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Comic books are read on a regular basis b y young and old, rich andpoor, urba n an d rural M exicans. Hu.mor, adventure, police, fanta st ic an dpoli tical comic books are but a fe w ypes o f thesepopularpub licat ions foundat newsstand s on bus y dow ntow n street corners or laid ou t on s idewalks i nquiet neighborhoods. Because o f their im m en se popularity, their conten t

meri ts serious at tent ion. Harold Hinds and Charles Tatum study theimages of w om en jn our comic books-Kaliman, La'grimas, risas y amor,La familia Burron and El Payo-and assess the degree to which theseimages conform to or deviate fr o m tradit ional stereotypes o f M exicanwomen. The y f ind t ha t in som e case s these stereotypical im ages are notfound: but in most , readers encounter submissive, passive and long-suf fer ing fema les dependent upon males f o r their self-esteem; or a t leastw o m a n as ideal f iancee-spouse, as mistress-sex-object and as witch. Tw owomen-Borola of La familia Burron and Lupe of El Payo-are moreassert ive and not cast in the sam e mold a s mo st other comic book wo men.

Harold H ind s teaches history o f the Un iversi ty of M innes ota, Morris.Charles Ta tum teaches Sp anish a t New Mexico State University . Th ey areco-editors of t h e jou rna l Studies in Latin American Popular Culture andtogether are writin g a book on th e Mexic an comic book.

Images of Women in Mexican Comic Books*

Harold E. Hinds, Jr. and Charles Tatum

Comic books are immensely popular in Mexico. Perhaps as many as

seventy million copies of Mexican comics are sold monthly, and there arebrisk. sales on the secondhand market as well. Given comics' greatpopularity, the images of women presented in them take on considerableimportance. In this study we will describe the principal images of womenshown in selected Mexican comic books as well as assess the degree towhich these images conform to or deviate from traptional stereotypes ofMexican women. The work of Juan a Armanda Alegna and Jane S.Jaquettewill be drawn upon to briefly outline these widely held views of women.Then we will explore the images presented in four Mexican comics, each ofwhich was the most popular title of a specific type or genre in 1976-1978, he

time in which our sample of comics was collected. Speci#kally, we willexamine images of women in the superhero comic Kal i man , the romanceL&grimas, r i sas y amor [Tears , Laughter and Love] , the humorous Lafam i l ia Burr& [T he Burron Fa mily] and the Western El Payo. At least insome cases, the expected sexual stereotypes are not encountered.

IJuana Armanda Alegria lists several traits which she believes

characterize the attitudes and behaviors of the contemporary Mexicanwoman of all classes.' While her comments are general, they serve to give usa good composite picture of the Mexican woman's relationship to the male,and, within the family, to her husband and children.

'Some of the material in t his article first appeared in the Journal of Popular Culture, Fall

1979 and Winter 1980 issues, and in the North Dakota Quarterly, Spring 1980-see notes for full

citations-and is reprinted here by permission of the authors, Bowling Green University Popular

press, and the University of North Dakota.

146



Images of Women in Mexican Comic Books 147

Her response to machismo, the national phenomenon of theexaggerated expression of virility, is to adopt the attitude of the victim.Even if the Mexican woman does protest or even attempts to escape herhusband’s beatings, in the end she allows herself to continue to be abused.

She cries bitterly to the point of exhaustion and then mitigates her tears byaccepting her sad fate. In the face of her man’s infidelity, she accepts thesituation with dignified and long-suffering submisson,9he knows thatshe must expect this behavior yet try to ignore it. Alegna believes th at thefeminine attitude that serves to reinforce machismo is not so much puttingup with mistreatment and humiliation (this is a consequence), but livinghumiliation itself. The Mexican woman is born into a state of humiliation,and the cult of male worship that she practices serves to further denigrateher position. This is manifested in specific ways.

The woman’s masochism in its many forms can be conveniently

synthesized in the concept of self-denial, which implies the idea ofrenunciation. The woman desires nothing for herself, and from girlhood sheha s learned an d incorporated the “correct” attitudes attendant to her sex.As she matures and conforms to these feminine ideals, the circle of herservitude to the man closes around her. The long-suffering woman is onewho has learned how to accept life’s adversities with unhealthyresignation. She never protests, rebels nor demands, but rathersubordinates her own needs and wants to those of others. Her abnegation isthus a steady process of self-negation and the suppression of her ownvalues.

Servility is also a key trait. The act of serving the male is for theMexican woman more a philosophical stance than a n attitude. She definesher being in terms of servility to the man, and she is someone on whom hecan regularly and unconditionally count in every circumstance, positive ornegative, and always without remuneration.

Sexually, the Mexican woman also gives service without thecompensation of experiencing her own pleasure. The male is accustomed tofocusing on his own satisfaction, and thus the frigidity with which thefemale responds is considered normal and of little consequence. The womantolerates sexual relations, which, far from being a source of pleasure arerepugnant to her. The cult of virginity is related to this attitude, for the male

searches for a future wife who has had no sexual experience and who is notconcerned with such matters. He considers it his privilege to instruct her.This instruction, of course, never takes place because neither the man northe woman is interested in her having a sexual experience.

