TAM IA 2014 Aspect Part I and II

8/17/2019 TAM IA 2014 Aspect Part I and II

1/126

AspectA framework for analysis

Lecture 3


2/126

So far...

Temporal interpretation=COMPOSITIONAL

< the relations which obtain between three time

intervals: ST/RT/ET

ST/RT (tense morpheme + time adv.) = TENSE

ET/RT (have + en, be + ing , PPs) = ASPECT

ET/ST = existential status


3/126

So far...

John has left.

ET before RT [perfective]

John is running.

ET at/around RT [progressive]

= ASPECT

BUT: aspect = ?perfective = ?

progressive = ?


4/126

Today

Defining aspect

Situation-type aspect


5/126

Aspect

Aspect:

defined in terms of the relationship between ET and RT

its interpretation is not related to ST not deictic

tense = the ‘situation external time’ < RT/ST

aspect =the ‘situation-internal time’ < ET/RT

(Comrie 1976)


6/126

Aspect

To speak of aspect is to speak of a time-

ordering separate from tense that deals with

the internal temporal structuring, e.g. therelative duration, inception, and completion

of verbal activities. (Freed 1979)


7/126

Aspect

(1)

a. He is dancing. [+ dynamic][+progressive][+durative]

ET encompasses RT

b. He danced the whole day .[+dynamic][-resultative][+durative]

ET = RT


8/126

Aspect

(1)

c. He has fixed the car. [+dynamic] [+resultative] [+durative]

ET before RT


9/126

Aspect

[+/-perfective] [+/-progressive]

[+/- durative] [+/- resultative] ….

information about the internal structure of the

situation and about the way in which the

speaker perceives this situation


10/126

Aspect

Aspect =

"the semantic domain of the temporal structure

of situations (events and states) and their presentation." (Smith 1991)


11/126

Aspect

A situation can be presented/viewed in two

ways:

(i) Presented as a whole, with no explicit

reference to its internal phases, the focus

being mainly on the completion of the

event, i.e. the endpoint is included

the perfective viewpoint

11


12/126

Aspect

(2) John has already left.

ST = now

RT = ST [Present tense]ET before RT [perfective viewpoint]

==========================

ET before ST [historical existential status]


13/126

Aspect

(ii) with focus on an internal stage/on some

internal stages (a ‘time-space slice’ of an

‘open’ situation; the endpoint is excluded

the imperfective viewpoint

13


14/126

Aspect

(3) John is dancing in the rain.

ST = nowRT = ST [Present tense]

ET encompasses RT [imperfective viewpoint]

==========================

ET encompasses ST [non- historical existential status]


15/126

Aspect

"the semantic domain of the temporal structure of

situations (events and states) and their presentation."

So far: (i) perfective < have – en

(ii) imperfective < be – ing

i.e. English has grammatical markers for viewpointaspect


16/126

Aspect

(4)

a. He has fixed the car. [+dynamic] [+resultative] [+durative]

ET before RT < have + -en

b. I have known him for a long time.

[-dynamic] [+durative] [-resultative]

ET (before RT &) extends into RT

< have + -en & ...?


17/126

Aspect

(5) John is singing in the rain.


< be – ing

(6) Bucharest is the capital of Romania.


< the meaning of the predicate & ...?


18/126

Aspect

"the semantic domain of the temporal structure of

situations (events and states) and their presentation."

So far: (i) perfective

(ii) imperfective

< progressive: be – ing

< general imperfective


19/126

Aspect

the type of situation denoted by the predicate is

relevant to aspectual value (ET/ RT)

< the semantic domain of the temporal structure of

situations and their presentation.“

situation-type aspect viewpoint aspect

19


20/126

Aspect

STA

an idealization of types of situations

characterized by a bundle of semantic featureseach class: unique interpretive properties and

unique distributional properties

indirect syntactic correlates of semantic

concepts


21/126

Situation-type aspect

Situation-types classify events/states in terms of

clusters of semantic features

The linguistic unit which realizes situation-type

is "the verb constellation"


22/126

Aspect

situation-type aspect:

(i) the lexical meaning of the verb(ii) the internal and the external arguments of

the verb

(iii) certain adjuncts


23/126

Aspect

(5)

a. John ate an apple. = [+telic]

b. John ate popcorn. = [-telic]

the type of DO is relevant to the aspectual

value of the predicate


24/126

Aspect

(6)

a.Students have been discovering this library

for ages. b.??John has been discovering this library for

ages.

