cit. Fire Chief Joins Grieving Mother in Push to Remove Street Barricades.
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 17place they are almost impossible to remove. The reason for this is that if removed, there is a high
likelihood of a request to reinstall them after the next crime. 23
Roddy also mentioned in the interview that sectioning off the neighborhood of Shaw was
for reasons other than property values. He emphasized the need for the city to renew interest by
alluring people from outside of the city into living within the borders so the city can grow. If
people want to feel like they belong to a small group within a city neighborhood, I see no reason
why that should be an issue. Its not a major expense, and theyre not truly permanent. If other
people come along afterwards and want to reconnect them they can still do that. But for now,
anything that brings people to Shaw and helps create this as a vibrant neighborhood is a good
idea to me.
When asked if it created mental differences from one sub-neighborhood to another, he
replied, Well, I think that no one wants to not have them if another group has one. So weve
gotten a number of requests to do more of them, which is still happening.
One other possible reason a resident of Forest Park Southeast stated for keeping the
bollards in place is bicycles. 24 Some bicyclists fear is that if the bollards are removed that
vehicles might not stop at stop signs, and may hit a bicyclist going across the intersection. 25 The
seemingly eternal list of scenarios for keeping them promotes a level of fear to change from the
status quo, and therefore the barricades remain in the streets.
In an interview, Thomas Gerran of The St. Louis Streets Department says they receive
an average of one request a month to close a street, and only one request a year to reopen one. 26
He reiterated that the streets department does not have the authority to close or reopen streets but
can serve as a reasonable barometer of opinion through the city as a whole. What does not occur,
23 Op. cit. Interview with Joseph P. Roddy, 6 May 2010.24 Interview with Alex Inhen, 15 May 2010.25 U.S. Department of Transportation. What Kind Of Barrier Will Keep Cars Off A BikePath? Washington, D.C.: 2006).26 Interview with Thomas Gerran, 18 April 2010.
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 18however, is any sort of proposal to alter the barricades to create more attractive, permanent, or
useful blockades.
There are several alternative designs that have been promoted in other cities in the past
fteen years. Some of the more common remedies are bump outs at intersections, mid block
compressors, tabletop intersections and speed bumps that diminish dangerous vehicular traf c.
It was stated in the City of Portlands 1997 Annual Report that creating these alternatives to
fully blocking the street creates a more vibrant opinion on the health of the neighborhood, which
enables investment to occur more easily within the neighborhood. 27 Attempting to understand the
political rhetoric, it seems that gates and fences cane keep the outside of the neighborhood from
diminishing its value, but if the value of the neighborhood is lower than those looking to investin its renewal, the barriers can act to neglect the neighborhood and reinvest elsewhere, essentially
sectioning off a segment of the city from recovering.
A month following the shooting incident, another news story arose. Having followed
closely on the heels of the shooting, this event contributed to renewed discussion about the need
for having so many barriers. On November 3, 2010, the Post-Dispatch reported that for the third
time in a month, the St. Louis police department had failed to apprehend a suspect of burglarydue to the barricades. 28 In this case, police were chasing a robbery suspect on foot through Forest
Park but lost him due to the barriers on Arco and Gibson in Forest Park Southeast. In a phone
call to follow up, he is still at large, though there has not been a rapid succession of unresolved
pursuits. 29
This research uncovered an interesting schism in that a democratic nation is also
capitalistic, and having to choose between each persons individual freedoms and the protection
of their greatest asset is a complex dilemma for many residents. I believe that may residents
likely would love to have the barriers removed, but since their largest asset is their residence,
27 The City of Portland. 1997 Annual Report. (Portland: 1997.)28 Another One Slips Through the Cracks St. Louis Post-Dispatch. November 3, 2010.29 Op. cit. Interview with Martie J. Aboussie, 6 May 2010.
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 19both owner occupied houses and the landlord of rental properties would probably prefer to keep
them in order to err on the safe side. Ultimately, given the ease of implementing the barricades
and the dif culty of extracting them, I believe that these often temporary solutions [depicted in
Figure 4] to diminishing crime have now permanent
xtures in the city of St. Louis, despite the ndings of this paper that indicate a low degree of correlation between installing the barricades
and reducing crime rates.