The long-suffering Mexican mother is another being who is servile tothe man. She is the source of all love and the recipient of all respect, to whoma day of the year is devoted and monuments are dedicated. The model for theMexican mother is the Virgin of Guadalupe, who is considered to be thesource of infinite goodness and virtue. The male child venerates his motherabove all else. Alegria believes, however, th at the male throughout his life

only pays lip service to the image of the mother, for in his daily dealingswith her he is disrespectful and even hateful. She is relegated to a position ofcomplete servility in the home and accepts it by performing the mostdifficult physical labors and tolerating insults and mistreatment by themales, both husband an d sons. Most Mexican women accept this situationwith resignation, pretending not to be aware of the discrepancy betweenreality and the venerated ideal of maternity. Further, most women aspire to



148 Journal of Popular Culture

Fig. 1 Kaliman rescues a damsel in distress




be mothers, for they have been socially conditioned to this position.In brief, the main characteristics of the Mexican woman are her

masochism, dependency and submission to the male. An acute sense of guiltdominates her life, which she spends try ing to expiate the sin of existing.

This same attitude explains why she tries to live through others, especiallyher husband a nd children. She never manages to rise above her status asvictim. The woman’s values, atti tudes an d behavior combine to define her

as hopelessly trapped within a passive role. Manifestations of her passivityare her ineffectuality, humility and virtue, lack of initiative, dependency,

lack of social mobility and lack of social control.While Alegrfa a nd other Mexican feminists would decry the attitudes

and behaviors of Mexican women summarized above, they constitutepositive stereotypes among the general population. Negative stereotypes

would be those of the woman as witch and the woman as wife-concubine

described by Jane S. Jaquette in her essay on literary archetypes andfemale role alternatives.2The woman as witch is the image of the female asmysterious, unfathomable, somehow beyond man’s rules. She often

possesses magical seductive powers t hat men in her sphere of influence areunable to resist. The woman as wife-concubine presents the image of the

woman who is able to sat isfy the married male sexually. She is the whore or

the mistress who plays out a definite role in Mexican society, which dictates

that the married woman is to remain chaste-not enjoying sexual

gratification, even in marriage. Society tolerates the concubine as a kind of

necessary evil. This woman is definitely cast as a negative stereotype.

I1

Kalimafn, the Mexican superhero, was created by Modesto Vgzquez

Gonzdlez an d Rafael Cutberto Navarro, who introduced him to the publicon the radio starting in 1963 and two Tears later in a weekly comic book,

Kalima’n:El hombre incredible [Kaliman: The Incredible Man].:3 t rapidlybecame Mexico’s most popular c?mic book, with weekly sales averaging

about two million copies. Kaliman is read by a broad range of people, but

especially by working- and middle-class boys.

Kaliman, orphaned at an early age, was raised and educated by

Tibetan lamas. He wears a distinctive costume suggestive of his Orientalorigins, which showcases his Charles Atlas physique. Like most

superheroes, he has a n impressive array of physical powers. Incredible asthese may be, his trademark is his extraordinary mental powers: levitation,

telepathy, clairvoyance, precognition, mass hypnotism, telekinesis and

biofeedback;Kaliman roams the world solving problems no one else could solve.

Generally these adventures take place in exotic settings, especially the Faran d Middle East , and the typical adventure today takes seventeen months

to be concluded.

No continuing character in Kalimhn is a woman. Almost every issue,however, contains at least one woman in a secondary role. She interactswith Kalimln, either as a vulnerable sex-object, a villainess or a witch.

Women as mothers are conspicuously absent.To a considerabp extent, women and their proper place are defined in

the comic by Kaliman’s attitudes an d actions toward them. Indeed he isnotthe James Bond type. Although he is so virile th at women are immediately




attracted to him, he avoids all love affairs. Yet he does encountera constantstream of scantily clad, provocaevely portrayed women, often in titillatingsituations. And, as Modesto Vazquez G. himself has observed, women’scostumes in recent adventures have become increasingly suggestive and

reduced to,the bare minimum. Apparently sexy wpmen are all right as longas Kaliman himself remains chaste. So Kaliman is shown in confusionwhen suddenly kissed. Even when he acknowledges romantic stirrings, heeither denies that love is for him or else is too busy with the chase to act onhis feelings. Once he has bailed the damsel in distress out of the stupidpredicaments women always seem to be getting into, he rides off alone intothe sunset and his next advenjure.

Only rarely does Kaliman exhibit any romantic interest. In “TheMysteries of the Great Wall of China,” Princess Sue-Loa, daughter of amanda/rin, unexpectedly proposes marriage in her father’s presence.

