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Studies of Sufism and the Sufi Orders in Indonesia Author(s): Martin Van Bruinessen Reviewed work(s): Source: Die Welt des Islams, New Series, Vol. 38, Issue 2 (Jul., 1998), pp. 192-219 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1570744 . Accessed: 10/12/2011 15:02 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. BRILL is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Die Welt des Islams. http://www.jstor.org
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Page 1: Studies of Sufism and the Sufi Orders in Indonesia

Studies of Sufism and the Sufi Orders in IndonesiaAuthor(s): Martin Van BruinessenReviewed work(s):Source: Die Welt des Islams, New Series, Vol. 38, Issue 2 (Jul., 1998), pp. 192-219Published by: BRILLStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1570744 .Accessed: 10/12/2011 15:02

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

BRILL is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Die Welt des Islams.

http://www.jstor.org

Page 2: Studies of Sufism and the Sufi Orders in Indonesia

STUDIES OF SUFISM AND THE SUFI ORDERS IN INDONESIA

BY

MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN Utrecht

Introduction: from Dutch to Indonesian and international scholarship

The beginnings of scholarly studies of sufism and sufi orders in Indonesia coincided with changes in the nature of Dutch colo- nialism in the second half of the 19th century, when control over trade gave way to direct territorial control. Colonisation of the out- er islands brought the Dutch face to face with resistance move- ments in which sufi orders appeared to play a part. As in the case of the French occupation of the Maghrib, a 'litterature de surveil- lance' emerged, studies of the sufi orders made by civil servants (and an occasional missionary) and primarily inspired by security concerns. Among these civil servants, there appears in the 1880s the towering figure of Snouck Hurgronje, who was the first to draw attention to the great sufi authors of the Archipelago and who can be considered as the real father of the Leiden school of studies of Indonesian Islam.1 It was not Snouck himself, however, but his students who made texts written by the Indonesian sufis available and began analysing their ideas.

The Dutch scholars knew English, French and German and were aware of contemporary orientalist scholarship in these lan-

guages, but they wrote themselves mostly in Dutch, so that much of their work remained unknown to the wider scholarly commu-

nity. The first generation of Indonesian scholars, educated by Snouck and his students, also wrote in Dutch. After Indonesia's

1 For a broader and more general overview of Dutch scholarship on Indone- sian Islam, see BJ. Boland's introduction in B.J. Boland & I. Farjon, Islam in Indonesia: a bibliographical survey (Dordrecht: Foris Publications, 1983), pp. 1-56.

Die Welt des Islams 38, 2 ? Brill, Leiden, 1998

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STUDIES OF SUFISM

independence, Dutch lost its position as the language of learning and the generations of scholars who reached maturity after inde-

pendence usually have no or only limited knowledge of Dutch, so that they have no access to this earlier scholarship. A thin thread of continuity with pre-independence Dutch scholarship in Indone- sia was maintained by the last of Snouck Hurgronje's successors as the Advisor for Native and Arab Affairs, G.F. Pijper, who after inde-

pendence became a professor of Arabic at Jakarta's Universitas Indonesia. His successor there, Tudjimah, significantly wrote her Ph.D. thesis (1961) in Indonesian, although her work is otherwise in the Leiden philological tradition.2

A minor scholarly tradition in English, by scholars based in

Malaya and focusing exclusively on Malay-language materials, emerged in the 1930s. (Until that time, British students of

Malayan affairs had virtually neglected Islam as an aspect of Malay culture.) The Malay scholars Shellabear and Archer made some

Malay-language tariqa-related material available in translation and with some basic comments.3 In the post-independence years, two

English-language scholars stand out by the number and quality of their publications, the Australian Anthony Johns and the Ma-

laysian Syed Naguib al-Attas. Both have focused primarily on Malay Sufi literature, and both have had an ambivalent relationship with the Leiden school, which in this period is most prominently-as well as most polemically-represented by Snouck Hurgronje's longest surviving student, G.WJ. Drewes (who published extreme-

ly critical reviews of the said authors' first works in the Dutch Indonesianist journal Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land en Volkenkunde).

After the end of Dutch rule over the Indies, the 'Leiden school' of Indonesian Islamic studies, or what was left of it-Ph.S. van Ronkel, C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze, G.W.J. Drewes, P.J. Voorhoeve, R. Roolvink-went on publishing in Dutch until c. 1960. By then

2 Tudjimah 1961. This is a diplomatic edition of the work of this title by

Nuruddin Raniri. Tudjimah's thesis supervisor was Snouck Hurgronje's protege, the Malay and Islamic scholar Hoesein Djajadiningrat, who had been the first Indonesian to write a Leiden dissertation.

3 Shellabear 1930 [translation of an anti-Naqshbandi polemical tract by the reformist Ahmad Khatib Minangkabau]; Shellabear 1933 [translation of a guide to the Qadiriyya wa Naqshbandiyya]; Archer 1937 [edition and analysis of Malay texts associated with various orders].

