Sustainable development and resource management in marginal environments: natural resources and...

Applied Geography (1993), 13,259-284

Sustainable development and resource management in marginal environments: natural resources and their use in the Wadi Allaqi region of Egypt

John Briggs, Gordon Dickinson, Kevin Murphy, Ian Pulford

Departments af Geography aad Topographic Science, Botany, and Chemistry, university of Glasgow, Glasgow G12 SQQ, Scotland

Ahmed Esmat Belal, Sayed Moalla, Irina Springuel

Faculty of Science at Aswan, University of Assiut, Egypt

Samir I. Ghahbour

Department of natural Resour~es~ university of Cairo, Egypt

and Abdel-Monaim Mekki

Aswan Regional Planning Centre, Aswan, Egypt

Abstract

The aim of the paper is to assess the nature and suitability of the natural resource base of a fragile environment for sustainable economic development. The situation is further complicated by the fact that groundwater conditions in the study area, the southeastern desert of Egypt, have been radically altered since the construction of the Aswan High Dam. Results show that soil conditions in the area will support both vegetation and crops over short periods of time, although further work is needed on long-term sustainability. There are three main sources of water in the area: surface water from Lake Nasser; shallow groundwater, associated with Lake Nasser; and ancient groundwater at depth in the Nubian sandstone. It is the former two which offer the most realistic development options. Vegetation resources offer opportunities for grazing, charcoal production and medicinal uses. The perceptions and attitudes of the local people of the area, as well as their livelihood patterns, make up a major element of the proposed development plan of the area.

In recent years, there has been a major reappraisal of the effectiveness of aid programmes in less-developed countries (Overseas Development Administration 1990; World Bank 1991; IFAD 1992). Key issues include questions such as whether aid has reached the neediest groups, whether the scale of some projects has been over-ambitious and, increasingly by the later 198Os, whether the ecological and environmental consequences of particular programmes or projects have been sufficiently understood. Certainly, the intricate human-environment interrelation- ship in resource exploitation is well documented (see, for example, Goudie 1981; Heathcote 1983; Beaumont 1989) and the arguments have been further developed to incorporate political economy perspectives (Blaikie 1985; Blaikie and Brookfieid 1987). This has led to the focusing of the World Bank’s activity on the relationship

0143-6228/93/03/0259-26 0 1993 Butterworth-IIeinemann Ltd

260 Sustainable development and resource management in marginal environments

between economic development and the sustainable use of environmental resources. In Africa, there is the added dimension of population growth rates, which for many countries exceed 3 per cent annually. These threaten to unbalance human/resource ratios and in many countries have produced a decline in real per capita incomes since 1960. This is especially serious in marginal environments. It is against this background that the notions of sustainable development have evolved (Pearce et al. 1990), emphasizing the management of natural resources to improve living standards, but without creating ecological stress that threatens such improvements in the medium and long terms. Some authors would go further by suggesting that this can only be successfully achieved by adopting “bottom-up’ strategies, or by the empowerment of local people to take both economic and environmental management decisions themselves (Stohr and Taylor 1981; Taylor and MacKenzie 1992).

The aim of this paper is to assess the nature and suitability of the natural resource base for sustainable economic development in a rapidly changing desert area in southern Egypt. Radically changed environmental and ecological conditions consequent upon the construction of the Aswan High Dam in the 1960s and the subsequent formation of Lake Nasser (Fig. l), have had a profound impact on the movement, availability and distribution of groundwater in the surrounding area. This, in turn, has changed the nature of the resource base and hence economic opportunities for the local population. The need to assess the potential of such areas for sustainable development is clear when it is recognized that only about 3 per cent of the land surface of Egypt is cultivable, most of this being in the Nile valley or delta, and much of this is already being cultivated at close to maximum levels of intensity. With a population in excess of 51 million, and growing at 3 per cent per annum, the Egyptian government is facing an increasing food supply crisis. Consequently, new land has to be brought into cultivation, and the Lake Nasser shorelands offer one possibility, although, arguably, currently of lower priority than either the land reclamation programmes to the west of the Nile Delta or the development of groundwater resources in the Western Desert.

Figure 1. Location of Wadi Allaqi

John Briggs et al. 261

Wadi Allaqi is located about 180 km south of Aswan on the eastern shore of Lake Nasser. With its sources in the Red Sea Hills, Wadi Allaqi is the largest wadi in the southern part of the Eastern Desert of Egypt (Fig. 2). Because of its size and topography, inundation from Lake Nasser has penetrated along Wadi Allaqi some 80 km from the pre-inundation Nile channel as a finger of surface water, extending into a previously waterless hyperarid environment. Given its size, Wadi Allaqi could potentially be developed economically in its own right, but the importance of

Figure 2. The Wadi Allaqi region


this study lies in the results being more generally applied to the Lake Nasser shorelands.

Methods

Although very much a focused study, the research carried out is interdisciplinary and international in approach. Involved in the fieldwork were environmental chemists, botanists, ecologists, geographers, geologists and zoologists, from both Egypt and Britain. Consequently, a wide range of data was collected in a number of different ways in order to establish the nature of the natural resource base. Similarly, a socioeconomic survey focused on the use of natural resources by the inhabitants of Wadi Allaqi.

Using Wadi Allaqi as a pilot area, a series of 33 transects was established, each running from one side of the wadi to the other, at right angles to the wadi axis. These transects are located at approximately 500-m intervals along the wadi floor over that part which had been inundated at some time. Lake Nasser reached its maximum height of 177.5 m above sea level (a.s.1.) in 1978, since when some of the wadi floor has been exposed with the reduction of the lake level to about 165m a.s.1. in recent years. The length of each transect was controlled by the width of the wadi at that point, some being only O-5 km in length and others over 2 km. Along each transect, sample points were established at 100-m intervals, giving a total of 293. At half of these, samples of topsoil and subsoil were taken for laboratory analysis, and vegetation data for quadrats were recorded, including species composition, density and heights. Soil pits were examined in transects running away from the current lake shore to isolate the effect of inundation on soil properties. The collection of water data was more problematic, especially for deeper groundwater. A series of test boreholes provided some data but, more importantly, depth and quality of shallow groundwater (the most accessible source), associated with seasonal and longer-term lake level movements, were measured from hand-dug wells up to 4m deep.

A formal household survey, focusing on demographic, economic and social variables was undertaken, as was a study of indigenous environmental knowledge of the local Bedouin population, using methods such as distance matrix ranking.

The nature of the soil

It is clear that soil-forming materials around the Lake Nasser shorelands have been deposited by one or more of three transport processes: wind, flowing water, or lake water. Of the three, it would appear that the deposition of wind-blown material is of least significance. Some soft deposits of orange sand have collected in rock formations, mainly at the edge of the wadi. Such deposits are unstable and would not be an important soil resource for development. There is some evidence that finer-grained material is found in the soils along the edges of the wadi, while coarser material is found in the centre. The distributions of coarse- and fine-sand fractions suggest cross-wadi variation (Fig. 3). This may be due to the deposition of wind-blown, finer soil particles at the edges of the wadi. The evidence is not clear cut, however, due to the superimposition of other effects, as can be seen by comparing the distribution of soil particle sizes across transect 14 (Table 1). The effect is pronounced on the eastern side of the wadi, where there are higher silt and clay contents in the soil and a higher ratio of fine sand to coarse sand (quadrats 2 and 4). On the western side a runnel has resulted in much greater changes in the

John Riggs et al. 263

Figure 3. (a) Percentage of coarse sand in topsoil; (b) percentage of fine sand in topsoil

particle size d~st~buti~n. This is seen in soils from quadrats 14 and 16, which are in the main runnel, and quadrat 8, which is in a minor side arm of the mnnel.