Kaliman accepts, partly because he is attracted, but more importantlybecause he does not want to dishonor her. However she dies before theirvows are spoken. In the same adventure, we discover that our superhyo can

be irresistible. When he kisses the Black Knight, who Kaliman hasdiscoveredjs a woman, she falls in love with him.

Kaliman’s essential attitude toward women is th at they are helplessbeings who must be treated with the utmost chivalry. He often adviseswomen to let him engage the ambivalent, high-risk, violent outer world ontheir behalf. When they ignore his instructions to stay at home, he scolgsthem for not realizing the danger they have placed themselves in. Kalimanwould never slander, strike or dishonor

aw$man. Even when a misguided

female stabs him in the chest, he tells Solin (his boy sidekick) to let herescape, since one should never harm a woman.

The Mexican ideal of mother, the woman of home and family, rarelyappears in Kal imhn . Perhaps there is just not enoygh sex appeal in dear oldmom. The older, upper-class men whom Kaliman often helps invariabjyhave sensuous, alluring daugJters who instantly fall in love with Kalimanand accompany him and Solin on their adventure. But mom seems to havedied some years ago. Stories without mothers are, however, frequentlyencountered in popular adventure genres. For example,it has been observedof the Western that “one of the strangest cliches of all was the fact that theheroine never had a m~ther . ’’~n the Mexican context, the absence of themother and ineffectiveness of the father (who is in such serious trouble thathe cannot protect his daughter), places the daughter in a position ofconstant jeopardy of sexual harassment, even violation, and thus createsdramatic tension.

Many of the women in Kal i man combine elements of the Mexicanstereotypes of the “good” woman, or chaste, honorable woman, and the“bad” woman, or sexually active slut. These women seem to allow malereaders to have their cake and eat it too, in a way they could not in Mexicansociety. Their very presence in the outer man’s world as they accompany

Kaliman on the adventure, their physical beauty and their confining butrevealing dress, make for a titillating tension with their upperd2ssdecorum and status. While not too overtly provocative in luring Kaliman,they do give the impression that if he wanted to take advantage of the

Woman as witch is another common image in Kal i man .These women

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situation he could. I



Images ofWomen in Mexican Comic Books 151

are seen as mysterious and unfathomable by nature an d they often possessmagical powers. Such women, if minor obstacles in Kalimdn’s quest, aregenerally old hags who practice black magic. If the witch is a centralcharacter, she offen is a beautiful woman who is romantically inclined

toward Kaliman and who is so voluptuous t hat he is initially attracted toher and even momentarily falls under her magical spell and powers.Ultimately he rejects, then defeats, her or rather he causes her to defeatherself. He rejects such women, not only because of their magical powers ortheir beauty, but also because they violate conventional role expectations.They are too “masculine,” such as the villainess in the “Triangle of Death”who speaks of wielding power and force.

I11For almost twenty years Lagrimas, risas y amor: written by Yolanda

Vargas Dulch6 and her husband Guillermo de la Parra, ha s titillated thehearts of Mexican readers with tales of idealized love. Weekly, they buy thelatest issue a t their favorite newsstand to lose themselves, if only for a fewmoments, in the ongoing amorous adventures of the beautiful men andwomen who populate the pages of this somic book. Its weekly, serializedadventures sell almost as well as Kaliman and especially appeal to lower-and middle-class women.

One of the keys to the continued success of Lagrimas over the years has

been the writers’ ability to vary the stories, imbuing the adventures with afreshness that has appealed to readers’ tastes. Yet, like most forms of

popular culture, Lagrimas has followeda

basic set of formulas which isreflected in its plot lines, character types, settings and male-female

relationships.Like another popular genre, the fotonovela, Lagrimas has plot lines

which can be reduced to basic narrative structures. With a few exceptions,these follow two formulas. In Formula A 1. the herolheroine falls in lovewith the beloved;2. the beloved does not reciprocate, usually because he/shedoes not recognize the good qualities of the other; 3. the beloved marries orfalls in love with another person; 4. either the herolheroine carries on withlife and waits patiently for the beloved to notice him/her, or else thehero/heroine gives up hope of ever being united with the beloved;

5.the

beloved’s spouse or lover dies or is disposed of in another way; 6. thehero/heroine and the beloved discover each other and live happily everafter. In Formula B: 1.the herolheroine and the beloved fall in love from theoutset; 2. an insurmountable obstacle is placed between them; 3 theadventure ends tragic.lly.

The writers of Lagrimas have created stock female characters whoreflect many of the traditional attitudes and behaviors summarized earlier.In fact they offer no significant alternatives to the stereotypes already

The definition of sex roles in Lagrimas clearly demonstrates theactive/passive dichotomy in male-female relationships. Males are the lordsand masters in the home and most decidedly outside it. With the exceptionof Rarotonga, and of Irma in the series “Tengo que partir” [“IMust Leave”],all important professional positions of influence and power are held by men.Mr. Smith of “Sangre esclava” [“Slave Blood”] runs the family plantation,while his wife is limited to domestic responsibilities. Doctor Dodette of

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discussed. 0




Fig. 2 T h e a s s e rt i ve w o m a n w h o is also a ravish ing beauty . Rarotonga’s m yster ious sexualpowers capt iva te Ale jandro , a successful doctor a n d scientist.