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it had become clear to all that Dutch no longer was a major lan- guage, and they began publishing their works in English, thus for the first time making the fruits of the accumulated scholarship of their school available to the outside world. It is around the same time that the first serious studies in Indonesian or Malay begin appearing, signalling the arrival of the first truly postcolonial indigenous scholars on the scene.

The shift in scholarly publishing on Indonesian sufism from Dutch to other languages is brought out clearly by the following table, which lists by twenty-year intervals the number of books and articles published in each of the major languages. It gives aggre- gate data on the publications listed in the bibliography at the end of the present article. This bibliography makes no claims to being exhaustive, but it is fairly representative and I do not think that any major works have been omitted.4 Before Indonesia's indepen- dence, sufi studies were virtually monopolised by Dutch scholars. The earliest works in German and French were also written by a Dutch scholar (Snouck Hurgronje, in both cases) addressing an international audience. German and French scholarship are each represented by only one scholar writing in their national lan- guages.5 Virtually all scholarly work on sufism and the orders is now published in English or Indonesian,6 whatever the author's nationality. The rapidly increasing volume of work in Indonesian is remarkable; it would have been even more striking if unpub- lished master's theses, which often contain significant descriptive material, had been included in the table. Period Dutch English German French Indonesian total < 1895 9 - 1 - - 10 1895-1915 10 - - 1 - 11 1916-1935 16 3 - - - 21 1936-1955 15 5 - - - 20 1956-1975 5 24 1 1 6 37 1976-1995 5 35 7 2 80 129

4 One possible omission is that of Russian scholarship on the subject, of the existence of which, apart from Braginsky's work (see the bibliography), I am not aware.

5 These are Werner Kraus and Denys Lombard, respectively. Another French scholar, Henri Chambert-Loir, published a relevant article in Indonesian.

6 The term 'Indonesian' is henceforth used as a shorthand for 'Indonesian or Malaysian'. These official languages of the two neighbour states are both based on the Malay dialect of Riau and, in spite of some minor differences in vocabulary and syntax, each is easily understood by speakers of the other.

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Colonial scholarship: from 'surveillance' to philology

The complete list of these titles, when ordered by year of publica- tion, brings out some other interesting patterns. The earliest titles all deal with politically suspect sufi orders or actual rebellions. The

very first article with scholarly pretensions that I am aware of, pub- lished in 1869, describes a popular rebellion against the tradition- al elite of South Borneo that became known as 'beratip beamal', after the ratib and other recitations ('aral) by which the partici- pants worked themselves into a frenzied state before engaging in violent encounters. There are reasons to believe that this repre- sented a local adaptation of the Sammaniyya, but our author, the

geographer PJ. Veth, had as yet little understanding of what sufi orders were, let alone what distinguished one from another.7 Next, there are a number of articles explicitly dealing with the Naqsh- bandiyya, partly based on biased information from a well-known Arab 'alim in Batavia, Sayyid 'Uthman.8

Snouck Hurgronje was the first to write about the orders with a sufficient background in Islamic studies (as well as, it should be observed, knowledge of the French 'litt6rature de surveillance' on the Maghrib). His book on Mecca (1889), based on his own stay there in 1885, contains important observations on the tariqa teach- ers in the Holy City and their less than saintly rivalries. This work remains an important source for the social history of the sufi orders in the Archipelago. The same is true of his confidential

reports to the Dutch Indies government on the turuq and their teachers in the Indies, written in the 1890s but only published in 1959.9 In his major work on Acheh (1893-94), material for which he compiled when on duty 'de surveillance', he not only writes about the locally important orders, but also is the first outsider to take note of the great Malay sufi authors who worked there in the 16th-17th century.

7 Veth 1869, 1870. On this movement see also Sjamsuddin 1991. 8 Berg 1883; Holle 1886; Schuurmans 1890. Snouck Hurgronje 1887 paints a

sympathetic portrait of Sayyid 'Uthman. 9 E. Gobee & C. Adriaanse, Ambtelijke adviezen van C. Snouck Hurgronje, 1889-

1936. 3 vols. The Hague: Nijhoff, 1957-1965. The reports on sufi orders are in vol. 2, pp. 1182-1221.