Disturbance of the soil on tracks and around encampments has resulted in surface soil being transported by wind action. This is clearly seen by the dust clouds raised by vehicles and camel trains. Although not at present an important factor in the overall soil properties of the wadi, wind-blown material could become significant if development in the wadi results in soil degradation. This is more probable in view of the sandy texture of the soil and the few amount of organic matter. Wind-blown soil could collect around cuftivated plots and trees, causing damage or death to plants. Thus any development in the wadi must include practices which avoid physical degradation of the soil.


Table 1. Particle size distribution of topsoil (O-10 cm) across transect 14 from east (quadrat 2) to west (quadrat 16)

Quadrat number

2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16

% coarse sand 49 55 82 59 82 77 14 29 % fine sand 44 32 17 39 15 19 46 26 % silt 4 5 <I 1 2 2 25 33 % clay 3 7 <1 <l <1 1 15 12

The deposition of soil material from surface water flow is a process which occurred prior to inundation, and still occurs. This results from the infrequent torrential flows of surface water down the wadi following heavy rainfall in the Red Sea Hills. A graphic description of such a flow in late 1902 is given by Ball (1912), quoting the manager of the gold mine at Urn Qareiyat. The most recent known flow was in August 1988. There is considerable evidence for such flows and their effect on the soil. For example, in Wadi Quleib silt deposits were observed up to 1 m from the wadi floor, trapped in rock crevices at the edge of the wadi. In Wadi Allaqi itself, a runnel is clearly distinguishable running down the western side of the wadi. Within this area fans of fine sand and silt deposits are found on the downstream side of the larger plants. This process is enhanced particularly by Pulicaria crispa, a compact under-shrub with a significant effect on the speed of the water flow. Crusts of mainly silt and fine sand up to 5 cm thick have been observed behind the larger plants. The change in soil texture in the topsoil (0-1Ocm) is clearly seen in the samples of soil taken from the runnel (for example, soils from quadrats 14 and 16 in transect 14, see Table 1). The distribution of fine sand in the surface layers defines the runnel (see Fig. 3). In general, the runnel runs from south to north along Wadi Allaqi, but there is also clear evidence of east to west flow from the tributary wadis on the eastern side. This is particularly seen in the outflow from Wadi Quleib, the largest of the tributary wadis in this area, which spreads across Wadi Allaqi between two sets of low hills, joining the main runnel on the western side. This feature shows up quite clearly on the map of the distribution of fine sand (Fig. 3), while the predominance of the fine sand and silt fractions can be seen in Table 2.

Table 2. Particle size distribution of topsoil (O-10 cm) across transect 17 from east (quadrat 16) to west (quadrat 2)

Quadrat number

16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2

% coarse sand 58 11 9 6 6 38 77 68 % fine sand 34 66 80 69 80 61 19 20 % silt <l 5 6 20 11 <l <l 6 % clay 8 17 4 5 3 <l 4 5


Soil derived from material deposited by surface water represents a more important resource than wind-blown material. As can be seen from Fig. 3, this material is widespread throughout the wadi and thus any agricultural development based on small cultivated plots could be sited entirely on such soil. There is some evidence that the chemical properties of soils from the runnel may differ from other soils in the wadi. In particular, the aluminium oxide content is higher in these soils, which may have important consequences on the availability of phosphate and lead to fertilizer being needed. If so, then the environmental consequences must be carefully evaluated before such development is allowed.

Perhaps of greatest effect on soil quality, however, is the influence of lake water on soil properties. The position of the lake shore is highly variable, depending on small annual fluctuations superimposed on a larger longer-term variation (Fig. 4). Annual variations are typically in the range of 6-7m, whilst over the 1978-88 period, the total variation was 37m. This means that some parts of the wadi are seldom inundated, some parts are frequently inundated and some parts are usually inundated. Consequently, many of the soils within the wadi have been influenced by the lake water during the last 20 years. There are two processes which are important: the deposition of silt from the lake water during inundation; and changes in the chemistry of the surface soil layers during and immediately following inundation.

Figure 4. Water level in Lake Nasser for selected years


Table 3. Depth of surface layer of lake sediment in soils along Wadi Allaqi

Transect Depth of surface layer (cm)

10 13 1s 17 22A 22c 22c

9 7

z 2 5 (edge of wadi) 2 (middle of wadi)

A series of soil pits was dug in September 1991, starting at the then lake shore, and moving up the wadi to the limit of inundation. The depth of the surface layer of sediment deposited by lake water was measured, and found to decrease up the wadi, relating to time since last inundation and extent of inundation (Table 3). Thus the areas of the wadi which experience most frequent inundation are where the greatest deposition of lake sediment will be found. Lake sediment is identifiable by its content of shells, and may contain high amounts of certain plant nutrients. This will have important consequences for agricultural development as such soils may be more fertile than the other wadi soils.

When the lake level falls, considerable areas of recently inundated soil become exposed. These alternating periods of flooding and exposure can have important effects on the chemical properties of the soil. Detailed studies of soils were conducted at two locations. In each case, pits were dug at regular intervals and the soil profile described. Sample observations are presented in Fig. 5. An overall similar pattern of soil profile types was seen along all transects. Where the soil surface had dried out sufficiently, there was a thin (0-lcm) crust, orange or orange-brown in colour. This was underlain by a dark grey-black layer of between 5 and 1Ocm depth. The combination of these two horizons indicates that fiooding by lake water had resulted in chemical reduction in the surface Iayers. Further away from the lake shore, in soils which had been exposed to air for longer periods of time, a light grey or greyish-brown surface horizon 3-12cm deep was found. This corresponds to the layer of lake sediment described above. The subsoil in these profiles tended to be uniform in appearance, being red to reddish-brown in colour. Although there was some variation in subsoil at one of the sites, this uniformity, compared with the marked changes in the surface horizons, suggests that the main changes due to flooding take place in the upper part of the profile. Measurement of soil pH showed a fall of approximately one pH unit, from 9 to 8, in the topsoil along the transect moving away from the lake, while the pH in the subsoil remained constant at about 8.8. This again suggests that chemical changes occur primarily in the surface horizons, particularly oxidation reactions which are acid-producing, and so cause a fall in PH. These chemical changes, and in particular the formation of iron oxides, may have important consequences for the ability of the soil to supply phosphate and some trace elements to crops.

It is apparent that the soils of Wadi Allaqi are undergoing relatively little change, with the exception of the limited processes described above, and that there is no

DISTANCE FROM LAKE SHORE

VEGETATION

10m 20m 30m 40m 50m

+ Sparse tamar~x regrowing after mundatlon

John Brigs et al. 267

I OOm 150m 250m 350m

Mature

--t Mature Mature tamar,x tamar,x tamar,x wth some

seedlings

Figure 5. Sample transect, running away from lake shore, showing selected soil and vegetation characteristics

major geographic variation in properties across or along the wadi. Analysis of 119 soil samples shows that the soils are predominantly very sandy and of slightly alkaline pH. There is little accumulation of organic matter in the soil, except for a build-up of litter under bushes of Tumarix. This is only of localized significance as the high temperature ensures that any organic matter added to the soil is rapidly oxidized. The loss on ignition (LOI) values are low, and probably reflect loss of volatile salts rather than organic matter. The Tumarix litter does have an important effect on surface soils as it accumulates salt. Thus where such litter is added to soil there is a very high electrical conductivity, as the salt is not leached away due to the lack of rain.