The external argument of V is relevant to

the aspectual value of the predicate


25/126

Aspect

(7)

a. John ran in the park . [-telic]

b. John ran to the park . [+telic]c. We walked six miles.

d. We walked to the post office.

certain adjuncts are relevant to the aspectual

value of the predicate


26/126

Aspect

the core semantic features which distinguish

among the various situation-types are:

(i ) stativi ty

(ii) tel ici ty ++

(ii i) duration


27/126

situations

states

[+ stative]

occurrences

[-stative]


28/126

Aspect

(8) John is tall. [+ stative]

(9) John is running. [-stative]

[+/- stative]

A stative situation (STATE)

= no dynamics

= no internal change

= holds for a moment or an interval, with an arbitrary

final point (-telic)

= the same throughout its duration (homogeneous)


29/126

Aspect

= a stable condition of the entity expressed by the

subject

= no change assumed to appear between any time

moments

= no development or culmination point.

be tall, be sick, know English,

know the answer, likelinguistics, despise thieves,

hate liars


30/126

Aspect

(10)

a. John loves Mary.

b. Mary is a linguist.

c. Mary believes linguistics is fun.


31/126

Aspect

(11)

a. *John is being tall.

b. John is being polite.

(12)

a. ?? John is tall every day.

b. John is polite every now and then.


32/126

Aspect

state predicates which denote exclusively

permanent properties

state predicates which denote episodic

situations or which allow an episodic reading


33/126

Aspect

(13)

a. Cricket is more widespread than baseball.

b. ?? John is widespread.c. Dinosaurs are extinct.

d. ?? A dinosaur is being extinct at the

moment. some predicates: exclusively permanent properties

constraints on the subject


34/126

Aspect

kind: dogs, potatoes, politicians

individual: Bobiţă , Vanghelie

stage: Bobiţă is barking right now.

= a temporary instantiation of an individual

= a time-space slice of...


35/126

Aspect

e.g. rare, widespread, in short supply, extinct,

common

their subject can only be a kind-referring

entity

e.g. this kind of NP, each species of NP, man


36/126

Aspect

states which denote permanent properties

(normally) resist the progressive:

(14)

a. *John is being tall.

b. *John is knowing Bill.

c. * John is owning a farm.


37/126

Aspect

(i) stage-level predicates (SLPs)

= temporary or accidental properties

tired , angry, run (ii) kind – level (KLPs) and individual-level

predicates (ILPs)

= (more or less) permanent or inherent propertiesintelligent, tall, own


38/126

Aspect

the vast majority of state predicates are compatible

with both a SL and an IL reading:

(15) a. John is polite.

b. John is rude.

c. John likes parties.

(16) a. John is polite today./ John is being polite

today. What’s the matter with him? b. John is rude to his father. Please stop him!

c. I really like this party!


39/126

Aspect

(17)

a. The statue stands in the middle of the square.

b. Your box is standing in the middle of the room.


40/126

Aspect

(17)

a. John is lying in the grass.

b. John is standing in the doorway.c. You are being rude!

These statives allow a stage-level interpretation, theycan denote an episodic situation


41/126

Aspect

States which cannot be interpreted as stage-

level predicates resist the progressive.

States which can be interpreted as stage-

level predicates can be used in the progressive


42/126

Aspect

States combine freely with a present tense

simple form to convey: ET encompasses RT

(=ST)

(18)

a. The flag is blue.

b. She is angry now.c. *She dances in the kitchen now.

d. *They wait for her answer at the moment.


43/126

Aspect

(19) At 5.00 she was still in her office.

ET encompasses RT

Vs.

(20)

a. At 5.00 she made herself an omelette.

b. At 5.00 she was making herself an omelette.


44/126

Aspect

(21)When he left she was still upset.

vs.(22)

a.When he left she made a phone call.

b.When he left she was making a phone call.


45/126

Aspect

Adverbials of time can refer to a point

within the duration of a state but not of anevent which is [-progressive]


46/126

situations

states

[+ stative]

occurrences

[-stative]

So far ...