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The first monograph on one of these sufis in the Acheh sultanate, 'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Singkili (al-Sinkili, also al-Fansuri), was written by Snouck's student D.A. Rinkes as a Ph.D. thesis (1909). From the

manuscripts of 'Abd al-Ra'ufs own and other Malay works, Rinkes reconstructed the man's life, especially his period of study in Me- dina; he analysed the religious ideas expressed in them, and traced the development of the Shattariyya, the order with which 'Abd al-Ra'uf was affiliated, in Sumatra and Java. In a later article

(1910) Rinkes deals with the saint who first introduced this order in Java; here he complements the study of manuscripts with a vis- it to the saint's shrine and interviews with its guardian and others. This is the first of a series of six articles on the saints of Java that is as yet unrivalled.?0

Two other students of Snouck Hurgronje, BJ.O. Schrieke

(1916) and H. Kraemer (1921), produced annotated editions of

anonymous 16th-century Javanese manuscripts expounding 'or- thodox' (Ghazzalian) Sufi teachings." G.W.J. Drewes, who was to become the most prolific author of the Leiden school, wrote his 1925 dissertation on the manuscript writings of three late 19th-

century Javanese Muslim teachers, two of whom propagated a local tariqa, named Akmaliyah or Haqmaliyah. J. Doorenbos pre- pared an edition of the writings of the great 16th-century Malay Sufi and poet Hamzah Fansuri (1933). Two more Leiden disserta- tions should be mentioned in this series, although they are not by students of Snouck Hurgronje: P.J. Zoetmulder's 1935 thesis on non-dualist mysticism in a certain genre of Javanese Muslim litera- ture,12 and C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze's excellent study of the

Malay sufi Shamsuddin of Pasai and his works (1945). The theses by Doorenbos and Van Nieuwenhuijze made the

10 An English translation of these articles, edited by Alijah Gordon, was recent- ly (1996) published by the Malaysian Sociological Research Institute in Kuala Lumpur as Nine saints ofJava.

l These texts were later re-edited and translated into English and Dutch, respectively, by G.WJ. Drewes as The admonitions of Seh Bari (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1969) and Een Javaanse primbon uit de zestiende eeuw (Leiden: Brill, 1954).

12 An English translation of this important work, by Merle Ricklefs, was pub- lished only recently: PJ. Zoetmulder, Pantheism and monism in Javanese suluk liter- ature (Leiden: KITLV Press, 1994). The first Indonesian translation (by Dick Har- toko) had appeared a few years earlier: Manunggaling kawula gusti (Jakarta: Gra- media, 1990; revised edition 1991).

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works of the first great Indonesian sufis available in print-al- though Doorenbos' edition was far from satisfactory.13 Editions of texts by Nuruddin Raniri, 'Abd al-Ra'uf Singkili and lesser known sufi authors followed. In the 1950s, PJ. Voorhoeve and A.H. Johns published a number of Malay sufi texts from Sumatra.14 From the 1960s on, Tudjimah, S.M.N. al-Attas and a few others followed suit with a number of important text editions of works by Hamzah Fansuri and Nuruddin Raniri.15 Together with the Javanese texts re-edited by Drewes, a modest corpus of basic texts is now available in reliable editions and translations. Some of the major works by the most important authors, Nuruddin Raniri, 'Abd al-Ra'uf Sing- kili, Yusuf Makassar, 'Abd al-Samad Falimbani, Nafis Banjari (all but Yusuf writing in Malay) remain unedited.16 Javanese religious literature is often anonymous; there are no great Javanese sufi authors comparable to the Malay sufis, but there is a large corpus of Javanese texts of sufi inspiration, of which only a small fraction has so far been edited.

The availability of critical editions of the major texts is a necessary condition for the next step, a systematic analysis of the ideas

expressed in them, tracing how Middle Eastern and Indian sufism was adapted and developed in Indonesian contexts. Most of the scholars mentioned above have also made contributions in this field. Numerous others have meanwhile published analyses of individual texts or authors.

Relatively much attention has been given to comparisons of the 'monistic' mysticism of the first Malay authors Hamzah Fansuri

13 Syed M. Naguib al-Attas later published an edition of Hamzah's three major

prose works, with an analysis of the sufi and metaphysical ideas in them (Al-Attas 1970); Aly Hasjmy (1967) published a manuscript from Acheh with some of Hamzah's quatrains, embedded in a commentary by Shamsuddin (see also Drewes 1951); G.WJ. Drewes and L.F. Brakel (1986) published a new edition and analysis of all quatrains that they judged to be authentically by Hamzah.

14 Most importantly, Voorhoeve 1952-57 and 1955; Johns 1953, 1955a, 1957, and 1965.

15 Tudjimah 1961; Al-Attas 1966, 1986; Daudy 1978; Djamaris 1983 (all works by Raniri); Al-Attas 1970 (Hamzah).

16 'Abd al-Samad's two major sufi works, Sayr al-sdlikin and Hiddyat al-sdlikin, as well as of Nafis al-Banjari's Tuhfat al-nafis were among the first Malay works to be printed in Egypt (and have been frequently reprinted in Indonesia since). These editions, though widely used, are not very satisfactory.