Water resources

Water from the annual flood of the Nile is stored in Lake Nasser to increase year-round supplies for downstream irrigation. The construction of the High Dam at Aswan made this possible by controlling the episodic and variable regime of the Nile (Briggs and Dickinson 1988). In 1978 Lake Nasser reached its actual maximum level of 177.5m a.s.l., just below its planned absolute maximum of 180m. Since that time the lake level has fluctuated at values somewhat below that level.

The annual Blue Nile flood surge, accounting for 71 per cent of the Nile flow at Aswan, varies according to the rains in its upper basin. As this catchment is located towards the northernmost range of the East African monsoon area a high degree of variability is normal. Over the past 100 years, annual flow values have ranged from 151 milliards in 1978 to 45 milliards in 1913 (1 milliard = 1 X 109m3). Lake Nasser, when approaching its maximum planned level, holds about 162 milliards, which is about 2 years’ flow through the dam. For irrigation and power generation needs


Egypt cannot use more than 50.5 milliards, a value fixed by international treaty. This is 90 per cent of Egypt’s current water demand of about 55.5 milliards. Pressure on all water resources is acute, and new resource development and better use of existing resources is a national priority.

AS shown in Fig. 4, control of the flood surge of the Nile means that the volume of water in Lake Nasser varies on two time scales. The assumed annual flow of the Nile at Aswan is 84 milliards. Thus the high and low-flow values for 1978 and 1913 represent 180 per cent and 54 per cent of the long-term average respectively. To this long-term variation must be added the annual variation in the level of the lake which is controlled by the relative inputs to, and abstractions from, the reservoir. These variations are in the range of 6-7 m (see Fig. 4).

Three sources of information on hydrological conditions in the Wadi Aiiaqi area have been used in this study. First, data have been collected in the study area. Regular measurements of water depth, pH, temperature, salinity and conductivity have been taken from the limited number of permanent wells in Wadi Allaqi. The location and density of these wells are not ideal for spatial coverage of the study area, but in the absence of a network of boreholes, these are the only access to the water table. Secondly, topographic and ecological data have been used, including contour lines and visible indications of former shorelines. Both of these may be used to locate the position of previous lake levels which can be given a specific date from Aswan High Dam Lake Authority records. The third source is the limited amount of secondary data on hydrology for this area.

Throughout its lower 40 km Wadi Allaqi is flat floored. This valley bottom is composed of unconsolidated wadi sediments, chiefly laid down in the early Holocene when the local climate was wetter. It has a very gentle average gradient of 0.5 degrees, and the floor is O-5-3 km wide. Prior to the filling of Lake Nasser, water in the Wadi Allaqi region was confined to two limited sources. The first source was deep underground percolating water, moving slowly down the wadi from the Red Sea Hills in the east, over which there are varying amounts of rain annually. Such flows are sparse; they are located at the base of the sediment in the wadi, typically 30m or more below the surface, and are of indifferent quality. In September 1988, data from a well near the junction of Wadi Allaqi and Wadi Haimur, about 28 km from the lake shoreline at that time, revealed a water depth of 42 m, a salinity of 4400 mg l-l, and a conductivity of 1100 uS cm-’ at 28°C. This water sustained the deep-rooted, sparse, xerophytic vegetation of the wadi before the creation of Lake Nasser (Springuel et al. 1989; Murphy et al. forthcoming). Rare rain storms constitute the second source. Although effectively rainless, very occasionally there is rain in the area, typically taking the form of intense short-lived storms resulting in localized flash floods. These rare storms sustain ephemeral components of the hyper-arid vegetation, an important element in the vegetation of the area before the Nile valley was flooded (Springuel 1991).

The types of vegetation described above remain the characteristic components of the upper and middle parts of Wadi Allaqi (Murphy et al. forthcoming). But in the lower wadi the situation has altered radically as a result of the formation of Lake Nasser. Variations in lake level have resulted in shoreline movements of tens of kilometres because of the very gentle gradient of the wadi. Areas close to the current shoreline (in late 1991 approximately 170m a.s.1.) have been intermittently flooded since the lake filled. At a greater distance from the shore, flooding has been a much rarer event and environmental change less profound. The level of the lake has varied between a maximum of 179 m (November 1978) and a minimum of 150.5 m a.s.1. (July 19SS), and the area which has been affected by floodwater at


some time over the past 13 years extends for more than 30 km up the wadi from the present (1991) lake shore.

The pattern of change can be described as a reverse subsurface flow of good-quality water up the wadi from the expanding water table which has accompanied the formation of Lake Nasser (Dickinson 1989; Mekki and Dickinson 1991). The up-wadi movement of this less saline, and hence less dense, lake water has overlain the westwards flowing water from the Red Sea Hills. Observations in a shallow well close to the contemporary shoreline of the lake in 1988 gave water at a depth of 2.5 m, a depth of water of only lOcm, but salinity of 5OOmg l-i, conductivity of 750 uS cm-’ at 25°C and a pH of 7.5 (Mekki and Dickinson 1991).

Water from the margins of Lake Nasser is thus encroaching on the wadi in two ways. First, there is a slow advance up-wadi through the unconsolidated sediments of the wadi floor. Little is known as yet about the rate of such movements. Applications of general theories about water movements, such as Darcy’s Law, to this situation suggest that lateral water movement is unlikely to be much faster than a few tens of metres annually, given the size of the hydraulic head (Hillel 1982). Secondly, there are vertical movements as flood waters retreat. These allow lenses of lake water to descend quite rapidly to join the permanent water table at depth in the base of the wadi substrate. The long axis of Wadi Allaqi follows a fault zone boundary between geosynchnal metasediments and volcanics to the northeast, and Nubian sandstone to the southwest (Mekki and Dickinson 1991). The latter is an important aquifer, and the fractured and decomposed upper portions of the former may hold some groundwater. Therefore the ultimate fate of this descending water is to overlay the existing groundwater deep below the floor of the wadi. Over an extended period of time it will be greatly augmented by the arrival of slow-moving lateral flows from the main body of groundwater expanding beneath Lake Nasser.

In summary, subsurface water, derived from Lake Nasser and with precise location determined by annual lake-level movements, is available at depths of about 2-3 m below the surface on the wadi floor, even at distances of up to 5 km from the lake shore. The quality of such water is good. At somewhat greater depths, water resources become increasingly brackish and saline, and hence of little economic value. Deeper still, more ancient groundwater, associated with the Nubian sandstone aquifers at depths of up to 200m, are more problematic. Because of technological and financial constraints, deep groundwater offers a less likely alternative for development and, being essentially non-renewable, these aquifers are a less attractive resource base for sustainable development.