Images ofWomen in Mexican Comic Books 153

“Umbral” [“Threshold”] is a hige-level hospital administrator, while

Argelia an d Africa are nurses. Rene de San Cristobal of “El Atardecer deAna Luisa” [“TheTwilight of Ana Luisa”] is also a medical administratoran d doctor, while Ana Luisa is a lowly teacher. Although she h as her own

profession and is financially independent, she gives it all up to become hiswife and thus his dependent. Miguel of ‘Ladronzuela” [“Young Thief’] is alawyer with a promising future, while Perlita’s main purpose in life is to

remain in the wings until he discovers her. Fabian of “Triste alborado”

[“Sad Dawn”] is a successful gangster, an d while Irma seems to step out of

the passive female role to become a gangland boss herself, she is motivated

by her desire to submit to the handsome and assertive male. Irving of “Elpecado de Oyuki” [“The Sin of Oyuki”], although he has no steady job, isclearly the individual with the power in the marriage. Oyuki ha s given up

her successful career to become his wife. Maritona of “Tengo que partir”

surrenders her power and independence to become the wife of Arturo, arespected tycoon. Alejandro of “Rarotonga” is a successful doctor and

scientpt; his wife is given credit for keeping a comfortable home.

Lagrimas is not lacking in assertive women, but they can best bedescribed as corresponding to the woman as witch stereotype. Rarotonga,aravishing, eternally-youthful queen of a native tribe on a small SouthPacific island paradise, is a splendid example of this. She possesses

mysterious sexual powers-as though her natural beauty were notenough!-which she uses to dominate males she comes in contact with.Alejanfpo, a devoted man of science, goes to her island to investigate a

dangerous disease which afflicts the natives. While science triumphs overnature-the disease is brought under control-Alejandro seems hopelesslylost to the charm of Rarotonga’s alluring powers. He struggles to free

himself from her spell, succeeding for a short time in returning to his

position in civilized society and assuming his role as faithful husband and

devoted father. But he ultimately loses the batt le as Rarotonga pursues and

lures him back to her paradise.The attitude toward premarital and extramarital sex is predictable;

males and “bad” women are allowed to engage in it, “nice” women are not.

Young women who have had sex before marriage, or are even suspected of

it, are scorned or punished, while young males are allowed a period ofexploration. It is strongly suggested th at Ana Luisa of “El atardecer deAna Luisa” ha s not taken a lover in all her years apa rt from Rene, her first

love; she is virginal and pure and therefore an acceptable marriage partnerfor him after his divorce.O n the other hand, in the same story Clarissa, whohas stepped out of the bounds of matrimony, is punished for thetrans&ession-she dies in a n automobile accident. Gilda of ‘‘Ladronzuela”is also punished for her affair with Gabriel, Miguel’s brother, even beforetheir engagement. Perhaps the clearest example of the double standardtoward sex in Lagrimas is found in “Tengo que partir.” Arturo, a suave man

of the world who has had a string of lovers, cannot bring himself to besexually intimate with his young attractive wife, Maritona, because hesuspects that she has had sexual relations with his son Ernest0 even beforethey had met. The theme of this major obstacle to the consummation of theirmarriage is central to many weekly episodes of the adventure.

Most of the young male characters are allowed to frequent cabarets,where they associate with women of dubious respectability. Although




prostitution is not present directly in Ligrimas, the association of upper-class youth with lower-class women in these places is probably meant to

serve as a substitute. On the other hand, lower-class female characters

destined to become the wives of upper-class males are not allowed similar

sexual experiences. Three examples clearly illustrate this difference.Perlita, Maritona and Oyuki are all young women whom we see passingthrough a period of extreme hardship and suffering within the context ofconditions th at correspond to their lower-class status. Perlita is a ro)gh-talking delinquent who ha s had to survive with her wits like any picara[female picaro]. Maritona is abused by her mother and stepfather and isforced to drop out of school to fend for herself. Oyuki at sixteen is introducedby her brother Ojino into a tawdry and brutal Tokyo slum environment. Yetall miraculously avoid rape, abuse and sexual experiences of any kind untiltheir Prince Charming rescues them.

The message is clear: marriageable women remain virgins an d aftermarriage they do not engage in extramarital sex. Men, on the other hand,are given a considerably wider margin; and although society wags itscollective finger at their macho peccadillos, they a re permitted to commit

them.In addition, the married women in Lagrimas make good mothers and

wives, investing their energy in the family a nd the home. If they don’t, theyare punished. The heroes, and even those men who are not idealized, are

primarily concerned with marrying a chaste woman. They are alsointerested in succeeding in their chosen profession, which sometimes gets in

the way of their familial responsibilities. Irving, for example, abandonsOyuki and their daughter to pursue his artistic career in London. Alejandrois described as a n aloof father a nd husband, more devoted to scientificinvestigation th an to relating meaningfully to h is family. His youngerdaughter complains tha t he h as missed her birthday celebration and will

probably not be present for her quincena [fifteenth bir thday celebration].