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and Shamsuddin of Pasai (al-Sumatrani) on the one hand and the

allegedly more 'orthodox' doctrines spread by Nuruddin Raniri on the other, and to the nature of the conflict that turned the lat- ter into a persecutor of the formers' followers.17 To some contem-

porary Indonesian authors this has been a matter of more than

purely academic interest; Raniri's rejection of the earlier authors' monism has often been felt to be congruent with present reformist Muslims' abhorrence of Javanese and other 'syncretist' mystical movements. Such scholars as Ahmad Daudy strongly identified with Raniri and criticised the mysticism of Hamzah and Shamsud- din; other authors have gone further and declared all forms of wahdat al-wujuid heretical.18 A different position was adopted by Syed M. Naguib al-Attas, who wrote sympathetic studies of both Hamzah and Raniri, emphasising that the latter also expounded a form of wahdat al-wujuid and endeavouring to explain this doctrine as compatible with Islamic orthodoxy.19 More recently, Abdul Aziz Dahlan has defended Shamsuddin against his detractors.20 In his

study of the learned 18th-century sufi 'Abd al-Samad Falimbani, M. Chatib Quzwain (1985) showed that Hamzah's and Shamsud- din's teachings had not been abandoned altogether following Raniri's fierce attacks but in fact retained the respect of the most

accomplished mystics. Other contemporary scholars from the region, especially in

Malaysia, have approached their subjects in traditional Islamic rather than orientalist style, summing up, paraphrasing, and com-

menting on texts by Malay sufi authors. H. Wan Mohammad

Shaghir Abdullah is one of the more interesting among these scholars, and definitely the most prolific. Much of his work is about the 'ulama of Patani (in southern Thailand), to some of whom he traces his ancestry, but he has travelled throughout the western part of the Archipelago in search of manuscripts and oral

17 Nieuwenhuijze 1948;Johns 1953, 1957; Al-Attas 1966; Lombard 1967.

18 Daudy 1978a, 1983 and 1987; Sou'yb 1976.

19 Al-Attas 1970 and 1986, respectively. 20 Abdul Aziz Dahlan, Tasawuf Syamsuddin Sumatrani (unpublished Ph.D. dis- sertation, IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta, 1992); cf. the summary in the Jakartan 'Muslim intellectual' magazine, Ulumul Qur'an (vol.III no. 3), "Pembelaan ter- hadap wahdat al-wujud: tasawuf Syamsuddin Sumatrani" ["In defence of wahdat al- wujuid: Shamsuddin's sufism"].

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tradition, and he has presented useful new materials on numerous

Malay authors.

Sociological and 'islamological' studies of the sufi orders

Indonesian scholarship on the sufi orders began in the 1960s, when two Indonesian scholars of very different backgrounds con- tributed important historical studies on the sufi orders that are still frequently used as works of reference. The religious scholar Aboebakar Atjeh wrote two general works in which he surveyed the history and the specific methods of the major orders, largely on the basis of Middle Eastern sources but supplemented by inter-

esting bits of information on their development in Indonesia.21 A

very different, and for Indonesia novel, approach was that of the social historian Sartono Kartodirdjo, who published important studies on peasant rebellions in 19th-century Java in which he showed sufi orders to have been directly or indirectly involved.22

In the 1970s we witness the emergence of a new type of studies of sufism by young Indonesian scholars: descriptive sociological studies of particular sufi orders or individual teachers and their students. Many such studies were carried out by the staff of the research desks of the Department of Religious Affairs, resulting in

mostly unpublished research reports. There is, furthermore, a

large corpus of unpublished theses by graduates of Indonesia's State Institutes of Islamic Studies (IAIN) that focus on sufi orders. These are in most cases unsophisticated descriptions of the histo-

ry, internal organisation and practices of orders functioning in the students' home environment. They often contain a strong norma- tive element, as local practices are judged by scripturalist norms. In this respect, these theses as well as some of the reports by the

21 H. Aboebakar Atjeh, Pengantar ilmu tarekat (uraian tentang mistik) (1966), reprinted as Pengantar ilmu tarekat dan tasauf (Kota Bharu: Pustaka Aman Press, 1980); idem, Pengantar sejarah sufi & tasawwuf (Solo: Ramadhani, 1984 [first pub- lished in 1962]).

22 Kartodirdjo 1966 and 1975. Kartodirdjo also published primary materials from Indonesia's national archives containing some observations on the involve- ment of sufi orders in social unrest and political agitation: Sarekat Islam lokal (Penerbitan sumber-sumber sejarah, no.7, Jakarta: Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, 1975).