Vegetation resources and development

The current (1993) natural vegetation of Wadi Allaqi is largely dominated by plants characteristic of the Nile valley in Upper Egypt. The characteristic species is the shrub Tam&x ~i~otica, which forms extensive stands in the central section of the wadi. There exists, however, a clear seral zonation of the vegetation over the 30 km stretch of the wadi, from the low-water mark recorded in 1986, to the highest water level so far recorded, 177.5 m a.s.1. (Fig. 6). This vegetation pattern might best be described as a horizontally stretched version of the typical shoreline zonation which occurs (usually over a horizontal distance of tens to hundreds of metres) on steeper shores all round the lake perimeter (Ah 1987). Annuals characterize the zone closest to the water edge, typically dominated by Glinus Zotoides, together with Portulaca oieracea, ~ei~ant~em~m su~in~m, Amaranths b~itoides, and the grasses Eragrostis aegy~t~aca, Fimbrystilis his-~mbelluta, and Crypsis sc~oe~oides. In the


r

b 2 I 6 b 10 1; 14 16 18 2b 22 km

ktlometres from lake shore B

Figure 6. Vegetation communities transect, running away from lake shore

middle zones of the sere, Tam&x nilotica is predominant, with or without associates. In the central section, stands of Tamarix are usually monospecific, and individual plants may be large, often exceeding 5 m in height. Towards the uppermost end of the target area, and reaching its limit at the highest water level yet reached by Lake Nasser, a vegetation type dominated by the composite shrub, Pulicaria crispa, replaces the Tamarix community. In lower Wadi Allaqi, P. crispa seems to be a good indicator of the upper level of influence of lake-water inundation on the wadi ecosystem. It is more characteristic of wadi channel vegetation, where water supply is largely from intermittent flash flood events. Associated with P. crispa are other species more typical of Eastern Desert wadi vegetation, including Acacia e~re~bergia~a, Cassia serma and CitruZZ~ colucy~t~is.

A recent study of the vegetation of the southern area of the Eastern Desert of Egypt suggests that the Tamarix nilotica community of Wadi Allaqi is both new, and almost unique within this desert area (Murphy et al. forthcoming). It has a clear affinity with the flora present in earlier pluvial periods in this area of North Africa. Evidence for this is provided by fossil plant remains present in sand hillocks occurring in the upper part of Wadi Allaqi, which include Tamarix sp. and Sal~a~ora persica, and which have been carbon-dated to 500-800 years BP. There is also one known extant relict community of T. nilotica in Wadi Haimur, an upstream tributary of Wadi Allaqi, where groundwater occurs relatively close to the surface (Kassas and Girgis 1970). There is no record of T. nilotica being found in lower Wadi Allaqi, prior to the filling of Lake Nasser (Kassas and Girgis 1970), other than from the riverbank shore zone of the Nile. It seems reasonable to conclude that the current T. ~ilutica-dominated vegetation present within the area is indeed a new feature, and one which is a direct result of the improved availability of water resulting from periodic inundation of the area by the lake, together with infiltration of groundwater into the area. Since T. nilotica is a prolific producer of easily dispersed seeds, which germinate readily in damp soils, both the mechanism and speed of this invasion are readily explained.

A reasonable estimate of the area1 extent of this new vegetation cover within lower Wadi Allaqi is about 30 km2. Since the drought tolerance of T. nilotica is not that of a true xerophyte (lacking, for example, the deep tap root of Acacia species), the persistence of this vegetation cover through the periods of drought produced by low lake water levels (such as those occurring during the period 1985-88) strongly

John Rriggs et al. 271

suggests that relatively shallow groundwater supplies are available to support plant growth over much of the wadi. The only feasible source of such water is infiltration from Lake Nasser into the shallow ground layers of the wadi substratum.

The Ta~a~~x-~~l~t~ca-dominated plant community now present in lower Wadi Allaqi cannot, in its own right, be considered a particularly useful resource. Camels graze the young shoots of Tumarix shrubs, particularly as the fairly low salinity of the shallow subsurface water and the wadi soils ensures that the Tumarix foliage is not too salty. Sheep and goats graze some of the annual species characteristic of the vegetation zone closest to the lake shoreline. The Tam~rix shrub vegetation supports a fairly dense invertebrate fauna, including large numbers of scorpions, as well as the cutworm (Agrotis ypsikm) and the bollworm (Heliothis arm&p-a). The vegetation is also important in supporting over 38 recorded bird species in the wadi, particularly important as the wadi is located on the Nile flyway (Azeiz and Walmsley 1991). This can create conflicts: geese have now become a pest, as they feed off adjacent cultivated land.

The shrub community is, however, also infested by poisonous animals, including snakes and scorpions, much feared by the local people. Coupled with the poor grazing offered by the Tumarix community, this is a major factor contributing to the increasing rate of clearance of this vegetation type from the wadi, particularly from the areas near to the lake shore. Burning and hand-cutting by local people, together with an apparently increasing incidence of machine clearance by the Aswan I-&h Dam Lake Development Authority, are the mechanisms of destruction of the Tamarix cover. In addition, damage to the R&aria community of the upper part of the area is a new phenomenon, with whole bushes being uprooted by machine and taken away by the truckload for fuel.

In resource terms, the appearance of the widespread Tumarix vegetation in lower Wadi Allaqi is important not for its intrinsic value, but as an indicator of the improved potential of the area to support plant growth, and hence sustainable development. The important questions are what, if anything, will naturally replace the Tumarix community once it has been destroyed; and how best to manipulate and manage the newly improved conditions for plant growth, so as best to support development within the wadi. Observations to date suggest that once suitable gaps become available in the Tamarix community, and if grazing pressure is reduced, then tree seedlings (mainly Acacia raddian~ and A. e~re~~ergiunu) are able to colonize both quickly and successfully. There are plentiful sources of seed of A. raddiana from existing large specimens further up Wadi Allaqi and in Wadi Quleib, a tributary wadi. Given suitable conditions of soil moisture, Acacia seed germinates rapidly and in profusion, but grows very slowly, in the upper part of Wadi Allaqi. Camel grazing is a major cause of seedling mortality and may approach 100 per cent in the absence of any protective measures.

Preliminary results from grazing enclosure experiments underway in this part of the study area have shown that when grazing damage by large mammals is prevented, or minimized, the survival of young Acacia seedlings, to the critical stage of taproot development necessary to reach deeper groundwater supplies, can be substantially improved. Once the trees reach this stage, typically within the first year, above-ground growth proceeds more quickly. Tree growth rates in the area are exemplified by the rapid development of Acacia specimens in a small wooded area within Wadi Allaqi. These were planted in the early 1980s and had attained an average height of over 6 m by 1991. Such trees are immune to serious damage by camels and it is likely that reasonable resistance to grazing damage would be reached with 2-3 years, or at a height of 2-3m.


Land use responses by the local population

The people

Wadi Allaqi is inhabited by two main ethnic groups: the Ababda, who comprise about two-thirds of the population; and the Bishari, who make up the other third. Ababda have lived in the southern part of the Eastern Desert of Egypt for several centuries, although since the end of the nineteenth century, increasing numbers have migrated to the towns of the Nile valley (Hobbs 1989). This depopulation of the Eastern Desert, although initiated by drought conditions around the turn of the century, has latterly been encouraged by both real and perceived opportunities in the Nile valley towns. The current estimated population of Ababda in the southern Eastern Desert is put at about 15500 (Central Authority for Statistics 1987). Of these, between 200 and 250 are ordinarily resident around the Lake Nasser shore in Wadi Allaqi.

The Bishari, on the other hand, are more recent arrivals. Traditionally from the Gebel Elba region on the Egypt-Sudan border and the Red Sea Hills of Sudan, the Bishari are seen as ‘guests’ in and around the Lake Nasser shorelands. Significantly, most have arrived here since the mid-1970s, primarily to take advantage of the new opportunities provided by Lake Nasser inundation. As yet, there have been no major land disputes between the two groups, primarily because the favourable population/resource ratio has not so far been threatened.

Although there are variations in detail between the livelihood systems of the two ethnic groups, they share the same general characteristics. The Bedouin economy is characterized by five key elements (Table 4). The information in Table 4 was derived by asking each household in the survey to rank each activity in order of importance as an economic activity. The Preference Score was calculated by allocating 5 points for each first rank, 4 points for each second, and so on, summing the scores, and expressing this score as a percentage of the maximum possible score. It is clear that charcoal production and sheep-herding are the two dominant activities, followed by camel-herding. Medicinal plant collection and especially cultivation are relatively unimportant overall.