2
7
5
6
28
8
34
1
17
22
24
27
19
18
21
26
Legend"Temporary" Ordinance
Wards
Streets
Rivers
Figure 4. Saint Louis Street Blockages marked Temporary. A majority are still in place.
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APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 20
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APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 21
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APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 22
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APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 23
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APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 24
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APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 25
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APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 26
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APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 27
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APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 28
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n
d 1 9 7 6
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B
l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 7 6
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 7 7
1 9 7 6
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 7 7
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APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 29
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 7 8
1 9 7 7
1 9 7 6
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B
l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 7 8
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 7 9
1 9 7 8
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 7 7
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 7 9
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
30/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 30
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 8 0
1 9 7 9
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 7 8
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 8 0
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 8 1
1 9 8 0
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 7 9
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 8 1
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
31/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 31
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 8 2
1 9 8 1
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 8 0
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 8 2
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 8 3
1 9 8 2
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 8 1
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 8 3
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
32/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 32
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 8 4
1 9 8 3
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 8 2
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 8 4
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 8 5
1 9 8 4
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 8 3
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 8 5
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
33/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 33
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 8 6
1 9 8 5
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 8 4
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 8 6
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 8 8
1 9 8 6
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 8 5
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 8 8
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
34/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 34
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 9 0
1 9 8 8
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 8 6
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 9 0
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 9 1
1 9 9 0
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 8 8
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 9 1
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
35/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 35
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 9 2
1 9 9 1
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 9 0
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 9 2
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 9 3
1 9 9 2
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 9 1
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 9 3
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