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Department's research desk may be considered as the continua- tion of the 'litterature de surveillance'. Together, however, these theses constitute a rich collection of empirical material, welcome source material for scholars attempting synthesis.23

Since the 1980s, the sufi orders have been receiving wider atten- tion again. They appear to be finding a new following in urban, educated circles. The numbers of their followers give them a

political significance and have caused certain orders or at least certain shaykhs to become involved in political rivalries. There has

recently been a corresponding increase in scholarship focusing on the orders. The Indonesian scholars Djohan Effendy, Zamakhsyari Dhofier and Moeslim Abdurrahman-all three once associated with the Ministry's research desk-have published insightful ob- servations, especially on the social and political dimensions of

tariqa activities.24 In this connection the studies by two foreign scholars should also be mentioned: Werner Kraus and myself have

published the results of field research on sufi orders.25

New types of approach to sufism: history and politics

A new type of approach combines philology, or at least the find-

ings of philologists, with historical research and analysis. Anthony Johns has come up with some highly speculative historical hypo- theses concerning the role of the sufi orders in the islamicisation of the Archipelago.26 Associating seaborne trade, trade guilds and

23 A long list of such theses, compiled with the help of Djohan Effendy, former head of the Department's research desk, is given in Werner Kraus (Hg.), Islamis- che mystische Bruderschaften im heutigen Indonesien (Hamburg: Institut fur Asien- kunde, 1990); see also the second part of the bibliography following this paper, which lists theses and other unpublished research reports that I have seen. Kraus' introductory essay in the same volume is an attempt at synthesis. Other surveys at least in part based on such materials are Denys Lombard's "Les tarekat en Insulinde" (Lombard 1985) and my own "The history and development of the sufi orders (tarekat) in Indonesia" (Bruinessen 1994).

24 Abdurrahman 1990b; Effendi 1990b; Dhofier 1978 and the same author's unpublished Ph.D. thesis, The pesantren tradition: a study of the role of the kyai in the maintenance of the traditional ideology of Islam in Java (Canberra, Australian National University, 1981; partially translated into Indonesian as Dhofier 1982).

25 Kraus 1984, 1990; Bruinessen 1990, 1992 (rev. ed. 1994), 1994a, 1995b, 1995c.

26 Johns 1961a, 1961b 1961c, 1976.

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sufi orders, and postulating the existing of trade guilds in the coastal states of the 13th/16th-century Archipelago (for which there is not one shred of evidence), he suggests that sufi preach- ers accompanying the traders from the Middle East as their chap- lains played crucial roles in converting the natives to Islam. These

speculations will be hard to corroborate-there is no recorded mention of any of the orders until several centuries after the

beginning of islamicisation-but they have stimulated further research by younger scholars.

A.C. Milner, surveying the relationship between sufi doctrine and Malay statesmanship, has suggested that it was the sufi doc- trine of perfect man (insdn kdmil) that made Islam acceptable to the Malay rulers, who in earlier times had legitimated their posi- tions by claims of being bodhisattva or even Shiva-Buddha.27 The evidence that Malay rulers actually claimed to embody the insdn kamil is thin, as Milner has to admit, but claims to sainthood are well-documented. Islamic terminology related to waldya is widely used in relation to worldly rulers in the region. At least some of the celebrated 'nine saints' of Java, reputedly responsible for its islamicisation, were in fact the rulers of harbour states.

One related case of the legitimation of political order with ref- erence to sufi doctrine has recently received some scholarly atten- tion. It concerns the state of Buton in Southeast Sulawesi and the

metaphysical concept of emanation in seven stages (martabat tujuh), which was popularised throughout the Archipelago through Shamsuddin Sumatrani's and Burhanpuri's adaptations of Ibn 'Arabi and Jil.28 In Buton, which had a highly stratified

society with four strictly separated castes, martabat tujuh also became the name for the state's 'basic law' (undang-undang), each of the stages of emanation appearing to be associated with one of the castes or finer divisions within them.29

There is a great amount of unpublished written material in local

27 Milner 1983, especially pp. 39-44. 28 See Anthony Johns' study of Burhanpfri's work and its local adaptations,

The gift addressed to the spirit of the Prophet (1965). 29 This is the analysis of the first scholar to draw attention to this case: Pim

Schoorl (1987). The analysis is developed further (and less schematically) in Abd. Rahman Yunus's doctoral dissertation, published as Posisi tasawuf dalam sistem kekuasaan di kesultanan Buton pada abad ke-19 (1995).

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languages from the various indigenous states of the Archipelago, and much of it is pervaded with sufi terminology. Systematic analy- sis of these works (begun for the case of Buton by Yunus 1995), in relation to other historical sources and anthropological fieldwork, will no doubt yield important new insights.

Important work in precisely this direction was carried out by the historian and Javanese scholar M.C. Ricklefs. His as yet unpub- lished study of the rule of Pakubuwana II (1726-1749) focuses on literary works of a religious nature written by the king's grand- mother, Ratu Pakubuwana, with the apparent intention that the reading of these works offer supernatural protection.30 This is a sophisticated study analysing the texts and their relationship to Middle Eastern, mostly sufi texts, as well as the 'magical' use that is implied in certain passages of the texts themselves, and that places the texts in the context of their production and the chang- ing context of their use and reproduction-some of the texts were copied or rewritten at a time of dramatic events, apparently for the purpose of magical protection.