IV

Since 1949, Gabriel Vargas an d his associates have faithfully created ahumorous weekly episode revoleng around a lower-middle-class, urban

family, making La familia Burron one of the pillars of the Mexican comicbook industry. While it $as never been competitive with the bigg,est sellers,such as Kalimhn and Lagrimas, risas y amor, La familiaBurron does sell70,000-110,000copies weekly. The comic is recognized by critics, artistsandwriters for its consistently high s tandards of writing and cartooning,which

are due in large part to the talents and persistence of Gabriel Vargas, thecomic book’s creator and overseer for over thirty years.

Vargas is critical of the Mexican comic book industry fo; imitatingtheir American counterparh6 He believes that La familiaBurron offers a nalternativeto the Mexican reader, in tha t he ha s created typically Mexicancharacters and placed them in a n authentically Mexican environment. He

hopes thereby to counteract the proclivity of the middle class tothoughtlessly ape American fashions, customs and life styles,whilerejecting their own. He intends to have his characters represent valueswhich he believes to be positive and therefore worth preserving. Vargas alsowants to put in to the comic book “a little of morality, a little bit of hygiene, alit tle bit of religion, a little bit of politics; but only a little of each.”7




Fig. 3 The assertive woman as political act ivist . Borola of La familaBurron [The Burron F a r n d y ]runs for political office. Her supporters’ signs read: “Borolita sera derecha con su distrito”[“Borolita: She’ll tell it stra ight”] and “Borola para diputada” [“Bo rola for Congress”].




The Burron family is made up of middle-aged parents , Don Regino andDoiia Borola, and their two teenage children, Regino and Macuca. Don

Regino is depicted as a hardworking barber, who defies many of thestereotypes of the Mexican male. Borola, his wife, who is aggressive,

impulsive and sometimes inconsiderate, divides most of her time betweenhome and initiating new schemes to make money. Regino the son and

Macuca the daughter ar e proportionately minor figures who were probably

designed to reflect the trials and tribulations of the urban Mexican

teenager.Over the years Vargas has developed h is principal female character,

Borola, into a n interesting blend of tradit ional and modern values,attitudes and behaviors. She is perplexing, sometimes conforming to

Alegria’s description of the Mexican woman and other times surprising uswith her ventures into independence a nd women’s rights.

The roots of much of Borola’s behavior as a n adult are revealed to us inthe early numbers devoted to her childhood. She is described as bursting

with exploratory energy, running her parents ragged as they try to contain

her and keep up with her escapades. Although she is dressed in the softlittle-girl fashions of her time, Borola’s behavior does not fit the image. She

torments the other children in her neighborhood, beating them up whenthey oppose her a nd calling them humiliating names. Cats run when they

see her approach and chickens scatter squawking to the furthes t corners of

the neighborhood.Borola is a n unusual child for her energy and assertiveness, and she is

even more admirable when one considers the heavy socialization processMexican girls undergo to prepare them to be good mothers and wives. Thereis no evidence that Borola has incorporated the lessons of modesty,

manners and cleanliness or other important “feminine” qualities, such assubmissiveness to the male and the preparation for future motherhood.Borola seems to have successfullly resisted her parents’ (and especially hermother’s) efforts to train her, for she is described as continuing to be openly

rebellious and not at all aware of her role as a good little Mexican girl.By using different forms of deceit, Borola keeps her husband convinced

most of the time tha t she is a traditional wife, interested primarily in his

welfare and in that of her children. In fact, Borola enjoys herself in anumber of ways outside the home, while he is at work at the barber shop: shegoes swimming, plays cards with her friends, visits old acquaintances, etc.When Don Regino finds out and confronts her with what he considers to beher unacceptable behavior, she lectures him on the changing role of women

in contemporary Mexican society:

Si me gusta andar con mis cuatitas, es porque ya no estamos en el tiempo de antes,

en que las mujeras viv:an como enclaustradas. Todo su mundo eran las cuatro

paredes de s u hogar en la s que permanecian encerradas como en una prision. E n

tiempos pasados la mujer no tenia derecho a protestar, ni siquiera a p y a r cuando el

hombre se le iba encima a 10s topes y guantones. Per0 en es ta 6poca atomica, todo h acambiado. Ahora marido y mujer deben vivir como cuatitos; gozar cada quien deamplias libertades . . Si quieres que sigamos viviendo juntos, tend& que darmemuchas ma’s libertades de las que ahor a te ha escandalizado.“




[If I like to go out with my girlfriends, it’s because we’re not back i n the old days,

when women lived as though they were in the cloister. Their whole world was the four

walls of their home, where they were shut up as if they were in jail. In those days awoman had no right to protest, not even to sulk when her man beat her up. But in this

atomic age, everything has changed. Now husband and wife ought to live as friends;they should each enjoy ample freedom . . . If you want us to go on living together,

you’ll have to give me a lot more freedom t ha n the little bit that’s already shocked

YOU.]