36/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 36
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 9 4
1 9 9 3
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 9 2
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 9 4
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 9 5
1 9 9 4
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 9 3
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 9 5
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
37/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 37
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 9 6
1 9 9 5
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 9 4
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 9 6
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 9 7
1 9 9 6
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 9 5
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 9 7
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
38/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 38
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 9 8
1 9 9 7
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 9 6
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 9 8
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
1 9 9 9
1 9 9 8
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 9 7
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 1 9 9 9
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
39/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 39
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
2 0 0 0
1 9 9 9
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 9 8
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 2 0 0 0
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
2 0 0 1
2 0 0 0
1 9 7 6 - 1
9 9 9
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 2 0 0 1
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
40/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 40
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
2 0 0 2
2 0 0 1
1 9 7 6 - 2
0 0 0
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 2 0 0 2
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
2 0 0 3
2 0 0 2
1 9 7 6 - 2
0 0 1
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 2 0 0 3
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
41/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 41
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
2 0 0 4
2 0 0 3
1 9 7 6 - 2
0 0 2
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 2 0 0 4
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
2 0 0 5
2 0 0 4
1 9 7 6 - 2
0 0 3
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 2 0 0 5
8/9/2019 Streets Not Through_Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
42/57
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 42
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
2 0 0 7
2 0 0 5
1 9 7 6 - 2
0 0 4
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 2 0 0 7
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
Y e a r
2 0 0 9
2 0 0 7
1 9 7 6 - 2
0 0 5
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
i n 2 0 0 9
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APPENDIX B - BARRICADES BY TYPE OF RESTRICTION 43
! O
#
! O
! O ! O ! O
! O
! O
! O
! O
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
T y p e
j
B a r r i c a d e
! O
C u l - d e -
S a c
G
H i g h w a y
B a r r i e r
#
A l u m
i n u m
F e n c e
# *
P o s
t a n d
R a i
l s
#
P o s
t a n d
C h a i n s
P l a n t e r s - 1
0
P l a n t e r s - 1
1
P l a n t e r s - 2
P l a n t e r s - 3
P l a n t e r s - 4
P l a n t e r s - 5
P l a n t e r s - 6
P l a n t e r s - 7
P l a n t e r s - 8
W r o u g
h t I r o n
F e n c e
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
B y
T y p e , 1
9 7 9
! O
! O
! O ! O ! O ! O ! O ! O
! O ! O # ! O ! O
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
T y p e
j
B a r r i c a d e
! O
C u l - d e -
S a c
G
H i g h w a y
B a r r i e r
#
A l u m
i n u m
F e n c e
# *
P o s
t a n d
R a i
l s
#
P o s
t a n d
C h a i n s
P l a n t e r s - 1
0
P l a n t e r s - 1
1
P l a n t e r s - 2
P l a n t e r s - 3
P l a n t e r s - 4
P l a n t e r s - 5
P l a n t e r s - 6
P l a n t e r s - 7
P l a n t e r s - 8
W r o u g
h t I r o n
F e n c e
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
B y
T y p e , 1
9 8 5
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APPENDIX B - BARRICADES BY TYPE OF RESTRICTION 44
! O 2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
T y p e
j
B a r r i c a d e
! O
C u l - d e -
S a c
G
H i g h w a y
B a r r i e r
#
A l u m
i n u m
F e n c e
# *
P o s
t a n d
R a i
l s
#
P o s
t a n d
C h a i n s
P l a n t e r s - 1
0
P l a n t e r s - 1
1
P l a n t e r s - 2
P l a n t e r s - 3
P l a n t e r s - 4
P l a n t e r s - 5
P l a n t e r s - 6
P l a n t e r s - 7
P l a n t e r s - 8
W r o u g
h t I r o n
F e n c e
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