Research of this kind obviously is not easy; it demands a combi- nation of skills and sensitivities that is not often present in a single scholar. The language of the Javanese texts that Ricklefs analysed is notoriously difficult; in order to detect the reverberations of sufi metaphysical concepts in them one needs a thorough acquain- tance with Arabic and perhaps Persian sufi literature, and in order to understand the context a more than superficial knowledge of the structure of the kingdoms and their political history is need- ed. There is hardly an alternative to interdisciplinary cooperation between scholars of complementary backgrounds. The hard work is full of promise, though; only by going beyond the purely philo- logical or purely historiographical will we reach a better under- standing of what sufism meant to (various strata in) the states of insular Southeast Asia.

30 M.C. Ricklefs, The seen and unseen worlds in Java, 1726-49: history, literature and Islam in the court of Pakubuwana II (forthcoming).

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From Middle Eastern to local traditions

Another new line of research involves a combination of anthro-

pological fieldwork and philological work. An example is the work of John Bowen among the Gayo (in Central Acheh), where he found that the 'great' sufi tradition of Hamzah's poetry has fil- tered down to the 'little' peasant religious tradition.31 In Bowen's case, the published results of philological scholarship are used to throw additional light on the anthropologist's observations. (It is, in fact, hard to understand why certain anthropologists working in societies with written traditions do not consider acquaintance with

scholarship concerning these written traditions as essential for their own work.) Other ways to integrate both disciplines are also thinkable. It was done admirably by Rinkes in his work on the saints of Java, in which he felicitously combined personal observa- tions and interviews in the field with a careful reading of whatev- er relevant written texts he could find.

Any work on 'indigenous' mystical traditions such as for in- stance Javanese kebatinan, in which there is a strong Islamic ele- ment to say the least, will necessitate a combination of anthropo- logical, historical, philological and islamological approaches. Soe- bardi has shown that a reputedly syncretistic work as the Javanese Serat Centini (sometimes described as an 'encyclopaedia of Ja- vanese culture') is pervaded with references to the world of 'orthodox' Muslim education. Although unlike any Muslim litera- ture of the Middle East or South Asia and strongly rooted in Java's pre-Islamic religious traditions, this work appears on closer inspec- tion to be more than superficially Islamic in character.32 Almost three decades earlier, Zoetmulder had penetrated more deeply

31 John Bowen, "Islamic transformations: from sufi doctrine to ritual practice

in Gayo culture" (1987); see also his "Graves, shrines and power in a highland Sumatran society" (1993).

32 Soebardi 1971. No translation of even parts of this important text into a European language exists. Th. Pigeaud's brief Dutch summary of the contents, De Serat Tjabolang en de Serat Tjentini: inhoudsopgaven (Bandoeng: A.C. Nix, 1933) brings out the structure of the Centini but does not touch upon the mystical ideas contained in it; the same is true of the Indonesian summary by Sumahatmaka, Ringkasan Centini (Suluk Tambanglaras) (Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1981). The entire Javanese text was recently published in latinised script by Kamajaya (12 vols., Yogyakarta: Yayasan Centhini).

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into the Islamic and Indic layers of this and similar Javanese texts in his analysis of the (non-dualist) metaphysical and mystical ideas

expressed therein.33 I am somewhat uncomfortable with Father Zoetmulder's Thomist perspective as well as with his focusing on the question of the 'heterodoxy' or 'orthodoxy' of the teachings in these texts, but his work is a shining exemplar of careful schol-

arship that as yet remains unsurpassed. The more recent work by Simuh, himself an 'orthodox' Muslim

but also a sympathetic student of Javanese mysticism, continues

along the lines set out by A.H. Johns in his study of Burhanpuiri's Tuhfa and its Indonesian adaptations. His analysis of a major work

by the last of the great Javanese court poets, Ranggawarsita, is a fine demonstration of how sufi metaphysics became indigenised, thereby further islamicising Javanese mysticism.34

My own interests are also especially in this field of 'cultural translation', the adaptation of ideas and techniques associated with the sufi orders in the Indonesian cultural context and their

application to such new purposes as legitimation and the acquisi- tion of power (Jav. kasekten, Ind. kesaktian). Progress in this direc- tion, I am convinced, can only be made by recourse to the inter-

disciplinary approach that I advocated above.35

By way of conclusion

Indonesia is the largest Muslim country, and sufism has been prominently present throughout the known history of Indonesian Islam. This alone should be sufficient reason for scholarly interest in Indonesian sufism by others than regional specialists alone. The relevant scholarship is, however, lagging behind that focusing on

33 PJ. Zoetmulder, Pantheism and monism in Javanese suluk literature (Leiden: KITLV, 1994 [originally in Dutch, 1935]). Timothy E. Behrend wrote an interest- ing study of a related Javanese work: The Serat Jatiswara: structure and change in a Javanese poem, 1600-1900 (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Australian National Universi- ty, 1987; Indonesian translation published by INIS, Jakarta, 1995).

