This article was downloaded by: [University of Hawaii at Manoa]On: 10 May 2013, At: 09:21Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House,37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic MediaPublication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hbem20

Television Viewing and Perceptions of TraditionalChinese Values Among Chinese College StudentsYan Bing Zhang & Jake HarwoodPublished online: 07 Jun 2010.

To cite this article: Yan Bing Zhang & Jake Harwood (2002): Television Viewing and Perceptions of Traditional Chinese ValuesAmong Chinese College Students, Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 46:2, 245-264

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15506878jobem4602_5

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematicreproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form toanyone is expressly forbidden.

The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contentswill be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses shouldbe independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims,proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly inconnection with or arising out of the use of this material.

Television Viewing and Perceptions of Traditional Chinese Values Among

Chinese College Students

Yan Bing Zhang and Jake Harwood

This study examined television’s cultivation effects on perceptions of traditional Chinese values (Le., values of interpersonal harmony and hierarchical relations) among a group of Chinese college students (N = 4 12). Hierarchical regression analyses indicated that total viewing of imported programs negatively predicted viewers’ endorsement of inter- personal harmony values. Chinese music performance programming, Chinese children‘s education programs, imported movies, and imported sports were negative predictors of interpersonal harmony value endorse- ment, whereas viewing Chinese sports was a positive predictor of hierar- chical relations. The findings are discussed in the context of cultivation theory and the changing socio-economic, political, and media context in China.

Television is not simply an entertainment medium; it has the ability to communi- cate the norms, rules, and values of a society. Cerbner, Gross, Morgan, and Signorielli (1986) state that the major social function of television lies in the continual repetition of patterns (myths, ideologies, facts, relationships, etc.), which serve to define the world, legitimize the social order, and cultivate cultural values. in a similar vein, Ball-Rokeach and DeFleur (1990) state that mass communication can play an important part in creating the conditions for development of values and value priorities. When substantial viewing time is devoted to programs from another culture, these effects become more salient. The current research investigates links between domestic and imported television viewing and endorsement of traditional Chinese values in a group of Chinese college students. Before presenting research

Yan Bing Zhang (M.A., Pinsburg State University) is a docforal candidate in the Department of Communi- cation Sfudies at the University of Kansas. Her research interesfs are in intercu/tura//intergenerafional communication, particularly in regard to media effects and cultural values.

Jake Harwood (PhD., University of California, Sanfa Barbara) is an Associate Professor in the Departmenf of Communication Studies at the University of Kansas. His research focuses on intergroup processes in both interpersonal and media contexfs.

The authors thank Thomas Lindlof, lames Fletcher, and two anonymous reviewers for their insightful and constructive comments on the manuscript

0 2002 Broadcast Education Association Journal of Broadcasfing & Hecfronic Media 46(2), 2002, pp. 245-264

245

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

246 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/lune 2002

questions and data, we will briefly review the literatures relating to (a) Chinese cultural values, and (b) media, cultural values, and cultivation theory.

Chinese Cultural Values

Numerous authors have noted the centrality of values to cultural integrity (Hof- stede, 1980; Rokeach, 1973). Chinese society has been strongly influenced by Confucian principles of harmony and hierarchy (Hofstede, 1980; Ting-Toomey, 1994). Confucianism describes four principles enabling society to survive and prosper: Jen (Humanism), Yi (Righteousness), Li (Propriety), and Chong (Wisdom) (Yum, 1988). These broad principles still guide Chinese people’s behavior in seeking harmony in relationships with others and social integration (Ng, 1998/1999). In dealing with people, Confucius describes a number of virtues (e.g., courtesy, persistence, patience, and sincerity) that allow for open and harmonious interper- sonal relationships. Confucius stressed the importance of maintaining hierarchical relations as well as harmony. In order to maintain social stability, Confucius advocates that social hierarchical orders be observed and respected. Thus, if the outer side of Confucianism is conformity and acceptance of social roles, norms, and orders, the inner side i s cultivation of conscience, morals, and character for the sake of stability and hierarchy. However, these values are receiving increasing competi- tion from alternative sets of modern values (e.g., pleasure, individual achievement, and beauty).

Media, Cultural Values, and Cultivation Theory

Substantial scholarship has focused on the relationship between the media and cultural values. For some, the goal has been to illuminate the ways in which particular media messages reinforce and propagate existing cultural values (Car- baugh, 1988). For others the primary interest has been in the ways in which the media may operate as a threat to existing cultural values. Many critical scholars claim that foreign media play a significant role in changing indigenous value systems and cultures. It has been suggested that Western media can affect economic values by increasing desire for Western-produced goods and services (Beltran, 1978; Vilanilam, 1989). Similarly, media critics have suggested that social values are changed (Virulrak, 1983). For instance, Dorfman and Mattelart (1 972) described the ways in which comics like Donald Duck might influence Latin American school children to be more individualistic, competitive, and materialistic. Such influences have also been suggested in political values (e.g., Masmoudi, 1979) and aesthetic values (e.g., Dissanayake, 1985; Virulrak, 1983). Unfortunately, scholars have rarely investigated the relationship between viewing foreign-produced media and cultural values from a social-scientific perspective.

Gerbner’s cultivation theory is one of the most important and widely applied theories addressing the effects of media on beliefs and values (Cerbner, 1990;

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

Zhang and Harwood/TELEVISION VIEWING AND CHINESE VALUES 247

Morgan & Shanahan, 1998). According to Gerbner (1 990), "cultivation means the specific independent (though not isolated) contribution that a particularly consistent and compelling symbolic stream makes to the complex process of socialization and enculturation" (p. 249). Or put more simply, "the cultivation hypothesis states that the more television people watch, the more likely they are to hold a view of reality that i s closer to television's depiction of reality" (Zaharopoulos, 1997, p. 31).

While cultivation theory's origin was in the study of violence (see Gerbner, 1969; Gerbner & Gross, 1976; Gerbner, Gross, Jackson-Beeck, Jeffries-Fox, & Signorielli, 1978), it has developed to cover other beliefs and values about the social world that are cultivated by television viewing (see Gerbner, Gross, Signorielli, & Morgan, 1980; Pfau, Mullen, & Garrow, 1995; Slater & Elliott, 1982). Potter (1990) studied high school students in the United States and found that some values commonly expressed in television shows are more strongly endorsed by heavy versus light viewers, although the effect sizes were small. Reimer and Rosengren (1990) also found small but significant relationships between television viewing and values (e.g., a comfortable life, or inner harmony) in a Swedish sample.