Although in the early numbers of the comic book Vargas allows Borola

considerable latitude in representing non-traditional female values an d instepping out of her role as a Mexican woman, he seems to present her more

as a female who has strayed from the path than as :model to emulate. Thisis most evident in the numbers of La famil ia Burron which deal with her

attempts to free herself from the domestic drudgery of housecleaning and

cooking. Although the author allows her to experiment with severalactivities and jobs outside the home, he almost always punishes her forthese “indiscretions.” Unlike other lower-middle-class Mexican females,

who are forced to work in order to help support their families, Borola’smotives vary between self-fulfillment and greed.

In his treatment of the main female character, Vargas shows us hisability to change with the times. Borola’s behavior, which would have beenconsidered improper in the ey l y numbeqs o f th,e comic book, has becomeincreasingly more acceptable in recent years. Vargas’ change in atti tudetoward the role of women is reflected in numbers in which Borola engages in

political activity. In early numbers, we see her aggressively organizing thewomen in the neighborhood to launch her candidacy. However, heridealism is soon tempered when she confronts the real world of municipal

politics in the form of the corrupt and powerful diputado [Representative]Floripondio Caballete, who customarily uses guns and goons to bringtroublemakers like Borola into line. She makes the mistake of adopting histactics, which brings catastrophic consequences; Don Floripondio crusheshis opposition with his army of hired pistoleros [hired gunmen]. Borolawishes she had returned sooner to the safety of her family and to thesecurity of being taken care of by Don Regino. The implication is that she

has learned her lesson. In a ore recent number, Vargas h as allowed Borolato incorporate some lessons from her real-life feminist counterpart^;^ now

she is more sophisticated and effective as she once again steps into thepolitical arena. The cover shows Borola parading down the str/eet with herconstituents, who are carrying signs which read: “Borolita. Sera directa consu distrito” and “Borola para diputada” r‘Borolita. She’ll tell it straight .”“Borola for Congress”]. Recognizing her potency, the community womenurge her toe a complaint on their behalf protesting a lack of potable water,inadequate garbage collection and badny lit streets.

V

El Payo: Un hombre contra el mundo! [ELPayo: A Man Against TheWorldqluis a n action-packed Western set in the fictional town of Vilmayo inthe Bajio region of central Mexico. According to the comic book scholarMaurice Horn, El Payo often rivals the best American westerns in zest andimagination.” Created by Guillermo Vigil, the comic appeared weekly from



158 Journal ofPopular Culture

October 1966 to February 1980.According to its publishers, EL Payo soldbest in the provinces, had weekly salesranging from 120,000 o 400,000andwas read predominantly by males with a secondary school or highereducation. EL Payo chronicles the adveytures of a superbly gifted charro

and campesino village leader, J uan Jose Panadero, and his family in theirunremitting struggle agains t a corrupt ocal latifundista,Tom& Pesqueira,and h is family allies. EL Payo is a n unusually literate and complex comic.The situation introducedin its very first number took twelve years and some

600 weekly chapters to be resolved!There are two predominant images of women in EL Payo an d each is

associated with a major character. Guadalupe (Lupita)Ramos, Juan Josd‘swife, symbolizes the “good” woman, although with a decidedly modern

twist, and Lilia Pesqueira, Toma’s’ daughter, is the comics principal

villainess an d “bad” woman.

All women in the comic-whether, heroines, villainesses, countrylasses, or urbane starlets-find Juan Jose, nicknamed El Payo, irresistible.While women constantly scheme to seduce him, and even occasionally

manage to steal a kiss, he is completely faithful to hi s wife, who is also theonly sweetheart he ever had. Lupita is the most beautiful woman in

Vilmayo and its environs. Indeed she is frequently described in lyrical,seductive language. How could any red-blooded male reader not fal l in lovewith this peach-complexioned, dark-eyed, raven-haired beauty, whosevoluptuous figure, despite four children, is as firm as tha t of a seventeen-year-old girl? In addition to these charms, her innocent face; her candid,child-like eyes; her small, warm, perhaps even provocative mouth tas tingofhoney; and her sensuality; all make her irresistible, at least to villains, whooften a re driven to foolhardy attempts to rape her.They fail, for not only isJuan Jose relentless in tracking them down and ruthless i n his revenge, but

Lupita herself is a resourceful charra.

Indeed Lupita is far more than just a ravishing beauty. She also

provides a n interesting femine role model that combines aspects of

marianismo and tomboy or macha to produce an unusually positive role

model for being muy mujer.Shewas chaste before marriage. Shepersonally

sees to her husband‘s and family’s every need. She believes her primary role

is to have babies-they want a dozen-and to be a nurturing mother. Sheresists every challenge to her honor. It is no wonder that this Lupe isimplicitly compared to her namesake, the Virgin of Guadalupe.