Seasonal influences

It is also apparent that these activities display different seasonal characteristics (Fig. 7) which, to a great extent, are influenced by environmental variables. These

Table 4. Livelihood activity preference among Wadi Allaqi residents

Rankings

1 2 3 4 5 Not ranked Preference score (%)

Charcoal production 13 3 7 1 0 1 80.0 Sheep-herding 8 10 4 0 0 1 73.6 Camel-herding 4 9 6 3 2 1 65.6 Medicinal plants 0 1 3 20 0 1 42.4 Cultivation 0 2 3 0 16 4 26.4

n = 25


JFMAMJJASONO

Charcoal production -

Sheep-herding -

Camel-herding . . . . ..__......___.....____...._____....

Medicinal plant _._ __ .___ ._ ____..___ __ _.__ _____. __ ____ __._._ __ cOllectlOn

Cultivation

Pnmary actwty - On terms of household tune allocated1

Secondary act,v,ty . . . . . . . . . .

Un terms of household trme allocated) Figure 7. Agricultural calendar

include monthly variations in the levels of Lake Nasser; the incidence of winter rainfall in the hills to the south and east, in particular Haimur; and air temperatures. In most years the difference between highest and lowest lake levels is in the order of 6-7m. In Wadi Allaqi, a vertical difference of this magnitude can result in a horizontal difference of 10-15 km of land being inundated. Clearly, as the flood recedes, the timing of any crop planting is critical. In the hill areas to the east and south, winter rains are common from mid-December until early February. Although rainfall in Wadi Allaqi is very infrequent, both surface and subsurface runoff of water from these areas can be important. Air temperatures in the area are oppressively high in the summer, with mean daily highs of 45” Celsius. This compares with mean daily highs of 2.5” Celsius in the winter, although it has been known to drop below 0” Celsius. There is, therefore, a tendency for people in the area to locate in the wadi in the summer months to take advantage of the cooling effects of both the water in Lake Nasser and the shade offered by the Tamarix vegetation, especially luxuriant within the area from Gebel Abu Seif and 7 km to the southeast along the wadi floor (see Fig. 2).

Livestock transhumance, primarily of sheep, and charcoal-making dominate the winter half of the agricultural calendar. This is associated with the incidence of rainfall at this time of year, and hence the availability of grazing, in areas to the east and south of Wadi Allaqi. Lower temperatures also make these desert areas more conducive to human activity. Cultivation, on the other hand, is a summer activity, carried out between April and September. The exact timing of planting is largely determined by the rate of lake retreat at this time of year. This is problematic, as planting too early can result in the plot rapidly being too far from the lake, which in turn reduces the level of groundwater, and hence can mean wells drying up too soon in the crop growth cycle. In response, a number of cultivators wait until May before planting, by which time the rate of lake retreat is less, and it is only 4 months or so until August, when the lake typically starts to advance again. By September, many of the plots are under threat from the water advance, and some may already be inundated by that time, assuming that rainfall levels in the source areas of the Nile have been at least satisfactory. It is also the case that the very high temperatures at this time of the year mean that the population levels in Wadi Allaqi are at their highest and hence labour is available for cultivation activities. Camel-herding and medicinal plant collection are carried out throughout the year, but neither are dominant activities at any one time for most households.


Charcoal production

Charcoal production is predominantly a winter activity, as most Allaqi residents consider that the desert to the east and south of Wadi Allaqi, where charcoal production typically takes place, is too hot for sustained activity during the summer months. More importantly, charcoal production is a complementary activity to sheep-herding, especially in Haimur, Urn Qareiyat and Ungat (see Fig. 2). As grazing in these areas can only take place in the winter months following rainfall, this clearly constrains the time at which charcoal production can take place.

Attitudes towards charcoal production vary between Allaqi households. Although most see it as their main activity, some consider it to be too hard work for the returns gained. These rather differing viewpoints are related to two important elements associated with production. The first is concerned with the interdepend- ence of livestock herding and charcoal production and, in particular, the extent to which a household is committed to the former. It is the case that those households with a greater commitment to livestock transhumance are also those which attach greater importance to charcoal production. The two production processes are closely interrelated, and as the importance of transhumance weakens within the household economy, so does the importance of charcoal production.

The second factor concerns the availability of labour. Charcoal production is labour intensive and especially so in the circumstances of the Allaqi economy, where that labour is lost to production in the wadi itself for perhaps 3-4 winter months. The ideal size of an efficient charcoal production unit is 3 persons. This is not only for company and safety in a harsh and difficult environment, but also so that one member of the unit can travel back to Allaqi every 20 days or so, to deliver sacks of charcoal to the family settlement and to pick up extra food supplies. In addition, the sheep flock still has to be managed. For a number of households, this level of input is more than it can meet under present conditions.

During the winter season, one person can expect to product 5 sacks of charcoal a month in Haimur, although slightly fewer elsewhere because of the more scattered distribution of Acacia trees, the preferred species. At LE50 per sack, this gives a potential monthly income of LE2.50 per person (about $70 at 1992 prices). For a production unit of 3 persons, this can amount to a total monthly household income of LE750, and spread over a 4-month production income season, this can bring in LE3000 for the household. Overheads are negligible. Tree stock is not yet being degraded and consequently does not have to be replaced, with all the implications this has for periods of economic inactivity. Transport from the production areas to the settled household in Wadi Allaqi is provided by camel, and is part of the transport requirement needed in support of grazing activities. Transport from Allaqi to Aswan has few costs, as Allaqi producers either get lifts with, or sell the charcoal directly to, drivers of Marnite (a local quarry company), Aswan High Dam Lake Authority or World Food Programme vehicles. Either way, the transport costs are borne by the organization, as vehicles have to travel this route anyway as part of their regular business, and not by the individuals. Another alternative is for the producer to take his produce himself by household camels to Aswan. It is not uncommon for some to visit Aswan 2-3 times a year to sell charcoal, and to buy supplies of tea, coffee, sugar and flour. Given the margins involved, it is clear that charcoal production constitutes a major part of some households’ incomes in Wadi Allaqi; for others, labour constraints would appear to be a major factor in depressing incomes.


Livestock

The keeping of livestock is central to the economy of households in Wadi Allaqi. Sheep and camels predominate, although there are small numbers of goats. There are no cattle. The dependence on livestock is due to two main factors. First, experience and inertia ensure that livestock-herding will continue, even though the environmental opportunities of Wadi Allaqi are wider than those experienced previously in the desert areas of Haimur, Ungat and the Red Sea Hills. Most households have settled in Wadi Allaqi only in the last 10 years-that is, since inundation-and hence have had only a limited time to experiment with new alternative economic activities. Given the harsh physical environment of the area generally, this type of economic experimentation is likely to be very limited, in that mistakes can have severe repercussions for household survival. Secondly, the fragility and variable nature of the natural resource base, both over time and space, make more geographically static economic activities highly risky. Under such circumstances, livestock systems, with their mobility and flexibility, provide the safest and most realistic economic alternative.