Studies on the relationship between media exposure and values outside of Western cultures are relatively rare, despite Tan, Tan, and Tan's (1 987) argument that such study i s essential in the face of increasing foreign penetration into developing countries' television programming. Tsai (1 970) found a relationship between televi- sion viewing and attitudes towards American culture in Taiwanese students around the time when American television began to gain a strong foothold in the Taiwanese market. As is the case with many such studies, Tsai did not differentiate between domestic viewing and imported viewing. Tan et al. (1987) found that frequent viewers of American programs in the Philippines were more likely to endorse American values (e.g., pleasure) and less likely to endorse traditional values (eg, forgiving) than infrequent viewers (see also Kang & Morgan, 1988; Morgan, 1990). In contrast to some of this work (as well as work by individuals working from a cultural imperialism perspective), Elasmar and Hunter (1 998) conclude that the effects of foreign media tend to be small and that some may be accounted for by value-based selective viewing rather than media effects.

Research examining media effects in China is unusual because China limited communication with most of the world for about 30 years. Even after China normalized i ts economic and political relations with other countries in the late 1970s, foreign media penetration was minimal and the sources were limited to some socialist countries (e.g., Albania, the former USSR: Wang & Chang, 1996). With the recent development of China's open-door policy, the volume of imported television has increased along with the diversity of program categories and national sources. Wang and Chang (1 996) report that by 1990, China was importing movies, drama series, children's programs, sports, and documentaries, which comprised 30% of total programming. Of these, 73.6% were from developed capitalist countries (e.g., USA, Japan). The Chinese government censored imported television programs, especially pornographic and "anti-social" genres. However, research shows that

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

248 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic MedidJune 2002

these policies may not have been very effective. For example, Pan and Wei (1 997) examined value change in China in relation to media exposure and found that exposure to imported films and television programs was related to "reduced concern for fulfilling one's family responsibilities, a greater desire for free choice in mate selection, and higher degree of hedonism" (p. 15). They concluded that Western entertainment media eroded traditional Confucian values and increased the salience of individualistic values. Television programs are reflections of social, cultural, and political ideologies in general. Imported television programs present different life styles and goals to Chinese viewers. From a cultivation perspective, we believe that the more viewers watch imported television, the less they wil l endorse traditional Chinese values.

In the mid and late 1980s the Chinese household proverb changed from Mao's politically oriented terms ("Socialism's weeds are better than Capitalism's crops") to Deng's pragmatic terms ("Regardless whether it is a white cat or black cat, it is a good cat if it can catch mice"). Chinese television programming mirrors the current socio-economic reforms and demonstrates current Chinese people's desires, strug- gles, and expectations in the process of economic reform. Domestically produced media also reflect the increasing competition from imported media, which has resulted in the increasing presence of nontraditional themes (e.g., consumerism, romantic love, pleasure) in Chinese-produced programming (Zhao, 1999). This trend i s exacerbated by the recent liberalization in China. For example, Zhang and Harwood (2001) examined value themes in Chinese television commercials using content analysis procedures. They found that several modern value themes (moder- nity/technology, beauty/youth, and enjoymenVpleasure) were used frequently in Chinese television advertising (see also Cheng & Schweitzer, 1996) in addition to the traditional values (e.g., family, patriotism, and tradition). After examining and analyzing current television programming in modern China, Zhao (1 999) argues that Chinese television programming has been pushed by market competition, and that consumerism and hedonism are prevalent themes. In the competition between marketization and state control, the problem for Chinese television in the late 1990s i s "no longer excessive state control but over-marketization" (Zhao, 1999, p. 302). Due to this trend in the Chinese television industry, we predict that the more time people spend viewing Chinese programming, the less they will endorse traditional Chinese values, though the cultivation effects of imported television may be stronger. The current study will examine these predicted negative relationships between exposure to imported and domestic television and endorsement of cultural values in China by examining these two research questions. It is hoped that this will inform us as to whether programming origin has consequences for cultural values. Such a finding would have implications for cultivation and media imperialism theorists.

RQ1: Is total viewing of Chinese television related to perceptions of traditional Chinese values?

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

Zhang and Harwood~ELEVlSlON VIEWING AND CHINESE VALUES 249

RQ2: Is total viewing of imported television related to perceptions of traditional Chinese values?

Cultivation theory has not been without i ts critics (Hirsch, 1980; Hirsch 1981; Perse, 1986; Potter, 1986; Potter, 1993; Wober, 1986). A full review of the criticism i s not appropriate in this context; however, two critiques are particularly relevant to the current study. First, the role of various demographic variables has been addressed repeatedly. Some research findings indicated that the simultaneous control of socio-demographic variables can reduce or eliminate cultivation effects (Hawkins & Pingree, 1982; Hirsch, 1980). Therefore, the current research will control for the effects of sex, age, and respondents' urban or rural background.

Second, cultivation theory's developers have consistently claimed that it i s overall television exposure across channel or program type that leads to cultivation effects. Gerbner (1 990; 1998) contends that television presents a homogenous and consis- tent set of stories, values, and images, and that viewing tends to be nonselective and ritualistic. He argues that "exposure to the total pattern rather than only to the specific genres or program is what accounts for the historically new and distinct consequences of living with television: the cultivation of shared conceptions of reality among otherwise diverse publics" (1998, p. 178). Supporting this hypothesis, Morgan (1 990) indicated that adolescents in the United States, China, South Korea, and Argentina who watch more television tend to more strongly endorse traditional sex-role attitudes. In contrast to this perspective, critics have suggested that cultiva- tion may be a function of specific programs, not overall exposure (e.g., Hawkins & Pingree, 1981). In response to this controversy, researchers have attempted to examine the joint effects of program-type viewing and total viewing on perceptions of social reality. Some research has demonstrated that measures of viewing specific types of programming are stronger predictors than measures of total viewing (e.g., Hawkins & Pingree, 1981; Potter & Chang, 1990; Rubin, Perse, & Taylor, 1988), even when total viewing i s controlled in the analyses. Among other explanations, these results have been discussed in terms of the changing nature of television. The growth in cable systems, for instance, has led to a wider variety of content, including channels focused on very specific types of content (e.g., music, sports: Perse, Ferguson, & McLeod, 1994). Hence, differences in content observed by different television viewers may be greater today than in the past (Potter, 1993). Such differences may be exacerbated by the presence of media content from multiple national origins, as has been described in China (Tamborini & Choi, 1990). On one hand, China has traditional program types such as Chinese opera and sports. On the other hand, modern programs (e.g., popular music performance shows, movies) have also gained a foothold. "Chinese television in the late 1990s is more than ever living a double life as both a money-spinner and a mouth piece" (Zhao, 1999, p. 291).