47/126

Task: identify the [+stative] predicates

When I was younger I thought I was fat, even though

I was actually skinny, looking at photos.

We sat by the fire, listened to the news on the radio

and ate baked beans.We sat down to smoked salmon in herbs and large

king prawns.

The Regent Theatre stood halfway down ShaftesburyAvenue towards the Piccadilly end.

Gravellier stood up, blood washing over his face.


48/126

Task: identify the type of entity K, I,S and the type

of predicate (KL, IL, ST)

Worms are a staple diet and these have been in short supply

due to the summer drought.

Glamour is in short supply on the streets of Harlesden.

Pure beef cattle are rare.Snakes hiss.

The snake raised its head, hissing in fear or anger.

Lions are dangerous.

This lion is very dangerous.Going there today might be dangerous.


49/126

AspectA framework for analysis

Lecture 4


50/126

So far

Aspect

defined in terms of the relationship between ET and RT the ‘situation-internal time’ < ET/RT its interpretation is not related to ST not deictic

the semantic domain of the temporal structure of

situations (SITUATION-TYPE aspect) and their

presentation (VIEWPOINT aspect)

STA: an idealization of types of situations characterized

by a bundle of semantic features: stativity, telicity,

duration < the verb constellation


51/126

situations

states

[+ stative]

occurrences

[-stative]

So far ...


52/126

= a stable condition of the entity expressed by the subject

= no change assumed to appear between any time moments

= homogeneous

= (i) states which are exclusively KLP/ILP

(ii) states which are SLP/allow a SLP interpretation

= states can be used in the simple form to convey ET

encompasses RT

= states do not freely occur with the progressive

So far ...


53/126

Today

STA cont.


54/126

State predicates cont.: other stativity tests

(1) force/persuade

a. *John forced/persuaded Bill to be tall.

b. John forced/persuaded Bill to study for the exam.

If [+stative] : NO

If [- stative] : YES


55/126


(2) imperatives

a. *Be tall!

b. Study for the exam!

If [+stative] : NO



56/126


(3) deliberately, carefully

a. *John was carefully tall.

b. John carefully studied for the exam.

If [+stative] : NO



57/126


(4) deliberately, carefully

a. *John was carefully tall.

b. John carefully studied for the exam.

If [+stative] : NO



58/126


(5) pseudo-cleft constructions

a. * What John did was be tall.

b. What John did was study for the exam.

If [+stative] : NO



59/126


(6) habitual reading in non-progressive forms

a. John is tall.

b. John studies for exams.

If [+stative] : NO


St ti it t t i


60/126

Stativity tests: summing upTEST +stative -stative

free occurrence in the progressive

/

habitual reading with non-progressive forms/

can freely occur in imperatives

/

co-occurrence with carefully, deliberately,attentively/

complement of force, persuade/

can occur in pseudo-cleft constructions

‘ET encompasses RT’ with non-progressive forms


61/126

occurrences

[-stative]

Activities/processes[- telic ]

Definite changes ofstate

[+telic]

Occurrences: first attempt


62/126

Aspect

(7)

a. John dances beautifully. [-telic]

b. John made a chair . [+telic]

c. They noticed her in the crowd. [+telic]

[+/- telic]

A telic event = has a natural end point/culmination


63/126

Aspect

ACTIVITIES

= dynamic

= durative

= no natural end point [atelic]

= consist entirely in the process

= denote homogeneous situations

run in the park, dance

with John, rain, eat

cherries, laugh, make

noise, roll, rain, snow,play the piano


64/126

Aspect

BUT:

(8)

a. John ran.

b. John ran to the store.

(9)

a. John played the piano.

b. John played a sonata.


65/126

Aspect

(10)

a. John wrote a poem.

b. John wrote poetry.

(11)

a. John ate two huge ice-creams.

b. John ate vanilla ice-cream.


66/126

Aspect

(12)

a. John drove that car for years.

b. John drove that car away.

Some verbs are actually unspecified for

telicity in the lexicon; in this case telicity is

derived compositionally, in conjunction

with the semantics of the arguments of

the verb and of the semantics of certain

adjuncts.