Every household in Wadi Allaqi possesses at least some sheep and/or goats, kept principally for their milk products, as slaughter for meat is relatively rare. Some sales take place, although mainly from the larger flocks. During the survey period, the price of a sheep was about LE70-80, although there was the problem of transportation to the main market in Aswan, about 180km to the north. At present, grazing pressure is not a problem in Wadi Allaqi, even though there is no established management system on the floor of the wadi. This can be attributed to three factors. First, the total number of livestock owned by Wadi Allaqi residents and kept in the wadi at any one time is still relatively small, probably little more than 1000 sheep and goats, and far fewer camels. Secondly, the annual changes in water levels, both surface and subsurface, ensure that vegetation for grazing is sustained, at least under present grazing demands. Thirdly, the maintenance of a transhumance system reduces pressures on the wadi’s grazing resources. Indeed, there is good reason to believe that it is this third factor which is the most critical.

7’ran.shumance. As the agricultural calendar shows (Fig. 7), sheep are taken from Wadi Allaqi in the winter months for grazing in the hill areas to the east and south. Hence, large numbers of sheep are found in Wadi Allaqi only in the summer months, between about April-May and October-November. For many Allaqi residents, this winter movement gives the opportunity to return to areas previously inhabited by them, prior to settlement in Wadi Allaqi. This system has the key advantages that it gives an opportunity for vegetation in Wadi Allaqi to recover, as well as maximizing the availability of short-lived vegetation, especially grasses, in the hills, produced as a result of the winter rains. Information on the incidence of rainfall, and hence the availability of grazing, reaches Wadi Allaqi by a number of channels. These include charcoal-makers making regular visits from Haimur or Ungat to Wadi Allaqi; relatives, still living in these areas, who bring information to Wadi Allaqi; passing travellers; and camel drovers, associated with dabuka (camel trains) from Sudan, who may have passed through or near these areas. In addition, observed physical attributes also give Allaqi residents clues as to the availability and location of hill grazing. Such things include particular types of cloud formations seen in the distance, surface water flows in wadis giving an indication of where rain has fallen, and even subsurface flow which stimulates the greening of existing vegetation.


Once the information has been received and the decision made as to where the livestock will be taken, the typical household invariably takes all its sheep, except for the young lambs and any ailing animals. It is generally considered that at least 50 sheep should be taken to make the trip worthwhile, and it is not unusual for households to pool their resources. A significant social change in this arrangement appears to be taking place, which may have important economic and ecological implications for Wadi Allaqi. In the past, it was common for the whole household, or at the very least the majority of the household, to move with the animals. Currently, however, the most common arrangement is for 2 or 3 males, at the most, to take the livestock into the hills for increasingly shorter periods of time, at present about 2-3 months. Food is taken with the herders [mainly flour, oil, mulakheer (a spinach-like vegetable) and coffee], and milk and occasionally meat are taken from the flock. They are thus self-sufficient whilst in the hills, and maintain little or no contact with Wadi Allaqi, unless they are engaged in charcoal-making. This practice, however, is losing popularity. The more favourable environmental circumstances of Wadi Allaqi have reduced the attractions of the hills, and it appears to be becoming more difficult generally to get volunteers to take the sheep. Herders are now taking it in turns to undertake this activity, and flock amalgamation is becoming increasingly common as a means of reducing manpower demands. If this trend is to continue, the economic and ecological consequences of overgrazing by livestock in Wadi Allaqi are likely to become increasingly severe. The problem is aggravated by the nature of the livestock grazing preferences. Preferred grazing species are: first, grasses, which have a short-lived occurrence immediately after rain or inundation; secondly, various legumes; thirdly, new Tumarix growth, either very young shoots emerging immediately after flood retreat or the new plant tops, both of which are green and less salty than older Tamarix growth; and fourthly, older, established Tumarix growth. The higher-rated preferences are more ecologically fragile and their destruction by overgrazing would thus result in resource degradation, leading to a less supportive physical environment, which in turn would lead to increased economic and livelihood pressures on the Wadi Allaqi community. In the absence of a management control system, the maintenance of a livestock transhumance system would appear to be crucial to the ecological and economic future of Wadi Allaqi, under existing conditions.

Cultivation

Cultivation in Wadi Allaqi is predominantly a summer activity, coinciding with increased population numbers in the wadi at that time of year, as people return from the desert. Furthermore, the lake level has been in retreat since the early part of the year and land has become available again, land that has been water saturated and now has a layer of recently deposited fertile silts. It also means that wells generally do not have to be dug much beyond 2 m in depth for a guaranteed water supply. As water depths in wells drop below 2 m, related to further surface retreat of the lake water, cultivators report an increase in the brackishness of the water and recognize its limited value for farming.

The choice of plot location in the wadi is influenced by two factors. First, the location of surface lake water and hence the depth below the surface of well water, is critical. Wells of depths of greater than 3 m are difficult to dig and construct, and are labour intensive. Given the high risk element of future inundation, it is perceived to be a poor use of scarce labour resources to allocate large amounts of


labour to digging a deep, reinforced well on the wadi floor, at heights of about 170m a.s.1. (Lake Nasser can inundate up to the 180-m contour at maximum capacity), when it could easily be unusable in the following and successive years. Consequently, the choice of plot location is critical, requiring good judgement, balancing the desires to minimize the length of period during which the water becomes brackish and to maximize the length of cultivation season. The relatively short period of time over which Allaqi residents have cultivated land means that the reservoir of local knowledge has not yet been built up to the extent at which careful and accurate judgements can be made on this problem.

The second important locational factor is that of soil quality. Allaqi residents have quickly learned to recognize the potential of particular soil types within the wadi, although without recourse to formal scientific methods. There are several elements to this indigenous knowledge. More recently inundated areas benefit from increased silt cover, as does the runnel which meanders over the wide floor, bringing sediments from the hills to the east and south when flash floods occur. Interestingly, many consider this latter source to be a better provider of fertile soils than the lake. Similarly, areas at the foot of Wadi Urn Ashira and Wadi Quleib are perceived to have better quality soils than elsewhere (see Fig. 2). This is not only due to the availability of high-quality silts washed down on an infrequent basis, but also the flushing out of existing salts in the soil when flash floods take place. Dense Tumarix cover, especially where leaf-drop is prolific, is perceived to produce poor-quality soils for cuItivation, mainly because of the high salt content associated with Tumarix. A number of residents also perceive the Tumarix to be a key element in explaining the brackishness of well water. Soils with a reddish tinge to them are thought to have high salt contents, and so to be of dubious value for agriculture. Clayey soils are much preferred to gravelly, hence reinforcing location decisions towards the lake shore, the flash flood runnel and the foot of Wadis Urn Ashira and Quleib. Finally, cultivators will also ‘taste’ the soil for salt content, as well as testing it for texture by rubbing it in their fingers.

Once a location decision has been made, a plot of 50 m x 50 m takes about 15 man-days to prepare. The most time-consuming task is preparing a fence to protect the plot from grazing animals. A variety of fencing materials has been used (including redundant fishing nets), but the most common are Tamarix branches, which are interwoven to form a solid barrier about 1~5m high. Significantly, over the last three seasons, most cultivators have left the fencing in place once the flood takes place and the plots themselves are inundated. Given the steady rise of the water level and the absence of large waves on the lake, the fences are not destroyed, and so the plots are available again the following season for cultivation, fully protected by the fence.

The next most significant labour demand is that of welt construction. Most plots have more than one well, thus reducing the distances over which water has to be channelled on the surface, an important consideration when evaporation rates are high. A 2-m deep well requires about 2 man-days to dig. Depths greater than 3m are avoided because of construction difficulties, and the extra effort required to lift a bucket of water that distance without animal or motive power being used. Whereas the quality of fence and well construction show little variation between plots, this is not the case with land preparation itself, where the varying quality between plots is essentially a function of Iabour input-the greater the man-hour input, the better prepared is the land. Of key concern is the construction of feeder channels within the plot to guide irrigation water to maximize efficiency in its use; the preparation of small gardens within the plot, usually of no more than 5 m x 5 m,


and demarcated by earth bunds 30-40cm in height; the removal of stones; the careful tilthing of soil; and the emplacement of bird scarers, often string or wire suspended 2m about the ground, to which are attached dead birds, cans or paper scraps.