To pursue these questions in the Chinese context, we examine the relationship between viewing specific program types and endorsement of cultural values. We are hesitant to state specific expectations here, but we would expect that programming

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

250 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic MedidJune 2002

types that are more explicitly Western-influenced (e.g., Chinese music programming, imported movies, and imported music videos) would be more likely to negatively influence traditional values than more neutral programming (e.g., talk shows). Likewise, programs with explicit Confucian elements (e.g., traditional Chinese opera and Chinese sports programs) would be more likely to be positively related to value endorsement. The current study will attempt an examination of the cultivation effects of overall exposure to television and exposure to specific program types on Chinese values within both imported and domestic television in China. This leads to our third research question.

RQ3: When total viewing of Chinese and imported television is controlled, can exposure to specific Chinese and imported program types explain additional variance in Chinese values measures?

Method

Participants in this study were 41 2 students from a medium-sized Chinese medical college (1 57 male and 255 female undergraduates: age M = 19.51 years old, SD = 1.50, range = 17-26). Seven subjects were removed from the original sample (N =

419) due to extreme scores on the measure of Chinese television viewing, extreme scores on imported television viewing, or extensive missing data. Among the participants included in this study, 82.5% reported having a television set at home, 59.5% had access to cable television, and 57% had satellite television service. Participants volunteered to complete a Chinese-language survey during a regular class session in early October 1999. The questionnaire assessed basic demographics (subjects‘ age, sex, and rural or urban background) as well as measured their endorsement of traditional Chinese values and their television viewing.

Perceptions of Traditional Chinese Values

The Chinese Value Survey (CVS) (Chinese Culture Connection, 1987) i s the most complete instrument for assessing individual endorsement of traditional Chinese values. It measures four constructs (Integration, Human Heartedness, Moral Disci- pline, and Confucian Work Dynamism) central to Confucian philosophy, and it claims to offer a culturally sensitive alternative to possibly Western-biased instru- ments (e.g., Hofstede, 1980). Hence, the CVS was used to measure subjects’ perceptions of traditional Chinese values. This survey contains 40 items representing dominant Chinese values (e.g., working hard). Respondents rated the importance of each value to them personally on a 5-point scale (1 = not important at all, and 5 = very important). The CVS has both Chinese and English versions, so translation was not required. Reliability coefficients for the four dimensions were not reported in the original paper or in subsequent publications (Ralston, Gustafson, Elsass, Cheung, & Terpstra, 1992). In the current data the dimensions had low reliability (Integration =

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

Zhang and Harwood/TELEVISION VIEWING AND CHINESE VALUES 251

.63; Confucian Work Dynamism = .59; Human Heartedness = .44; Moral Disci- pline = .30).

Therefore, the CVS items were submitted to a principal components factor analysis with varimax rotation. The scree plot indicated that a two-factor solution was appropriate. Items with double loadings on the two factors (loadings within .15 of one another) and those with no loadings greater than .30 were removed. The solution contained 30 items and accounted for 23.5% of the variance. The first factor accounted for 15.2% of the variance (eigenvalue = S.Ol), and included items for resistance to corruption, sense of righteousness, courtesy, working hard, solidarity with others, sincerity, patience, trustworthiness, thriftiness, education, self-cultiva- tion, humbleness, persistence, personal steadiness and stability, knowledge, having a sense of shame, observation of rites and social rituals, and adaptability. These values embody basic and interrelated principles of Confucianism, outlined earlier (Yum, 1 988). Resistance to corruption, sense of righteousness, sincerity, and trust- worthiness reflect the principle of Yi (Righteousness). Courtesy, patience, observa- tion of rites and social rituals, adaptability, and humbleness are correlates of Li (Propriety), and knowledge and education are core reflections of Chong (Wisdom). These values embody the ideas of having a warm, sincere heart; a patient, steady, and persistent temperament; an educated and knowledgeable brain; and following social rites and rituals. They represent the Confucian ethical codes associated with maintaining harmonious interpersonal relationships (Ng, 1998/1999), hence the factor was called interpersonal harmony values. A scale was computed by averaging the items (Cronbach’s alpha = .82; Theta = .85; M = 4.31, SD = 0.37). As can be seen from the mean of the scale, it was highly endorsed by our respondents.

The second factor contained 12 items associated with hierarchical relations in society (8.3% of the variance, eigenvalue = 2.73). This factor did not demonstrate reliability as high as the first factor (Cronbach’s alpha = .67; Theta = .69). However, the 8.3% variance explained is a nontrivial amount, and the reliability is strong enough to warrant investigation. Examination of the factor’s items reveals that it is interpretable and theoretically meaningful. The items were moderation (i.e., follow- ing the middle way), having fewer desires, being conservative, honoring ancestors, loyalty to superiors, noncompetitiveness, respect for tradition, ordering relationships by status and observing this order, keeping oneself disinterested and pure, obedience to parents, protecting your own face, and benevolent authority. This last factor reflects the Confucian principle of hierarchy. According to Confucius, social rela- tions are innately hierarchical, and social integration is maintained only when hierarchical relations are observed and respected. Chinese people are conscious of a set of social hierarchical orders that define their relative status and position with the other. While having fewer desires, keeping oneself disinterested and pure, being noncompetitive and conservative, protecting your own face, and being moderate are principles related to the development of a Confucian inner self (i.e., simple, healthy, and strong), obedience to parents, honoring ancestors, loyalty to superiors, respect for traditions, and ordering relationships by status are concrete codes protecting

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

252 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/June 2002

social hierarchical relations. These two dimensions are interrelated. Having a Confucian inner self is the precondition of the existence of social hierarchy. In general, these values of hierarchical relations portray an ideal Confucian person as having fewer desires and being respectful of tradition and social hierarchy.