B y
T y p e , 1
9 9 3
! O
! O
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
T y p e
j
B a r r i c a d e
! O
C u l - d e -
S a c
G
H i g h w a y
B a r r i e r
#
A l u m
i n u m
F e n c e
# *
P o s
t a n d
R a i
l s
#
P o s
t a n d
C h a i n s
P l a n t e r s - 1
0
P l a n t e r s - 1
1
P l a n t e r s - 2
P l a n t e r s - 3
P l a n t e r s - 4
P l a n t e r s - 5
P l a n t e r s - 6
P l a n t e r s - 7
P l a n t e r s - 8
W r o u g
h t I r o n
F e n c e
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
B y
T y p e , 1
9 9 6
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APPENDIX B - BARRICADES BY TYPE OF RESTRICTION 45
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4 1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n d
B l o c k a g e s
T y p e
j
B a r r i c a d e
! O
C u l - d e -
S a c
G
H i g h w a y
B a r r i e r
#
A l u m
i n u m
F e n c e
# *
P o s
t a n d
R a i
l s
#
P o s
t a n d
C h a i n s
P l a n t e r s - 1
0
P l a n t e r s - 1
1
P l a n t e r s - 2
P l a n t e r s - 3
P l a n t e r s - 4
P l a n t e r s - 5
P l a n t e r s - 6
P l a n t e r s - 7
P l a n t e r s - 8
W r o u g
h t I r o n
F e n c e
W a r
d s
S t r e e t s
R i v e r s
0 . 5
0
0 . 5
1
1 . 5
2
2 . 5
0 . 2 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
B l o c k a g e s
B y
T y p e , 2
0 0 9
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APPENDIX C - COMPARISON OF CRIME TO BARRICADES 50
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APPENDIX C - COMPARISON OF CRIME TO BARRICADES 51
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4
1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2
3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n
d
W a r
d s
1 9 7 0 C R I M E I N D E X
5 9 5 -
7 0 6
7 0 6 -
8 5 9
8 5 9 -
1 2 0 3
1 2 0 3 -
1 4 0 4
1 4 0 4 -
1 5 9 0
1 5 9 0 -
1 6 9 8
1 6 9 8 -
1 9 0 2
1 9 0 2 -
2 2 0 9
2 2 0 9 -
2 5 9 9
2 5 9 9 -
4 5 7 5
S t r e e
t s
R i v e r s
0
. 3
0
0 . 3
0 . 6
0 . 9
1 . 2
1 . 5
0 . 1
5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
1 9 7 0 C r i m e
I n d e x
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4
1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n
d B a r r
i c a
d e s
S i n c e
1 9 7 0
W a r
d s
1 9 8 0 C R I M E I N D E X
5 6 7 -
6 4 1
6 4 1 -
8 9 5
8 9 5 -
1 1 5 7
1 1 5 7 -
1 5 1 5
1 5 1 5 -
1 6 4 6
1 6 4 6 -
1 7 8 6
1 7 8 6 -
1 9 7 6
1 9 7 6 -
2 2 1 2
2 2 1 2 -
2 4 7 4
2 4 7 4 -
4 3 9 8
S t r e e
t s
R i v e r s
0
. 3
0
0 . 3
0 . 6
0 . 9
1 . 2
1 . 5
0 . 1 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
1 9 8 0 C r i m e
I n d e x
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APPENDIX C - COMPARISON OF CRIME TO BARRICADES 52
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4
1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2
3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n
d B a r r
i c a
d e s
S i n c e
1 9 8 0
W a r
d s
1 9 9 0 C R I M E I N D E X
5 6 7 -
6 3 2
6 3 2 -
8 6 1
8 6 1 -
1 1 2 5
1 1 2 5 -
1 4 8 5
1 4 8 5 -
1 6 2 3
1 6 2 3 -
1 7 5 2
1 7 5 2 -
1 9 3 7
1 9 3 7 -
2 1 7 9
2 1 7 9 -
2 5 4 9
2 5 4 9 -
3 9 9 9
S t r e e
t s
R i v e r s
0
. 3
0
0 . 3
0 . 6
0 . 9
1 . 2
1 . 5
0 . 1
5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
1 9 9 0 C r i m e
I n d e x
2
7
5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4
1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2 3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n
d B a r r
i c a
d e s
S i n c e
1 9 9 0
W a r
d s
2 0 0 0 C R I M E I N D E X
5 4 5 -
7 7 3
7 7 3 -
1 0 0 5
1 0 0 5 -
1 2 0 9
1 2 0 9 -
1 4 7 7
1 4 7 7 -
1 6 3 7
1 6 3 7 -
1 7 3 3
1 7 3 3 -
1 8 8 3
1 8 8 3 -
2 0 6 2
2 0 6 2 -
2 4 0 3
2 4 0 3 -
3 7 3 6
S t r e e
t s
R i v e r s
0
. 3
0
0 . 3
0 . 6
0 . 9
1 . 2
1 . 5
0 . 1 5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
2 0 0 0 C r i m e
I n d e x
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APPENDIX C - COMPARISON OF CRIME TO BARRICADES 53
! (
! ( ! ( ! (
2
7 5
6
9
2 8
8
3
4
1
1 7
2 2
2 4
1 0
2 7
1 9
1 6 2
3
1 8
2 1
2 6
1 3
1 2
1 4
2 5
1 5
2 0
1 1
1 1
L e g e n
d
! (
B a r r
i c a
d e s
S i n c e
2 0 0 0
W a r
d s
2 0 0 9 C R I M E I N D E X
4 9 3 -
5 4 5
5 4 5 -
6 5 1
6 5 1 -
9 7 6
9 7 6 -
1 1 6 3
1 1 6 3 -
1 3 4 2
1 3 4 2 -
1 3 9 8
1 3 9 8 -
1 5 0 0
1 5 0 0 -
1 6 6 2
1 6 6 2 -
1 8 7 6
1 8 7 6 -
3 3 0 4
S t r e e
t s
R i v e r s
0
. 3
0
0 . 3
0 . 6
0 . 9
1 . 2
1 . 5
0 . 1
5
M i l e s
S t L o u
i s S t r e e
t B l o c
k a g e s
2 0 0 9 C r i m e
I n d e x
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STREETS NOT THROUGH 54References
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(August): 53-73.
City of Portland, The. What Sets Us Apart? 1997 Annual Report. Portland: 1997.
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Duany, Andres, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk and Jeff Speck. Suburban Nation. New York: Farrar
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