Lupe also offers the reader a fa r more positive, assertive, image of agood woman than that encountered in most Mexican comics. In thecomic’s

earliest issues she was cast as decidedly unresourceful. She was simple,innocent a nd vulnerable. Only after her marriage did she gradually assumea more self-reliant role. Slowly she h as been transformed, partial ly under

Juan Jose’s guidance, until she rides, shoots and fights like a real tomboy.Furthermore, she is capable of resourceful action, even in Juan Jose’spresence, a nd frequently ventures into the outer world away from home andfamily to resolve some urgent problem. Yet she continuesto be dependent onJu an Jose,as are all Vilmayo’s people, for general guidance and rescue from

especially difficult situations.Jua n Jose is somewhat ambivalent about Lupita’s new skills. He is

proud that she h as such excellent horsemanship, superb shooting skills andaccurate fists that in most situations she can successfully defend her honor




an d family. Yet he also believes that women should not take the initiative,

and even referred to Lupe as a gallo or rooster when she first learned toride

and shoot.Lupe, then, represents the ideal modem Mexican woman, who is

sexually attractive and a goad mother, but also capable of fending forherself, if necessary, in a hostile world. She does not fi t the predominantstereotype of being always submissive, unless her honor is threatened, norof being primarily confined to the kitchen and children. Lupe, however, isnot to be confused with modern sophisticated urban women. Metropolitanmen an d women alike are depicted in decidedly negative terms in El Payo.Mexico City youths follow the latest foreign fads and are labeled rebels

without a cause, an d he comic’s urban women dress immodestly and will goto any length to seduce a man. This is the social circle of the ((bad”woman,

Lilia Pesqueira.

Lilia is also a mac ha , having been taught the manly arts by her father,but her behavior is not respectable. Like a mac ho ,an d like all “bad” women

in the comic, she rarely misses a n opportunity to be sexually aggressive,especially when her target is Juan Jos6. From the very first issue she has

thrown herself at El Payo and on occasion has even stripped in order toentice him. She knows no shame, although being a millionaire she does not

need to sell sex in exchange for financial security, as is the case with manyof the comic’s “bad” women.

Lilia’s lack of decorum and restraint is not just restricted to sex, butdefines all her actions and further distinguishes her from Lupe. Like the

other Pesqueiras, she does not show loyalty within the family unit. ThePesqueiras frequently loathe their kin, rarely show an y warmth toward one

another, and are even willing to kill close relatives to further their owngreedy goals. They are capricious and very authoritarian, even to each

other, and do not seem to comprehend the meaning of sexual fidelity. I n

contrast, the Panadero family is idealized, despite their frequent

separationsas each is invo lveqn confronting some family or villagecrisis.The nuclear unit of J uan Jose, Lupita, and their children is a picture of

marital an d familial bliss. Conflict is largely absent, an d when present isharmoniously resolved. El Payo and/ Lupe rarely miss a n opportunity to

embrace and kiss publicly. Juan Jose heads a patriarchal family; but he isneither authori tarian nor arbitrary in his decisions, an d eventually allowsLupe a democratic voice in the family. El Payo, even though he is a virilemale and is severely tested by sensuous damsels, is always faithful to hiswife, as Lupita is to him. While clearly idealized, the Panaderos offera moremodern image of gender roles th an one might expect to encounter.

VIAs one might have expected, t5e images,of women encountered in the

most popular comic books, Kal i man and Lagr imas , risas y amor , largelyconform to the stereotypes widely held in Mexico-woman as ideal

financee-spouse, as mistress-sex object and as witch. And there is littledoubt left that the approved role model is that of the dependent, submissive,sexually repressed, servile, passive fiancee-wife. Women who are sexuallyforward, or who just passively allow themselves to become objects of sexual

stimulation and gratification, and women who possess mysterious,unfathomable powers, especially magical powers of seduction, are




Fig. 4 Juan Jose teaches Lupe how to manage a gun.




unmistakeably portrayed as “bad” women. They frequently suffer, even

meeting violent deaths , because of their actions. Clearly these syreotypesare popular with both MeFican men and women, for,Kaliman is read

predominately by men, Lagrimas by women. Kaliman however, does

titillate its male readers by placing “good” women in somewhat moreprovocative situations. They remain pure, but are tantaliz ing because theyare seen beyond the safe confines of home and the protection of fathers ,mothers and other kin.

Interestingly the two titles with lower sales, but still sufficientlypopular that they are bestsellers in their genre, offer images of women

which deviate from the expected stereotype. Borola of La familia Burroh

only nominally fit s the stereotype of the passive, humble and servileMexican woman. While it is true that she never fully breaks out of the

traditional role of wife and mother, nor seriously considers alternatives

such as divorce, her behaviors hit wide of the mark when compared toAlegria’s description. With humor a nd perseverance, she has enlarged therole of acceptable female behavior within the strictures of marriage and

motherhood. She suggests that women can both maintain a satisfying

marital an d home life and take on the male preserves of jobs,and politics.