The scores for this factor were significantly lower than the first factor (M = 3.1 8, SD = .49; paired t (41 1) = 41.45, p < .OOl) , indicating that these “values” were not valued as strongly by this group of respondents. Therefore, the factor offers the opportunity to examine cultivation effects on a less strongly held value as well as on the first value that is very strongly endorsed.

Television Exposure Measures

Respondents‘ television viewing was measured by asking respondents to specify how many hours they spent each week viewing specific categories of Chinese and imported television programs. Viewing of Chinese programs was assessed using 12 categories: news, movies, television drama, traditional Chinese opera, sports, music performance, cartoons, children’s programs, adult education, cross-talk (a traditional type of talk show involving a small number of people), music videos, and other. Following procedures similar to Potter (1990, 1991), total viewing of Chinese television was measured by adding viewing estimates across all Chinese program types (including “other“). Respondents reported total Chinese television viewing ranging from zero to 45.54 hours per week (M = 12.53, SD = 8.93). Respondents spent most time each week watching Chinese movies (M = 1.46 hours, SD = 1.59), Chinese news (M = 1.45, SD = 0.87), and Chinese television drama (M = 1.41, SD = 1.69).

Viewing of imported television was assessed using eight program categories (television drama, movies, sports, music performance, cartoons, education, music videos, other). Highest ratings were for imported television movies (M = 1.30 hours, SD = 1.64) and dramas (M = 1.27, SD = 1.61). Total weekly imported television exposure ranged from zero to 14.25 hours (M = 6.92, SD = 6.29). Consistent with data on China’s media import patterns (Wang & Chang, 1996), respondents reported that they best liked programs from the USA, followed by programs from Japan and the UK. Total viewing of Chinese and imported television was significantly corre- lated ( r = .73, p < .001, 3 = .53).

The overall levels of television exposure appear to be rather high. We do not suggest that these are precise measures of actual television viewing levels. However, the measures are functional for our purposes. We are primarily interested in relative viewing levels for which it seems likely that these measures provide reasonable estimates. The mean levels for different program types relate well to intuitive notions of relative amounts of time spent viewing these genres. The measures are derived from ones used successfully in previous research (e.g., Potter, 1990; 1991 ).

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

Zhang and Harwood/TELEVISION VIEWING AND CHINESE VALUES 253

Results

RQ1 and RQ2: Total Exposure and Value Endorsement

To answer RQ1 and RQ2 (about value endorsement and total exposure to Chinese and imported television), hierarchical multiple regression analyses were conducted. Regressions were performed for the total sample (N = 412), males (n = 157), and females (n = 255) on each of the two criterion measures of values (i.e., interpersonal harmony and hierarchical relations). To answer the first two research questions, demographic variables were entered in the first stage, followed by separate total viewing measures for Chinese and imported programming (entered simultaneously), predicting each criterion variable. The results of analyses involving all respondents are presented in Table 1.

Table 1 Relationships Between Chinese and Imported TV Exposure With Perceptions of

Traditional Chinese Values for the Total Sample (n = 412)

Interpersonal Harmonya Hierarchyb

Rz change p s? R2 change p s?

Demographics

Sex U rban/Ru ral Total Viewing Chinese Imported Program Types Chinese Chi Idren's Programs Chinese Music Performance Chinese Sports Imported Movies Imported Sports

Age

.01 -.03 .OO

.11* .01

.02 .oo

.06 .OO -.24** .03

.04**

.08* -.16* .01 -.26** .02

.01 -.08 .01 -.03 .OO -.07 .OO

-.01 .oo -.oo .oo

.oo

.07*

.17* .01 -.26* .01 -.17* .01

Note. Due to space limitations, only significant program type variables are reported. "Overall R2 = .12, 923, 388) = 2.35, p = .001. bOverall = .08, F(23, 388) = 1.56, p = ,063. * p < .05. **p < .01.

The set of demographic variables did not predict significant variance in respon- dents' endorsement of interpersonal harmony values ( R = .11, adjusted Rz = .01, F (3, 408) = 1.76, p = .16) or values of hierarchical relations ( R = .11, adjusted R2 = .OO, F ( 3 , 408) = 1.59, p = .19). However, sex was a significant individual predictor

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

254 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic MedidJune 2002

of interpersonal harmony values, with women endorsing interpersonal harmony values more than men.

Controlling for the effects of demographic variables, the set of total viewing measures significantly predicted interpersonal harmony values (R2 change = .04, F change (2, 406) = 7.41, p < .01) but failed to significantly predict values of hierarchical relations (R2 change = .OO, F change (2, 406) = .03, p = .97). The significant effect was due to the effects of imported viewing, which was a significant negative predictor of interpersonal harmony values even when Chinese total viewing was controlled. Neither viewing measure was significant in predicting respondents’ endorsement of hierarchical values. The more time respondents spent watching imported television, the less they endorsed interpersonal harmony values. Total viewing of Chinese programming did not predict either values measure when imported viewing was controlled (see Table 1).

The analysis for male respondents (see Table 2) revealed a significant relationship between the set of demographic variables and endorsement of hierarchical relations (R = .20, adjusted R2 = .03, F(2, 154) = 3.36, p < .05). Regional origin accounted for significant variance here, with urban males endorsing hierarchical values more than rural males. The set of demographics did not predict interpersonal harmony values ( R = .I 1, adjusted R2 = .01, F (2, 154) = .93, p = .40) for males. The set of television viewing measures was only a borderline predictor of interpersonal har- mony values (R2 change = .03, F change (2, 152) = 2.55, p = .08) and did not predict hierarchical relations (R2 change = .01, F (2, 152) = 1.08, p = .34). However, imported total viewing was a significant individual predictor of interper- sonal harmony values for male participants. The more imported television males reported watching, the less they endorsed interpersonal harmony values. Chinese total viewing was not a significant predictor of either criterion measure (see Table 2).