67/126

Aspect

Homogeneity seems to underlie telicity.

atelic predicates denote homogeneous situations

(e.g. states, activities)

telic predicates denote non-homogeneous situations

various semantic tests which distinguish

between activities and telic occurrences


68/126

Aspect

(13)

a. Something was slithering along the dark corridor

floor.

b.Derek, laughing heartily, gave me the key.

c.They are laughing and joking.


69/126

Aspect

A. different entailments of progressive sentences

Does x is/was V-ing (pragmatically) entail x (has) V-ed?

(14) John is dancing. John has danced.

(15) John is making a cake. John has made a cake.

(16) It is raining It has rained.

(17) It was raining It rained.If atelic : YES

If telic: NO


70/126

Aspect

B. Different entailmens of stop +V-ing

Does x has stopped V-ing (pragmatically) entail x has

V-ed?

(18) John stopped running. He ran.

(19) John stopped painting a picture. he painted a

picture.If atelic: YES

If telic: NO


71/126

Aspect

C. Free occurrence with for x time phrases:

(20) They danced for hours.

(21) ??They found the apple for 3 hours.

If atelic: YES

If telic: NO


72/126

Aspect

D. Free occurrence with in x time phrases:

(22) *They danced in two hours.(23) They ate the apple in 3 minutes.

If atelic: NO

If telic: YES


73/126

Aspect

E. different entailments when the predicate is the

complement of stop

(24) John stopped making a chair.

(25) John stopped running.


74/126

Aspect

E. the complement of finish

(26) John finished making a chair.

(27) *John finished noticing an error.

(28) * John finished running.


75/126

Aspect

Activities can freely combine with the progressive

with no change in situation-type but not with the

simple present (when the conveyed reading is: ET

encompasses RT)

(26) They are dancing now.

(27) *They dance now.

Vs. states

Telicity tests: summing up


76/126

Telicity tests: summing upTEST + telic - Telic

x is/was V-ing (pragmatically) entails x (has) V-ed

stop V-ing entails V-ed

free occurrence in the progressive with no change in

situation-type / co-occurrence with in x time phrase

co-occurrence with for x time phrase/

occur as the complement of finish /


77/126

occurrences

[-stative]

Activities/processes[- telic ]

Definite changes ofstate

[+telic]

so far...


78/126

Aspect

(28) John built a house. [+telic] [+durative]

(29) John noticed a mistake. [+ telic] [-durative]

[+/- durative]


79/126

Definite changesof state

[-stative] [+telic]

Achievements

[-durative]

Accomplishments

[+ durative ]

So far...


80/126

Aspect

ACCOMPLISHMENTS

[+dynamic]

[+telic][+durative]

build a house, build a

bridge, make a cake,

draw a circle, paint a

picture


81/126

Aspect

they do not refer to homogeneous situations.

their internal stages are successive. But thesestages and the final point are seen as a single event

= complex events made up of a series of successive

stages and a natural end point

a process + an outcome


82/126

Aspect

(30) He cooled the soup.

[he did something] which caused [the soup tobecome to be cool]

DO _CAUSE _ BECOME state


83/126

Aspect

(31) John wrote letters. activity

John wrote letters for two hours.

(32) John wrote ten letters. accomplishment

John wrote ten letters in 30 minutes.


84/126

Aspect

(33) a. John ran. activity b. John ran for an hour./*in an hour.

(34) John ran a mile.

an adverbial of extent [a delimiter]

accomplishment


85/126

Aspect

(35)a.The child swam. activity.

b.The child swam to the shore.

a delimiter accomplishment

(36)

a. John hammered the metal. activity b. John hammered the metal flat. accomplishment


86/126

Aspect

(37)

a. He drank.

b. He drank a glass of wine.

c. He drank himself under the table.

(38)

a. He shouted.

b. He shouted his voice hoarse.

some

accomplishments

are ‘derived’ telic predicates


87/126

Aspect

(39) a. John ran a mile in an hour.

b. John ran a mile ??for an hour.

c. John painted a picture ?? for an hour.

Accomplishmentscan freely co-occur

with in x time phrase

Accomplishments very

marginally co-occur with for x time phrases


88/126

Aspect

(40) John ran for an hour.

He ran at any time during that hour .