Although Table 4 suggests that cultivation is the least important activity for households overall, it is the case that when cultivation does take place, it is undertaken seriously. In each of the three seasons of 1989-91, an average of 45 different crop stands was counted in Wadi Allaqi, and an average of 10 different crops was recorded, including maize, water melons, okra, marrow, beans and millet. Clearly, once Bedouin have become convinced of the merits of cultivation, they appear very prepared to experiment.

Medicinal herb collection and camel-herding, although preferred as economic activities to cultivation, are not demanding in terms of either labour or organization. Medicinal herbs grow in and around Wadi Allaqi and some can fetch premium prices in Aswan. Despite their importance to some household incomes, medicinal plant collection tends to take place on an ad hoc basis. Camels are allowed to roam freely, both in Allaqi and well beyond, hence not generating large demands on household labour. Indeed, it is common for camels to wander off in groups into the desert areas of Ungat, Haimur and well into the Red Sea Hills; sometimes, it is claimed, for periods as long as six years. The camels bear a brand (washam) to signify ownership, and any foals born in the desert are branded in the same way as the mother by any passing Bedouin. This degree of trust is a vital component in the working of the socioeconomic system of Allaqi and the desert beyond. If camels are needed by the owner during their absence in the desert, the owner will travel to collect them. A combination of an intimate knowledge of the desert and of habrat, an information network which exists in the nomad community, ensures that most camels are tracked down within 3-4 days. This has the major advantage of spreading potential grazing pressures over large areas of geographic space, thus reducing overgrazing in any one area, including Wadi Allaqi.

Land use responses by external groups

Since inundation started in the early 1970s two further types of economic activity have commenced in Wadi Allaqi, to take advantage of the new natural resource opportunities. Wadi Allaqi has become a major stopping-point for dubuka (camel trains) from Sudan to the south. Both Abu Hamed and Atbara function as collection points for camels, before setting off on a journey of lo-11 days northwards across the desert, following Wadi Gabgaba for much of the way, to Wadi Allaqi (Fig. 8). The final leg of the journey lasts for 3-4 days, again across the desert, to Daraw, north of Aswan, where there is a major camel market. At this point, most camels are then sold for slaughter for meat.

Wadi Allaqi, because of the presence of the arm of Lake Nasser extending into it, fulfills a major role in this system. Although a healthy camel can survive for up to 14-15 days or so without water or food, and hence the IO-11-day journey from Abu Hamed should present few problems, in practice the available water in Wadi Allaqi is vitally important for the maintenance of camel, and thus meat, quality. Although many drovers make a stop of only a couple of hours to water the camels, this is a vital element in the system. Nevertheless, camels are not permitted to drink too much water, as this makes them sluggish, performing badly on the remaining 3-4 days up to Daraw. Likewise, excessive consumption of Tamarix leaf is


’ Figure 8. The main easterly camel route from Abu Hamed in Sudan to

Daraw in Egypt

discouraged, as its salty nature promotes excessive water consumption by the camels.

It is estimated that in excess of 100000 camels a year make the journey from Sudan by this route, with a typical d&&u size being 300-400 camels. Three or four drovers are contracted to look after a dubuka of this size and each would expect to be paid about LElOOO for the trip by the owner of the camels, who usually will be in Daraw awaiting the arrival of his animals. The actual wage paid depends on the experience of the drover and his accumulated ‘wastage rate’ of camels which have died in his charge on previous trips across the desert. Interestingly, the drovers are usually full-time professionals and frequently from a family with a professional tradition. They typically make up to four trips a year from Sudan to Daraw, returning by steamer southwards on Lake Nasser and thence by road and river or train.

It is clear, therefore, that the dabuka have a significant impact on Wadi Allaqi and its residents. Over 100 000 camels a year, organized in over 300 dubuku, result in considerable activity, with both ecological and socioeconomic implications, especially during the winter months when transits are most frequent. At present, overgrazing by dubuka camels is not a problem in Wadi Allaqi, primarily because of the limited time spent there, as well as the drovers’ active discouragement of Tumurix grazing. Economically, dubuku drovers provide a source of trade, and also a means of transport to Aswan and Daraw, for Allaqi residents, although the presence of and increased access to Marnite and Aswan High Dam Lake Development Authority (AHDLDA) vehicles has weakened this relationship. The drovers also provide information on the desert areas through which they have


travelled. This is critical, for example, in informing Allaqi residents of the location of recent rainfall (during the winter months) and hence grazing. They are also important in providing information on the location of camels grazing in the desert, identifying ownership from the face-brands put on the animals. As the dabuka have no time to stop to attend to newly born camels, or lame or ill beasts, information on the location of any left behind in the proximity of Wadi Allaqi is given to Allaqi people. If the animal is saved, it becomes the property of the saver. At the market price of up to LE1200 for a strong, fat animal, this can represent a good income.

There have been attempts at large-scale agriculture near the lake shore, so far with limited success. AHDLDA has attempted over the years to establish a number of experimental farms, using tractors, ploughs, earth-moving machinery and diesel-powered water-pumps. This type of technology, however, is not available to the local population, and hence these efforts have largely been irrelevant to the needs of Allaqi residents. Lack of interest by both parties has tended to condemn these efforts to failure. In 1991, however, a new strategy was adopted by AHDLDA of encouraging private capital to become involved in farming near the lake shore as a commercial venture. To date, only one such venture has been taken on, a Luxor businessman investing in about 60 ha of land, albeit with considerable financial support from AHDLDA itself in the form of subsidies and incentives. Labour has been brought in from Luxor to run the farm and, given the combination of fertile soils, readily accessible water from the lake and high temperatures, first returns on crops are encouraging. Clearly, this second strategy excludes the indigenous Bedouin population.

Land use and development potentials

There is little doubt that the economic opportunities produced by inundation around the Lake Nasser shorelands have increased considerably over the last 15 years. There are, however, important ecological and management implications. It is too simplistic to suggest that the increased availability of water and annually rejuvenated soils in the immediate lake fringe will transform agriculture, and hence livelihoods, without an understanding of sustainability and a management system which ensures that the resource base is not rapidly exhausted. At present, there appear to be three main interest groups involved. The state, represented by AHDLDA and, to some extent, the Ministry of Agriculture and the Egyptian Environmental Affairs Agency, has clear interests. Egypt is currently importing foodstuffs to the value of about $3 billion a year, and hence bringing new land into production is a priority for the government. The Lake Nasser shorelands offer a further alternative to current land reclamation programmes around the Nile delta. There is, however, a locational difficulty, in that these potential production areas are at considerable distances from the main population centres in northern Egypt. Private capital, as a second interest group, has the same difficulty. In addition, there is the problem that private capital sees the Lake Nasser shorelands as representing a high degree of investment risk. Indeed, there are safer investment opportunities elsewhere, for example in construction, small-scale industry, transport, tourism, and even in agriculture in the more traditional Nile valley and delta locations. In both cases, the level of capital investment would require the establishment of permanent agriculture to allow sufficiently attractive returns to be made. The key problem is that the location of the lakeshore is constantly changing in response to the balance between lake inflows and outflows. There is always the danger that capital investment on any major scale will be either flooded, or left at


considerable distances from sources of usable water. A barrage constructed across Wadi Allaqi would be expensive and, in any case, could hardly be afforded as a general measure across wadis the length of Lake Nasser. The danger of retreating lake levels has already been seen with two of the AHDLDA experimental farms, neither of which lasted more than a year, because of water problems.