Similar results were found with female participants. The analysis did not reveal a significant relationship between the set of demographic variables and female respon- dents’ endorsement of interpersonal harmony values ( R = .06, adjusted R2 = .OO, F (2, 252) = .49, p = .61) or values of hierarchical relations ( R = .06, adjusted R2 = .OO, F (2, 252) = .51, p = .60). Controlling for demographic variables, the total viewing measures significantly predicted interpersonal harmony values (R2 change = .04, F (2, 250) = 4.67, p < .05), and this significance could be attributed to imported viewing. The more imported television females reported watching, the less they endorsed interpersonal harmony values. Controlling for imported total viewing, Chinese total viewing was not a significant predictor of either values measure (see Table 3).

RQ3: Exposure to Program Types and Value Endorsement

In order to examine RQ3, a third step was added to the regressions described above. After entry of demographic variables and total viewing (Chinese and im- ported), measures of program type viewing (Chinese and imported) were added to

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

Zhang and HarwoodmELEVISION VIEWING AND CHINESE VALUES 255

Table 2 Relationships Between Chinese and Imported N Exposure With Perceptions of

Traditional Chinese Values for Male Participants (n = 157)

Interpersonal Harmonya Hierarch yb

change p s? R2 change p s?

1 . Demographics

Urban/Rural 2. Total Viewing

Chinese Imported

3. Program Types Chinese Music Performance Chinese Sports Chinese TV Drama Imported Movies Imported Music Videos Imported Sports Imported TV Drama

Age

.01 .04* - . 1 1 .01 - . l o .01 -.02 .oo -.17* .03

.08 .OO . l l .01 -.22* .03 -.15 .01

.19* .12 -.45* .04

.03 .01

.39* .03

.39* .03 -.73** .05 -.38* .04 -.42* .03 -.58** .05

Note. Due to space limitations, only significant program type variables are reported. "Overall p = .23, 422, 134) = 1.89, p = ,021. bOverall R2 = .17, I722, 134) = 1.27, p = .202. * p < .05. **p < .01.

Table 3 Relationships Between Chinese and Imported N Exposure With Perceptions of

Traditional Chinese Values for Female Participants (n = 255)

Interpersonal Harmonya Hierarch yb

R2 change p s? R2 change p s?

1 . Demographics .oo Age Urban/Rural

Chinese 2. Total Viewing .04*

Imported -

3. Program Types .07 Chinese Music Performance

.oo .04 .06 -.06 .OO .05 .02 -.02 .oo

.oo .04 .OO -.09 .oo ..22* .02 .08 .OO

.10 -.26* .02

Note. Due to space limitations, only significant program type variables are reported. "Overall p = .11, 1722, 232) = 1.29, p = ,182. bOverall = .11, I722, 232) = 1.33, p = .155. *p < .05; **p < .01.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

256 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic MedidJune 2002

the regression equations. The measure of viewing “other” program types was not included in this third step. In the analysis including all respondents, results indicated that viewing of the various program types (Chinese and imported) accounted for significant additional variance in predicting interpersonal harmony values (R2 change = .08, F change (1 8, 388) = 1.84, p < .05) and hierarchical values (R2 change = .07, F change (18, 388) = 1.65, p < .05). Examination of individual predictors revealed four significant negative predictors of the interpersonal harmony values: Chinese music performance shows, Chinese children’s programming, im- ported movies, and imported sports programs. Viewing Chinese sports programs was a significant positive predictor of hierarchical values (see Table 1).

We repeated these analyses for male and female subjects separately. For males, television program measures significantly predicted interpersonal harmony values (R2 change = .19, F change (18, 134) = 1.80, p < .05), but failed to predict hierarchical values (p change = .12, F change (18, 134) = 1.06, p = .40). Examination of the individual predictors revealed five significant negative predictors of interpersonal harmony value endorsement (Chinese music performance; imported television drama; imported movies; imported sports; and imported music video). Viewing Chinese sports and Chinese television drama accounted for significant variance in predicting hierarchical values (see Table 2). For females, viewing the program types failed to predict interpersonal harmony values (R2 change = .07, F change (1 8,232) = 1 .OO, p = .47) and accounted for a borderline significant amount of additional variance in predicting hierarchical values (R2 change = .lo, F change (18, 232) = 1.51, p = .09). Viewing Chinese music performance was a significant negative predictor of hierarchical values for the women (see Table 3).

Discussion

In this section of the paper, we will summarize and account for the results. We will focus on cultural change in China, and particularly the values expressed on Chinese television. Given that no systematic content analyses of Chinese television exist, this will involve some informed speculation about the content of the shows based on one author‘s familiarity with Chinese television. In addition, we draw on the limited literature that references the content of Chinese television in some form (i.e., Sun & Huang, 1997; Wang & Chang, 1996; Zhao, 1999). Finally, we will discuss the implications for cultivation theory, the limitations of the study, and prospects for future research.

Before discussing effects for television viewing, we should make a few important notes. First, this study found that interpersonal harmony values were highly endorsed by the respondents, and values of hierarchical relations were only moderately endorsed. The interpersonal harmony values represent the inner pole of Confucian- ism; they remained vital and the core of what it means to be Chinese. However, during the Cultural Revolution (1 966-76), many Confucian values were thought to be

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

Zhang and HarwoodlTELEVlSlON VIEWING AND CHINESE VALUES 257

outdated and counter revolutionary, and therefore they were abandoned. For exam- ple, the "four big rights" (i.e., speaking freely, airing views fully, holding great debates, and writing big-character posters) became a major feature during the period and were later institutionalized in the state constitution in 1975. The "four big rights" are in conflict with the hierarchical values, and they encouraged Mao's young followers to be rebellious and counter-traditional. The young participants' moderate endorsement of hierarchical relations values i s also a reflection of the current Chinese social structure. As a result of economic reforms and the modernization movement, the social structure has become less hierarchical. This may be particu- larly true for educated samples such as the current group (Sun & Huang, 1997).

Second, sex was a consistently significant predictor of interpersonal harmony values. Perhaps unsurprisingly, female respondents endorsed interpersonal harmony values more strongly than did male respondents. Traditionally, women in China have different roles in society from men, with women being taught to be obedient to the men in their lives. Although sex roles today are not as clearly defined as they once were, women in China st i l l have the dominant role in terms of self-restriction and maintaining family, home, community, and society. Hence, their greater endorse- ment of interpersonal harmony values reflects their position in contemporary Chi- nese society.