(41) John made a chair for an hour.

It is not the case that he made a chair at any

time during that hour.


89/126

Aspect

(42) The sheriff of Nottingham jailed Robin Hood for

four years.

(i) repetitive reading

(ii) the duration of the result-state < act of jailing

(43) The sheriff of Nottingham rode a white horse for

four years.

(i) repetitive reading Some accomplishments:ambiguity with for x

time phrases


90/126

Aspect

the adverb ALMOST: different effects on activities

and accomplishments:

(44) He almost ran.(45) He almost painted a picture.

(46) He almost killed her.


91/126

Aspect

with accomplishments (process + resultant

state) = ambiguity (vs. activities)

(i) ALMOST [he did something] which

caused [her to become dead]

(ii) [he did something] which ALMOSTcaused [her to become dead]


92/126

Aspect

The imperfective paradox:

Does x is/was V-ing (pragmatically) entail x (has) V-

ed?

(47)He is making a chair. He has made a chair.


93/126

Aspect

Also:

(48) John finished making a chair.

(49) ??? John finished running.

(50) * John finished noticing an error.

only accomplishments

can normally be thecomplement of finish

Summing up: activities vs. accomplishments


94/126

g p pTEST accomplishment activity

x is/was V-ing (pragmatically) entails x (has) V-ed

stop V-ing entails V-ed

free occurrence in the progressive with no change in

situation-type

occur as the complement of finish

co-occurrence with for x time phrases?

ambiguity of for x time phrases

ambiguity with almost

co-occurrence with in x time phrases

S f


95/126

Definite changesof state

[-stative] [+telic]

Achievements

[-durative]

Accomplishments

[+ durative ][-homogeneous]

So far...


96/126

Achievements

occurrences[+ dynamic]

denote a definite change of state, entail the

existence of a result[+telic]

denote instantaneous situations [-durative]


97/126

Achievements

(51)

a. ??John noticed the error for 5 minutes.

b. John noticed the error in 5 minutes.

?? John spent 5 minutes noticing the error.vs.

(52)

John made a chair in 5 minutes. John spent 5 minutes making a chair.


98/126

Achievements

(53)

a. The room is darkening in a couple of minutes.

b. The weather is cooling in three days.

c. The plane is landing in 30 minutes.

the modifier locates

the end point of the

event


99/126

Achievements

(53)

a. *John stopped noticing the error.

b. *John finished noticing the error.

c. *John began to notice the error.

achievements cannot

be the complement ofaspectual verbs


100/126

Achievements

(54) John almost noticed the error.

no ambiguity

(55) ?? John

carefully/attentively/carefully/vigilantly/studiously

detected the error.

Summing up: prototypical achievements


101/126

TEST achievement accomplishment

occur as the complement of aspectual verbs

co-occurrence with for x time phrases?? ?

ambiguity with almost

co-occurrence with carefully, attentively, vigilantly,

studiously, obediently

co-occurrence with in x time phrases

V + in x time phrase = spend x time phrase V-ing


102/126

Achievements

(56) John noticed an error.

* John is noticing an error.

John has been noticing errors for the last 30 minutes.

(57) John is winning the game.

(58)The soup is cooling.


103/126

Achievements

(59)

a. The soup cooled for an hour.

b. The soup cooled in an hour.

(60)

a. John noticed the error in a second.

b. ??John noticed the error for a second.

Achievements


104/126

(61) They reached the summit in five hours/afterfive hours.

In/after five hours= at the end of a

time interval of 5

hours

= in a fraction of a

second !


105/126

Achievements

(62) She noticed Bill in/after 5 minutes.

In five minutes =

at the end of atime interval of ...

= in a fraction of a

second

Achievements do

not represent ahomogeneous class


106/126

Achievements

A. notice, spot, find, lose vs. reach the

summit, land (on), fall from, win a game

A hi


107/126

Achievements

(i) Ach. which denote situations with no preliminarystages:

find, notice, recognize

(ii) Ach. which denote situations which ‘include’ preliminary stages:

reach the top, win a race

[+/- progressive]

A t


108/126

Aspect

(63)

a.*John is noticing a mistake.

b.* I am finding a book.