The consequence of this is that any realistic chances of sustainable development in the area rest with the Bedouin group already living there. It is clear from the discussion above that a viable, if underachieving, livelihood system is already in place, and that the natural resource base offers opportunities to enhance this. One possibility is to promote cultivation. Irrigation water can be provided from wells up to 3 m deep located within or adjacent to plots, exploiting the shallow groundwater left by the retreating lake. Since the sowing-to-harvest period is rapid, given the prevailing climate, crops can be successfully produced in a short period of time, in harmony with the annual lake level movements, thereby minimizing the risk of losing the crop either by inundation or by drought. Plots, being relatively small, are easily prepared and their location can be changed on an annual basis, relative to lake level movements. They have the further advanatage of using appropriate technology and being undemanding of capital investment. Regular re-inundation of the cropped sites replenishes nutrients and organic material and also minimizes salinization problems by flushing out any salt accumulation in the soil. There is nothing, as yet, to suggest that the soils of Wadi Allaqi are unsuitable for agricultural development. Indeed, the success of the local people in cultivating crops so far indicates that the soils are extremely fertile, at least in the short term. No evidence is yet available concerning the long-term sustainability of the soils for crop production, and in particular the supply of nitrogen and phosphorus. If these two macronutrients have to be supplied in large amounts, in order to sustain agricultural production, there would be considerable risk to the ecosystem, especially the lake. Nitrogen supplied as fertilizer and which is not utilized by plants would be easily lost from such sandy soils, low in organic matter. Thus there is a serious danger of nitrate concentrations in lake water rising to a level where eutrophication would be possible. Similar arguments would apply to phosphate, although there are probably more controls on its mobility in the soil.

It is clear that both the ecological and investment arguments suggest caution in promoting cultivation too strongly. It is also the case that many of the local population do not perceive cultivation to be a preferred household activity (Table 4). Indeed, the existence of farm-plots for every household in 1990 can be explained by the World Food Program (WFP) campaign in that year, sponsored by the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) and administered by AHDLDA on their behalf. To qualify for support, a household had to show evidence of undertaking cultivation. This was a substantial incentive, as participating households receive annually 4 bags of flour, 3 cans of oil, 10 kg of sugar and 6 bars of soap at four different times of the year, until 1993. The WFP campaign was a considerable incentive for households to establish cultivation plots, but once the one-off check had been made for qualification, most households’ interest in the plots waned.

More realistically, greater use can be made of existing vegetation resources, most of which are associated with lake inundation, and in particular for livestock-grazing and charcoal production. The evidence to date suggests that an open-canopy Acacia forest cover could, with appropriate management, be established fairly readily in lower Wadi Allaqi. This would provide shade (vitally important for both livestock and people in summer) and a sustainable source of high-quality fuelwood


for direct use or for charcoal production. The trees would be dependent on either irrigation or a suitable supply of shallow groundwater for their establishment, but would thereafter exploit deeper groundwater, not available to other vegetation in the wadi. A management system needs to be put in place to manage the resource, but there are clear benefits as charcoal production is one of the major elements of the Bedouin economy and, as such, it is well understood. It would have the further advantages of reducing pressures on Acacia stock in the desert, as well as of reducing the problem of labour shortage for charcoal production, which is increasingly being felt under the present system.

Similarly, there is the potential to improve the grazing resource base, not only for household stock, but also for the dabuka. One approach is to determine the potential of the area for growing fodder species in irrigated plots. Lucerne (Medicago sativa) is commonly used in Egypt as feed for camels and other livestock. Whether it would be economically more viable to grow fodder crops rather than arable or horticultural crops in the available irrigated zone would need to be determined. Outside this zone conditions are probably too dry to support suitable herbage species. At this stage nothing is known of either the secondary production potential, or carrying capacity for livestock, of the lower part of Wadi Allaqi, although it is likely that the former lies in the range of 0.5-5.0 kg ha-’ yr-’ of animal production (sheep, goats and camels), suggesting production from the c.3000 ha of the area of no more than 1.5-15 t yr-‘. These estimates however take no account of the effects of transhumance practices by the local people, which (especially for camels) will be expected substantially to increase the gross annual production figures for the herds.

A second approach is to manage existing vegetation. A number of annual plant species grow by the immediate lake shore in response to the favourable moisture conditions there. Some of these offer good grazing. This resource, however, is available only in small quantities, and usually for only short periods of time immediately after inundation. The young shoots of Tumarix can be successfully grazed by camels, as they are relatively free of salt content at that stage. Acacia is also a very popular grazing species. The difficulty is to develop a management system to avoid over-exploitation of such resources in what is still a marginal environment.

Conclusion

There is no doubt that inundation by Lake Nasser, consequent upon the construction of the Aswan High Dam, has substantially changed the available natural resource base of the Lake Nasser shorelands. Wadi Allaqi exemplifies these changes well. It is clear that, in the short term at least, the soils associated with periodic lake inundation offer major opportunities for successful cultivation of either selected crops or other economically attractive vegetation, such as Acacia. This is reinforced by the availability of generally good-quality water at relatively shallow depths, even at distances of up to 5 km from the lake shore. In response to these changed soil and water conditions, colonization by a variety of vegetation types has taken place, some types of greater economic value than others to the shoreland inhabitants.

The new natural resource opportunities, consequent upon the formation of Lake Nasser, are potentially good. However, despite these favourable changes, it is nonetheless very clear that this is still a marginal and fragile environment. There are clear constraints and limitations for successful economic development. Included


among them are as yet unresolved questions over the medium- and long-term sustainability of soil fertility, the spatial attributes of water quality and quantity, and the available biomass and resource values of the colonizing vegetation. Hence, any economic development strategy can be introduced only with care and sensitivity, mindful of the interrelationships between the various elements of the natural resource base, as well as the interrelationships between the natural resource base as a whole and human activity in the area. Large-scale, capital-intensive agriculture is unlikely to generate the returns needed, given the isolated location of the area, the fragility of the natural resource base, and the uncertainty of water supply consequent upon constantly changing Lake Nasser water levels. It would also be extremely damaging ecologically and is unlikely to be sustainable even in the short term. A major conclusion of this study is that the most ecologically and, indeed, economically sound method of encouraging development in the area is to build from ‘below’ within the framework of the existing Bedouin economy. This implies incorporating the views, aspirations, potentials and accumulated knowledge of the Bedouin into any development strategy for the area. The combination of ‘formal’ science and ‘people’s’ science in formulating a sustainable strategy for economic development is central to success in ensuring that such physical environments do not become unnecessarily degraded. Whether government planners and officials regard this type of approach to be a luxury they cannot afford remains to be seen.

Acknowledgements

We thank the United Nations Environment Programme, the British Council, the Gilchrist Educational Trust and the Royal Geographical Society for their financial support for the Allaqi Project. We also thank the many people in Egypt and Britain who have provided us with help and encouragement, but especially Magdi Ali, Mohamed Sogheir, Mohamed Gabr, Usama Radwan and Waafa Sorour. Finally, our gratitude to the people of Wadi Allaqi needs to be expressed: they never failed to show us friendship and hospitality whenever any of us were in their midst.

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(Revised manuscript received 3 March 1993)

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