Third, urban males endorsed hierarchical values more than rural males. We suspect that this may be due to the influence of city life being more competitive and modern than rural life. To be successful, urban males have to be competitive and respect organizational hierarchies more than rural males who live in a less hierar- chical environment (e.g., managing their own farm). Females in general attach themselves closely to the family hierarchy, which is similar in both urban and rural areas.

Total Viewing

interpersonal harmony values. This study revealed a significant negative associa- tion between total viewing of imported television and interpersonal harmony values. This supports our expectations as outlined in the Introduction and may be a reflection of the value system changes that China has undergone in the last 20 years. After Mao's death in 1976, Deng Xiao Ping, the founding father of economic reform, launched the nationwide modernization campaign. Along with the economic re- form, the volume and diversity of imported television programs have increased. As mentioned earlier, among the imported television programs, nearly three fourths are from capitalist countries (e.g., the U.S.). Our respondents expressed their preference for U.S. programming. Television programs are reflections of social, cultural, and political ideologies; themes of individualism, modernity, achievement and success, hedonism, consumerism, and material comfort are prevalent in Western television (Cheng & Schweitzer, 1996; Cho, Kwon, Gentry, Jun, & Kropp, 1999; Selnow, 1990). These nontraditional themes present different life styles and challenge traditional

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

258 journal of Broadcasting & Electronic MedidJune 2002

Chinese interpersonal harmony values. From this perspective, the negative relation- ship between total viewing of imported television and interpersonal harmony values i s not surprising.

Our hypothesis that total viewing of Chinese television would be negatively related to endorsement of traditional Chinese values was not supported. We con- clude that Chinese television carries a variety of messages but generally remains in the mainstream of Chinese values.

Values of hierarchical relations. The current study indicated that values of hierar- chical relations were not associated with any form of total viewing. We interpret this result in the context of Chinese social reality (Tamborini & Choi, 1990). Television's effect on hierarchical values faces strong competition from other social influences on this particular variable. As mentioned earlier, hierarchical values were attacked and abandoned during the Cultural Revolution. More importantly, the traditional form of Chinese hierarchical social structure has diminished as a result of economic reform and the modernization movement. The establishment of a competition system is a case in point. Along with the increase in competitive economic activities, Chinese people not only have more materialistic desires; they also have become accustomed to a less hierarchical social structure. It is not surprising that television viewing does not have much impact on values of hierarchical relations since the effect of television i s overridden by powerful societal forces.

Program Types

lnterpersonal harmony values. Chinese music performance, Chinese children's programs, imported television movies, and imported sports were negative predictors of interpersonal harmony values. Modern Chinese music has become Westernized with a frequent focus on relationships, romance (particularly the experience of romantic love), and individualism. In particular, current Chinese music programs, which feature live music performance (a live song-and-dance broadcast featuring a particular singer or group), have a greater focus on issues of hedonism, style and beauty, competition, getting ahead, and striving for success. This is revealed from both the lines of songs and the visual effects (e.g., romantic stage design, up-to-date costumes and hairstyles). Often, even a traditional song can be performed in a modern way by changing its rhythm and adopting modern visual effects. This "modernism" reflected in Chinese television live music programs is in direct conflict with the traditional interpersonal harmony values which emphasize integrity, soli- darity with others, thriftiness, and overall social integration.

Chinese children's programs feature foreign language training (eg, English, French, and Japanese) and entertainment. Traditionally, no specific television pro- grams were devoted to children. After economic reforms and the one-child policy, children's welfare has been given more attention, and programs, including game playing, singing, and storytelling, have gained market share. These programs also frequently educate and encourage children to learn skills (e.g., language skills or

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

Zhang and HarwoodnELEVISION VIEWING AND CHINESE VALUES 259

computerskills) and to have ambitions to be successful in the future. Modernity and entertainment are the dominant themes in Chinese children's programs, and these may explain the negative relationship between viewing Chinese children's programs and endorsement of interpersonal harmony values.

Imported television movies constitute a substantial portion (approximately 20%) of all imported programming to China (Wang & Chang, 1996); hence, it i s not surprising that they would be most strongly related to audience values. Movies tend to be Western-produced and convey cultural messages in a dynamic fashion. In addition, they feature starskelebrities, which enhance value orientations such as individual achievement, beauty, pleasure, fashion, and the like. Similarly, imported sports programs are also negatively related to interpersonal harmony values. In Chinese television, imported sports programs are mainly from the United States and other major European countries. For example, Chinese people favor NBA and international sports contests in general. These programs tend to feature individualism (e.g., individual success and achievement) through competition, which might chal- lenge viewers' traditional interpersonal harmony values.

Values of hierarchical relations. While total viewing was not associated with the values of hierarchical relations, viewing Chinese sports was a positive predictor of this value. Although the universal goal of playing sports i s to win, broadcasts of Chinese sports programs emphasize collective success and achievement. Collectiv- ism is always the primary criterion in judging sporting performances. Individual athletes are not made the focus of the coverage, and individual achievements are always interpreted in the context of collective (e.g., nation, team) efforts.

Implications for Cultivation Theory

As outlined in the introduction, the goal of the current study was to examine the influence of total viewing and program type viewing in predicting endorsement of traditional Chinese values. Findings indicate that both measures account for signif- icant variance in value orientations. Perspectives that exclude either will miss out on some important information. While total viewing i s indeed an important predictor, nonuniform messages and viewer selectivity mean that exposure to particular messages are also important to consider and factor into analyses such as the current one, even though such measures are separate from the traditional domain of cultivation analysis.

We would reiterate that total viewing of importedprograms is a substantially more powerful predictor than total viewing of Chinese programs (both in terms of statistical significance and effect size). We see this finding as consistent with Cerbner's perspective. Despite the convergences of recent years, domestic Chinese and imported television constitute substantially different message systems, and we would expect more dramatic cultivation effects from the messages that are more different from the indigenous value system. The differences found between Chinese and imported programming suggest new challenges for cultivation theory. As has been

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

260 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic MedidJune 2002

powerfully argued by Tamborini and Choi (1 990), the assumption of homogenous messages becomes less tenable when we are dealing with media products from multiple cultures.

limitations

First, the results reported here are not based on a systematic content analysis of television programming in China, and we know of no systematic content analysis of Chinese television on which we could draw in interpreting our results. This limits our ability to offer specific databased interpretations. That said, we would recognize Morgan's (1 990) conclusion that in the international context "the absence of mes- sage data should not prevent cultivation researchers from taking advantage of special data collection opportunities" (p. 243). We hope that our personal insights on Chinese television provide some interpretive framework for our results.