(64)

a. John is winning the race.

b. She is recovering slowly.

c. The young men were reaching the summit when it began to rain.

d. The team was losing the game when the storm

began.

A t


109/126

Aspect

B.

(65)

a. The gap widened 10% in a year.

b. The wine cooled 5o in two hours.

c. The child grew 10 cm in a year.

d. The grapes dried completely.

Degree

achievements: cool,

dry, lengthen, grow,

widen, sink, age

A t


110/126

Aspect

(66)

a. The soup cooled for an hour.

b. The soup cooled in an hour.

c. The soup began to cool.d. The soup was cooling slowly.

Degree achievements

do not behave like

prototypical

achievements; they

display both telic and

atelic behaviour

A t


111/126

Aspect

< their argument undergoes a change of statein some property

< are derived from a gradable adjective = a

property on a scale

< a measure of the degree to which the

argument changes relative to this gradable

property

A


112/126

A

(67) The soup cooled.

(i) the soup became cool.

(ii) the soup became cooler.

(68)

a. The soup cooled in an instant. b. The soup cooled for several minutes.

A t


113/126

Aspect

The degree to which the property changes

(i) can be bounded

= [ + telic]

(ii) can be unbounded

= [ - telic]

A t


114/126

Aspect

(68)

a. The water cooled 4 degrees.

b. The clothes dried completely.

c. John aged 20 years during that experience.

d. The ship sank for an hour (before going under

completely).

S f


115/126

So far ..

States

Activities

Accomplishments

Achievements

O l


116/126

One more class...

knock, hiccup, flap a wing, flash, hiccup, sneeze,belch, burp, cough, jump

= denote single action events= [+ instantaneous]

= they take place over the shortest possible interval

= semelfactives

S lf i


117/126

Semelfactives

(69)a. He jumped in 5 seconds.

b. Bill was kicking him when he saw me, so he

stopped midway (and didn’t kick him).(70)

a. He was knocking on the door when I saw him.

b John knocked on the door (repeatedly) for several

minutes.

S lf ti


118/126

Semelfactives

At first sight, ambiguous behaviour with respect

to telicity

2 analyses available in the literature

(i) [-stative] [-durative] [- telic]

(ii) [-stative] [-durative] [+ telic]

Semelfactives


119/126

Semelfactives

(71)

a. He coughed twice.

b. She sneezed three times.

c. The child jumped twice. can be counted

(i) the single

events(ii) iterations of

events

Semelfactives


120/126

Semelfactives

(72)

a. She jumped again and again.

b. She jumped for several minutes.

Vs.

(73)

a. He ran again and again.

b. He ran for several minutes.

Semelfactives


121/126

Semelfactives

(74) He gave a jump/a kick/ a wink.

(75) He had a walk/a run/a swim.

(76) He jumped in a minute.

He ran in a minute.single events vs.

extended events

Semelfactives


122/126

Semelfactives

they have some internal structure: jump, wink, kick

minimal atomic events, countable;

[+telic]

activities can be formed out of them < iterated

reading

a. all semelfactive predicates have

a homonymous activity reading

Semelfactives


123/126

Semelfactives

(77)

a. He knocked on the door.

b. He was jumping up and down.

c. He was sneezing.d. He blinked for 5 minutes.

e. He clicked his pen throughout the lecture.

f. Teh child coughed all night.

reinterpreted as activities (repeated events)

Summing up: semelfactives


124/126

TEST Semelfactives Activities Telic predicates

co-occurrence with in x time

phrases/telic modifiers

V-ing can induce the

imperfective paradox

V-ing entails V-ed

co-occurence with for x time

phrases/ atelic modifiers ??

Summing up


125/126

Summing up

Situation-types:an idealization of types ofsituations characterized by a bundle of semantic

features: telicity, stativity. duration

each class: unique semantic properties and unique

distributional properties

the linguistic unit: the verb constellation

Summing up


126/126

+/- stativeSituations

Occurrences

[-stative]

Activities

[-telic][+telic]

Semelfactives

duration

Achievements

duration

Accomplishments

+ duration

States

[+ stative]

Date post:	06-Jul-2018
Category:	Documents
Upload:	missc0ra
View:	217 times
Download:	0 times

TAM IA 2014 Aspect Part I and II

Documents