34 Simuh 1988; see also Simuh 1995, where a number of other Javanese texts are analysed. Simuh and collaborators also published, in Indonesian translation, a collection of Muslim mystical poetry from Java's north coast (1989).

35 I immodestly refer to two studies in which I used a wide variety of sources to reach what I believe are new insights: Bruinessen 1994b and 1995a.

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other parts of the Muslim world. The relative isolation that is a

consequence of the languages in which much basic work has been

published (first Dutch, later Indonesian) has resulted in minimal interaction with Islamic scholars working in other geographical zones. The relative scarcity of written sources in Malay and the dif-

ficulty of the older texts in Javanese and other local languages have also inhibited the emergence of a lively 'school' of Indone- sian sufi studies. It is only a handful of scholars who have made

major contributions. It should not be forgotten, however, that these scholars have depended on numerous others who have done the humble work of locating, identifying, cataloguing and some- times transliterating manuscripts,36 or who have written down their observations and comments on local practices. The volume of this necessary preliminary work that has been completed is

rapidly increasing. New catalogues and microfilm projects have made major Indonesian manuscript holdings more easily accessi- ble. Something similar should be done with regard to the theses

(skripsi sarjana, tesis magister and disertasi) and unpublished re- search reports of the various regional universities that contain

important descriptive material on local practices, for these consti- tute a treasure of primary materials that because of the poor con- dition of most university libraries may otherwise get lost again. With the present availability of resources, major new studies on the subject should be possible.

36 One name in particular should be mentioned: that ofJ. Soegiarto, who for many years was the assistent to the professors ofJavanese at Leiden University and who carefully copied, transliterated and summarised numerous Javanese manu- scripts in the University Library, thus making them much more easily accessible. Most scholars who studied these texts did so through Soegiarto's transliterations; thus, for instance, Drewes' important re-editions of the oldest Javanese Muslim texts are also beased on them. Soegiarto is not often mentioned, but there are a few lines on him in J.J. Ras, "In memoriam Prof.Dr. C.C. Berg", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 147 (1991), 1-11. I wish to thank Karel Steenbrink for first bringing Soegiarto's role to my attention and referring me to this article.

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Studies of sufism and the sufi orders in Indonesia-Bibliography

Listed in this bibliography are scholarly works that deal with individual sufis, sufi literature and ideas, sufi orders and the cult of Muslim saints in Indonesia. Included are also those sociologi- cal, historical, political and literary studies that give significant attention to the role of sufis and/or sufi orders. Studies of 'syn- cretistic' mysticism are included when the Muslim element receives attention. The studies that I consider as the most signifi- cant have been indicated by an asterisk (*) before the title.

The following standard abbreviations are used: BKI Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (published by the Konin-

klijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Delft and later Lei- den)

IAIN Institut Agama Islam Negeri (State Institute of Islamic Studies) INIS Indonesian-Netherlands Cooperation in Islamic Studies JMBRAS Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society KITLV Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (Royal Institute

for Linguistics and Anthropology) TBG Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (published by

the Bataviaasch Genootschap voor Kunsten en Wetenschappen, Bata- via/Jakarta)

TNI Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indie

I. Published books and articles

Abdullah, Hawash [H.Wan Muhd. Shaghir] (n.d.[1980?]) Perkembangan ilmu tasawuf dan tokoh-tokohnya di Nusantara. Surabaya: Al Ikhlas.

Abdullah, H.Wan Muhd. Shaghir (1985) Syeikh Ismail Al Minangkabawi, penyiar thariqat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah. Solo: Ramadhani.

Abdullah, H.Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1987) "Syeikh Abdurrauf bin Ali al-Fansuri", in: Mohamad Daud Mohamad (ed.), Tokoh-tokoh sastera Melayu klasik. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, pp. 63-71.

Abdullah, H.Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1987) "Al-Allamah Syeikh Nuruddin ar-Raniri", in: Mohamad Daud Mohamad (ed.), Tokoh-tokoh sastera Melayu klasik. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, pp. 90-100.

Abdullah, H.W. Muhd. Shaghir (1987) Syeikh Daud bin Abdullah al Fathani: penulis Islam produktif Asia Tenggara. Solo: Ramadhani [reprinted as Syeikh Daud bin Abdullah al-Fatani: ulama' dan pengarang terulung Asia Tenggara. Shah Alam: Hizbi, 1990].

Abdullah, H.W. Muhd. Shaghir (1989) Katalog pameran manuskrip Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia.

Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1990) "Bahasa Melayu bahasa ilmu: meninjau pemikiran Syeikh Ahmad bin Muhammad Zain al-Fattani",Jurnal Dewan Bahasa 1990, 201-6, 292-5, 375-81, 460-3.

Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1990) "Bahasa Melayu bahasa ilmu: Syeikh Abdul Malik Terengganu", Jurnal Dewan Bahasa 1990, 528-34.

206

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Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1990) "Bahasa Melayu bahasa ilmu: mengkaji kitab gaya bahasa dalam kitab Hidayah as Salikin Syeikh Abdus Samad al Fa- limbani", Jurnal Dewan Bahasa 1990, 684-91.

Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1990) "Pendokumentasian karya-karya Syeikh Daud bin Abdullah al Fatani yang belum pernah dicetak",Jurnal Dewan Bahasa 1990, 857-864, 966-974.

Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1991) Khazanah karya pusaka Asia Tenggara. 2 jilid. Kuala Lumpur: Khazanah Fathaniyah.

Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1992) Manhalush Shafi: Syeikh Daud Al-Fathani membicarakan rumus-rumus Shufi dan istilah-istilah tasawuf. Kuala Lumpur: Kha- zanah Fathaniyah dengan kerjasama Imatera Publishers Sdn.Bhd.

Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1993) Penjelasan nazham syair shufi Syeikh Ahmad al-Fathani. Jawapan surat raja Kelantan thariqat Ahmadiyah. Analisis per- bandingan karya beberapa tokoh. Kuala Lumpur: Khazanah Fathaniyah dengan kerjasama Imatera Publishers Sdn. Bhd.

Abdurrahman, Moeslim (1978) "Sufisme di Kediri", in: Sufisme di Indonesia [= Dia- log, edisi khusus], pp. 23-40.

Abdurrahman, Moeslim (1981) "Mengenal ciri pesantren di Jawa Timur", in: Pesantren: Profil kyai, pesantren dan madrasah [= Warta-PDIA No.2], pp. 9-38.

Abdurrahman, Moeslim (1988) "Tijaniyah, tarekat yang dipersoalkan?", Pesantren no.4 Vol. V, 80-89.

* Abdurrahman, Moeslim (1990a) "Die Tijaniyya in Indonesien: orthodox oder haretisch?", in: Werner Kraus (ed.), Islamische mystische Bruderschaften im heutigen Indonesien. Hamburg: Institut fur Asienkunde, pp. 131-144.

* Abdurrahman, Moeslim (1990b) "Zur heutigen sozialen Bedeutung der islami- schen Bruderschaften in Java: einige Feldforschungsnotizen", in: Werner Kraus (ed.), Islamische mystische Bruderschaften im heutigen Indonesien. Hamburg: Institut fur Asienkunde, pp. 75-90.

Abu Hamid (1983) "Sistem Pendidikan Madrasah dan Pesantren di Sulawesi Sela- tan", in: Taufik Abdullah (ed.), Agama dan Perubahan Sosial. Jakarta: CV. Rajawali, pp. 323-457.

Abu Hamid (1994) Syekh Yusuf Makassar: seorang ulama, sufi dan pejuang. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia.

Ahmad bin Muhammad, Abdul Aziz (1987) "Hamzah Fansuri membawa Wujudiyah", in: Mohamad Daud Mohamad (ed.), Tokoh-tokoh sastera Melayu klasik. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, pp. 25-34.

Anon. (1915) "De Djawakolonie en de mystieke broederschappen in Mekka", Indische Gids 37, 538-540.

Archer, R.L. (1937) "Muhammadan mysticism in Sumatra",JMBRAS 15, 1-126. Asmoro, Wirjo (1926) "Iets over de 'adat' der Madoereezen", Djawa 6, 251-262. Atja (1967) Sech Muhjidin, Wali nu sumere di Pamijahan. Bandung: Komara. Atjeh, H. Aboebakar (1980 [1966]) Pengantar ilmu tarekat dan tasauf [original title:

Pengantar ilmu tarekat (uraian tentang mistik)]. Kota Bharu: Pustaka Aman Press. Atjeh, H. Aboebakar (1984 [1962]) Pengantar sejarah sufi & tasawwuf. Solo:

Ramadhani. Al-Attas, Syed Naguib (1963) Some aspects of sufism as understood and practised among

the Malays. Singapore: Malaysian Sociological Research Institute Ltd. Al-Attas, Syed Muhammad Naguib (1966) Raniri and the Wujudiyyah of 17th century

Acheh. Singapore: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Al-Attas, Syed Muhammad Naguib (1967) "New light on the life of Hamzah

Fansuri", JMBRAS 40, 42-51. * Al-Attas, Syed Muhammad Naguib (1970) The mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri. Kuala

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Al-Attas, Syed Muhammad al-Naquib (1975) Comments on the re-examination of al-Raniri's Hujjatu'l-siddiq: a refutation. Kuala Lumpur: Muzium Negara.

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