Second, the use of college students weakens this study's generalizability. The use of a convenience sample i s a reasonable first step in examining values and television viewing in the Chinese context, and the dramatic changes in Chinese television content over the past 20 years make college students somewhat interesting. Older individuals wil l have been exposed to considerable changes in the ideological and philosophical content of television, and it might be more difficult to explain relationships between viewing and values in these groups.

Third, we have limited grounds for claiming causality from our findings, despite our statistical controls. The relationships we find between values and television viewing may reflect selective seeking of value-congruent television programming rather than cultivation effects. We do not discount such an explanation; indeed, we think it likely that these are complementary and mutually reinforcing processes rather than competing accounts. Viewing of specific genres or total viewing levels might be influenced by individuals' value systems (Elasmar & Hunter, 1998). Particular value systems might explicitly or implicitly proscribe viewing of specific types of television or television as a whole. We need to work harder to identify reasons for watching television in general and reasons for selecting to watch domestic versus imported television (Tamborini & Choi, 1990).

Fourth, we were disappointed with the reliability of the CVS measure. Future research should report reliability coefficients for the CVS subscales in order that we might understand the utility of the scale for studying individuals and whether our poor results were aberrant. Additionally, our interpersonal harmony factor demon- strated something of a ceiling effect: it was highly endorsed by most respondents. This may have restricted our ability to detect significant results. The other factor- hierarchical relations-was moderately endorsed but with a fairly small standard deviation. Future work should attempt to develop measures of values that tap more variation in the participant population.

Finally, the effect sizes in the current study are relatively small. Value change naturally involves many factors besides television exposure, hence limiting the

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

Zhang and Harwood/TELEVISION VIEWING AND CHINESE VALUES 261

potential impact of television viewing. Of course, small effect sizes can translate to important effects when visited on large populations of people over time (Abelson, 1985; Gerbner, 1998; Rosenthal, 1990). The effects in the current study are slightly larger than average in the cultivation literature ( r = .09 according to Morgan and Shanahan’s [1998] meta-analysis). Our results are also consistent with other litera- ture concerning the effects of imported media on values (e.g., Elasmar & Hunter’s [1998] meta-analysis suggesting that foreign television consumption accounts for about 2% of variance in audience values).

Future Research and Conclusions

First, the current data suggest that examinations of Chinese music performance and impoked television movies should be given special attention. Indeed, we would hope that some of the current findings might suggest useful hypotheses for such research (e.g., in the portrayal of interpersonal harmony values in music perfor- mance). In addition, we suspect that the examination of television commercials in China might be illuminating, given the recent shift to a more market-oriented economic system. Commercials may feature more “blatant“ expressions of values than programming. Second, sex differences in the endorsement of Chinese values and their relation to television viewing should be examined in more detail. Our findings suggest a pattern whereby men are more influenced by program type viewing, whereas women are more influenced by total viewing, a pattern worthy of additional examination. Finally, future work could productively examine older adults in an attempt to determine the effect of changes in television content over the past 30 years. Older and younger adults have been exposed to very different philosophical and ideological messages in Chinese society (and media) as described earlier. It would be fascinating to perform research examining the value orientations of those groups as they relate to current and past television viewing.

This study has provided insight on the role of the media in shaping values in Chinese society, particularly in a period of political and cultural change. Given the cultural developments in China over the last 15 years, examinations of media effects in that country provide many new challenges and opportunities for media research- ers. It i s crucial that researchers begin to understand more about uses and effects of the media in the most populous nation on earth.

References

Abelson, R. (1985). A variance explanation paradox: When a little is a lot. Psychological

Ball-Rokeach, S., & DeFleur, M. (1990). Theories of communication (5th ed.). New York:

Beltran, L. R. (1978). Television etchings in the minds of Latin American: Conservatism,

Bulletin, 97, 129-1 33.

Longman.

materialism, and conformism. Gazette, 24, 61 -85.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

262 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/June 2002

Carbaugh, D. A. (1 988). Talking American: Cultural discourse on Donahue. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.

Cheng, H., & Schweitzer, J. C. (1996). Cultural values reflected in Chinese and U.S. television commercials. Journal of Advertising Research, 36, 27-45.

Chinese Culture Connection. (1987). Chinese values and the search for culture-free dimen- sions of culture. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 18, 143-1 64.

Cho, B., Kwon, U., Gentry, J. W., Jun, S., & Kropp, F. (1999). Cultural values reflected in themes and execution: A Comparative study of U.S. and Korean television commercials. journal of Advertising, 28, 59-73.

Dissanayake, W. (1 985). Television, culture, and the Third World: Some theoretical approaches. The Third Channel, I, 1-1 2.

Dorfman, A., & Mattelart, A. (1 972). Para leer el Pato Donald [How to read Donald Duck]. Buenos Aires: Siglo Veintiuno.

Elasmar, M. G., & Hunter, J. E. (1 998). The impact of foreign TV on a domestic audience: A meta-analysis. In B. R. Burleson & A. W. Kunkel (Eds.), Communication yearbook20 (47-69). Thousand Oaks, CA Sage.

Gerbner, G. (1 969). "Towards cultural indicators": The analysis of the mass mediated message systems. AV Communication Review, 77, 137-1 48.

Gerbner, G. (1990). Epilogue: Advancing on the path of righteousness. In N. Signorielli & M. Morgan (Eds.), Cultivation analysis (pp. 249-266). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Gerbner, G. (1 998). Cultivation analysis: An overview. Mass Communication and Society, 7, 175-1 94.

Gerbner, G., & Gross, L. (1 976). Living with television: The violence profile. Journal of Communication, 26(2), 173-1 99.

Gerbner, G., Gross, L., Jackson-Beeck, M., Jeffries-Fox, S., & Signorielli, N. (1 978). Televi- sion violence profiles no. 9. journal of Communication, 28(3), 176-207.

Gerbner, G., Gross, L., Morgan, M., & Signorielli, N. (1986). Living with television: The dynamics of the cultivation process. In J. Bryant & D. Zillmann (Eds.), Perspectives on media effects (pp. 17-40), Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Gerbner, G., Gross, G., Signorielli, N., & Morgan, M. (1980). Aging with television: Images on television drama and conceptions of social reality. Journal of Communication, 30(1), 37-47.