And over the years Borola ha s continued to grow in her self-reliance and

unconventionality.Lupe of El Payo also transforms the traditional image of the “good”

woman. This is particularly interesting since EL Payo’s main audience ismen. Lupe may well represent the more modem, urban man’s ideal woman.

She is beautiful, loving, sexually responsive to her husband an d able todefend herself from the many challenges and uncertainties she encountersin the world beyond her home, that is, o,“ the traF tiona1 turf of men.

The immense popularity of Kaliman and Lagrimas shows that the

traditional stereotypes are stil l compelling norms for millions of Mexicans.

On the other hand, the fact that popular comics such as El Payo and La

familia Burro’n offer more modern images of the “good” woman at least

suggests that thousands of Mexicans might well be receptive to significant

changes in traditional values. These comics and their fans may well

portend the emergence of more positive, that is egalitarian, role models for

gender-linked behavior in a rapidly changing Mexico.

Notes

‘Pszcologiade la s mexicanas (M&ico, D.F.: Editorial Samo, 1974),pp. 114-169. The following

studies have also been useful to the autho rs in ascertaining contemporary Mexican attitudes

toward t he family, sex roles, male-female relationships, machismo, marianismo, etc.: Fernando

Penalosa, “Mexican Family Roles,” Jo urna l of Marriage and the Family, XXX (Nov. 1968), pp.

680-M9; Noel F. McGinn, “Marriage an d Family in Mid dle-class Mexico,” Jou rn al of Marriage




and the Fam ily, XXVIII (August 1966). pp. 305-313; R.G. Riviere,“The Honour of Sanchez,”Man,

I1(Dec. 1967), pp. 569-583;Americo Paredes, “The United States, MexicoandMachismo,”Journalof the Folklore Institute, 111(June 1971),pp. 17-37; Evelyn P. Stevens, “Marianismo:The Other

Face of Machismo in Latin America,” in Ann Pescatello, ed., Female and M ale in Latin A m si ca :Essays (Pittsburgh Univ. ofPittsburgh Press, 1973),pp. 89-101; Michele MattelartkLo cultura d e

& opresi& femeninaJMexico,D.F.: Era, 1977); Gabriel Careaga, Mitos y fan tas ias de la clasemedia en Mgxico (Mexico, D.F.: Editorial JoaquL Mortiz, 1975).

2“Literary Archetypes and Female Role Alternatives: The Woman end the Novel in Latin

America,” in Ann Pescatello, ed., Female and Male in L atjn Am erica,%-%.3 F ~ rmore extended description and analysis of $ d i m a n , see Harold E. Hinds, Jr. ,“ No hay

fuerza mas poderoaa que la mente humana’-Kaliman,” Hispameric: (Buenos Aires), ano 4, no.

18 (diciembre de 1977), pp. 31-46; and Harold E. Hinds, Jr., “Kaliman: A Mexican Superhero,”

Journal of Popular Culture, XIII, No. 2 (Fall 1979), pp. 229-238.

‘George N. Fenin and William K. Everson, The W estern: From Sile nts to the Seuenties, 2nd

ed. (New York Penguin, 1973). p. 209.5Despite its popularity, Lagrimas has been virtually ignored as a subject for study by

students of Mexican popular culture. For briTf: superficial treatments of Lagrimas, see:

Mariclaire Acosta, “La hiatorieta clmica en Mexico,” Reuista de la Uniuersidad de Mexico,XXVIII, num. 10 (junio de 1973), p. 14; Higilio Alvarez Constantino, “La magia de 10s comics

coloniza nuestra cultura,” Audiovisual, 2ffi epoca (nov.-die. 1975), p. 573; Carlos Monsivais, “La

historieta,” from a typewritten paper on file at the Hemeroteca Nacional in Mexico City, p. 10;

Irene Herner, Mitos y mon itos: Historietas y foto no ue hs en Mcxico (Mlxico: Universidad

Nacional Autlnoma de Mexico, Editorial Nueva Imagen, 1979).

GPersonal interview with Gabriel Vargas during August 1978.

71bid.

8La famil ia Burrin, No. 160018 (Feb. 19,1958).

9See, for example, La am ilia Burr&, No.1 Second series published after Sept. 1978-March

23, 1979).1OFor a more extended discussion of El Pa yo , see Harold E. Hinds, Jr., “El Payo: A Man

Against the WorM:A Mexican ‘Western’ ComicBook,”

N o rt h D a ko ta Q w r p r l y ,Vol.48,

No. 2(Spring 1980), pp. 31-55; and Harold E. Hinds, Jr., “El Payo: Una resolucion popular a la lucha

mexicana entre 10s robatierras y 10s descamisados,” Hispamhica (forthcoming).

‘IMaurice Horn, Comics o f the American West (New York Winchester Press, 1977),p. 170.

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