Hawkins, R. P., & Pingree, S. (1981). Uniform message and habitual viewing: Unnecessary assumptions in social reality effects. Human Communication Research, 7, 291 -301.

Hawkins, R. P., & Pingree, S. (1982). Television's influence on social reality. In D. Pearl, L. Bouthilet, & J. Lazar (Eds.), Television and behavior: Ten years of scientific progress and implications for the eighties (pp. 224-247). Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office.

Hirsch, P. M. (1980). The "scary world" of the nonviewer and other anomalies: A reanalysis of Gerbner et al.'s findings on cultivation analysis, part 1. Communication Research, 7,

Hirsch, P. M. (1981). On not learning from one's own mistakes: A reanalysis of Cerbner et

Hofstede, G. (1 980). Culture's consequences: lnternational differences in work-related

Kang, J. G., & Morgan, M. (1988). Culture clash: U.S. television programs in Korea.

Masmoudi, M. (1 979). The new world information order. journal of Communication, 29(2),

Morgan, M. (1990). International cultivation analysis. In N. Signorielli & M. Morgan (Eds.), Cultivation analysis (pp. 225-247). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Morgan, M., & Shanahan, J. (1998). Two decades of cultivation research: An appraisal and meta-analysis. In B. R. Burleson & A. W. Kunkel (Eds.), Communication yearbook 20 (1-45). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Ng, R. M-C. (1998/1999). The influence of Confucianism on Chinese persuasion: The past, the present, and the future. Human Communication, 2, 75-86.

403-456.

al.'s findings on cultivation analysis, part 2. Communication Research, 8, 3-37.

values. Beverly Hills, CA Sage.

journalism Quarterly, 65, 431 -438.

172-1 85.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

Zhang and HarwoodlTELEVISlON VIEWING AND CHINESE VALUES 263

Pan, Z. D., & Wei, R. (1997). After diversity of media content: Media exposure and cultural values, Journalism and Communication Research, 4, 38-51.

Perse, E. M. (1 986). Soap opera viewing patterns of college students and cultivation. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 30, 175-1 93.

Perse, E. M., Ferguson, D. A., & McLeod, D. M. (1994). Cultivation in the newer media environment. Communication Research, 21, 79-1 04.

Pfau, M., Mullen, L., & Carrow, K. (1995). The influence of television viewing on public perceptions of physicians. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 79, 441 -458.

Potter, W. 1. (1 986). Perceived reality and the cultivation hypothesis. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 30, 159-1 74.

Potter, W. J. (1 990). Adolescents’ perceptions of the primary values of television program- ming. Journalism Quarterly, 67, 843-851.

Potter, W. 1. (1 991 ). Examining cultivation from a psychological perspective: Component subprocesses. Communication Research, 7 8, 77-1 01.

Potter, W. J. (1993). Cultivation theory and research: A conceptual critique. Human Communication Research, 19, 564-601.

Potter, W. I., & Chang, 1. C. (1990). Television exposure measures and the cultivation hypothesis. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 34, 31 3-333.

Ralston, D. A., Custafson, D. I., Elsass, P. M., Cheung, F., & Terpstra, R. H. (1 992). Eastern values: A comparison of managers in the United States, Hong Kong, and the People’s Republic of China. Journal of Applied Psychology, 77, 664-671.

Reimer, B., & Rosengren, K. E. (1 990). Cultivated viewers and readers: A life-style perspec- tive. In N. Signorielli & M. Morgan (Eds.), Cultivation analysis (pp. 181-205). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Rokeach, M. (1973). The nature of human values. London: Collier Macmillan. Rosenthal, R. (1990). How are we doing in soft psychology? American Psychologist, 45,

Rubin, A. M., Perse, E. M., & Taylor, D. S. (1988). A methodological examination of

Selnow, C. (1 990). Values on prime-time television. Journal of Communication, 40(2),

Slater, D., & Elliott, W. R. (1 982). Television’s influence on social reality. Quarterlyjournal of Speech, 68, 69-79.

Sun, W., & Huang, Y. (1997). The effects of media behavior on modernization of ideas: The case of China. China Report, 33, 91-109.

Tamborini, R., & Choi, J. (1990). The role of cultural diversity in cultivation research. In N. Signorielli & M. Morgan (Eds.), Cukivation analysis (pp. 157-1 79). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Tan, A. S., Tan, C. K., &Tan, A. S. (1987). American N in the Philippines: A test of cultural impact. Journalism Quarterly, 64, 65-72.

Ting-Toomey, S. (1994). Managing intercultural conflict effectively. In L. A. Samovar & R. E. Porter (Eds.), lntercultural communication: A reader (pp. 360-372). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Tsai, M. K. (1970). Some effects of American television programs on children in Formosa. journal of Broadcasting, 74, 229-238.

Vilanilam, J. (1989). Television advertising and the Indian poor. Media, Culture, and Society, 7 1, 485-497.

Virulrak, S. (1983). Mass media, tradition and change: An overview of Thailand. Media Asia, 70, 101-105.

Wang, J., & Chang, T. K. (1 996). From class ideology to state manager: TV programming and foreign imports in China, 1970-1 990. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 40,196-207.

Wober, J. M. (1986). The lens of television and the prism of personality. In J. Bryant & D. Zillmann (Eds.), Perspectives on media effects (pp. 205-231 ). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Yum, J. 0. (1988). The impact of Confucianism on interpersonal relationships and com- munication patterns in East Asia. Communication Monographs, 55, 374-388.

775-777.

cultivation. Communication Research, 75, 107-1 34.

64-73.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013

264 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic MedidJune 2002

Zaharopoulos, T. (1 997). U.S. television and American cultural stereotypes in Greece.

Zhang, Y. B., & Harwood, J. (2001). Cultural values in Chinese television commercials.

Zhao, 6. (1 999). Mouthpiece or money-spinner? The double life of Chinese television in the

World Communication, 26, 30-45.

Unpublished manuscript, University of Kansas.

late 1990s. international lournal of Cultural Studies, 2, 291-305.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f H

awai

i at M

anoa

] at

09:

21 1

0 M

ay 2

013