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THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Does Sprawl Really Matter?
MetroBusinessNet Annual Convening
February 17, 2005
Metropolitan Policy ProgramBruce Katz, Director
The Brookings Institution
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Does Sprawl Really Matter?
What is the nature of metro growth in the U.S.I
What are the consequences of these trends?
What policy solutions are available to affect positive change?
III
II
Why is this happening?
III
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
I What is the nature of metro growth in the U.S.
Cities are growing, but metros are still sprawling
Regional variation is substantial
As people go, so do jobs
1.
2.
3.
Metros remain stratified by race, class, and ethnicity4.
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
6.3%
9.8%
-1.6%
-4%
-2%
0%
2%
4%
6%
8%
10%
12%
1970s 1980s 1990s
Large cities grew faster in the 1990s than they did in the 1980s and 1970s
50 largest cities, population 1970-2000Source: Brookings calculations of U.S. Census Bureau data
Cities
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
-7.4%-5.1% -5.5%
5.7% 6.5%
-7.3%
4.0%
18.6%
-10%
-5%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
Atlanta Chicago Denver Memphis
1980s 1990s
Several large cities gained population during the 1990s after losing population in the 1980s
Selected cities, population growth 1990-2000Source: U.S. Census Bureau
Cities
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
4%
19%
7%9%
44%
15%17%
6%
33%
24%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
Atlanta Chicago Denver Memphis Top 100
City Suburbs
Still, population is decentralizing in nearly every U.S. metropolitan area
Selected cities and suburbs, population growth 1990-2000Source: HUD State of the Cities Data Systems
Suburbs
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
17.0%
8.8%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
Cities Suburbs
Suburbs
Suburbs grew faster than cities in the 1990s
Percent population growth, 100 largest cities and suburbs1990-2000Source: U.S. Census Bureau
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Source: William Frey. “A Census 2000 Study of City and Suburb Household Change.” Brookings, Forthcoming
-5%
15%
35%
Central City 8.6% -1.9% 5.5% 10.4% 19.0% 12.9%
Suburbs 18.0% 10.3% 11.8% 20.1% 41.2% 26.9%
All Households
Married - no children
Married - with
children
Other Family - no
children
Other Family -
with Nonfamily
Suburbs
Every household type grew at faster rates in the suburbsthan in cities
Population growth,1990-2000
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
I What is the nature of metro growth in the U.S.
Cities are growing, but metros are still sprawling
Regional variation is substantial
As people go, so do jobs
1.
2.
3.
Metros remain stratified by race, class, and ethnicity4.
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
In the Northeast/Midwest stagnant growth and sprawl are common
Change in population and density, 1982-1997Source: Fulton et al, 2001
0.4%5.0%
-23.8%-18.7%
-35.5%
-8.0%
-40%
-30%
-20%
-10%
0%
10%
Cleveland, OH Detroit, MI Pittsburgh, PA
Change in Population Change in Density
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
In the South/Southeast, many cities are growing and spreading out
Change in population and density, 1982-1997Source: Fulton et al, 2001
60.80%
38.80% 38.80%
-20.20% -20.20%-11.40%-40%
-20%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
Atlanta, GA Charleston, SC Charlotte, NC
Change in Population Change in Density
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
In the West, some cities are growing and densifying
Change in population and density, 1982-1997Source: Fulton et al, 2001
47.30%31.20%
72.90%
2.80% 5.50%
21.90%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
Los Angeles, CA Ft. Collins, CO Phoenix, AZ
Change in Population Change in Density
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
I What is the nature of metro growth in the U.S.
Cities are growing, but metros are still sprawling
Regional variation is substantial
As people go, so do jobs
1.
2.
3.
Metros remain stratified by race, class, and ethnicity4.
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
Nation
3-mile radius
10-mile radius
Outside 10-mileradius
Nationally, one-third of jobs are located outside a 10-mile radius of the central business district
Share of jobs within 3-, 10-, and greater- than-10-mile radius of center, 1996
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
57%
29%
21%24%
30%32%
35%
41%
13%
66%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
New York Washington Dallas Atlanta Miami
In Central Business District In Edgeless Locations
Employment decentralization
In many metros, an exit ramp economy dominates office development.
Share of metropolitan office space (SQ FT), 1999
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Employment decentralization
But the level of employment decentralization varies widely across metropolitan areas.
Share of metropolitan employment, 1999
0%10%20%30%40%50%60%70%
U.S. Miami Washington,DC
Los Angeles
3-mile radius 10-mile radius outside 10-mile radius
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Consequently, the highest share of metropolitan commutes begin and end within suburbs
Share of commuters100 Largest Cities, 2000
31%
17%
36%
7%8%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
Cen City -Cen City
Cen City -Suburb
Surburb -Central
City
Suburb -Suburb
WithinMSA -
OutsideMSA
Source: U.S. Census Bureau
Employment decentralization
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
I What is the nature of metro growth in the U.S.
Cities are growing, but metros are still sprawling
Regional variation is substantial
As people go, so do jobs
1.
2.
3.
Metros remain stratified by race, class, and ethnicity4.
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Higher job sprawl is associated with higher levels of job mismatch for blacks and Latinos
Source: Stoll, 2005
Blacks/jobs mismatch versus job sprawl in U.S. metros, 2000
Job Sprawl
Blacks/Jobs M
ismatch Index
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Concentrated poverty remains overwhelmingly in inner cities
Population of high-poverty neighborhoods by location, 2000
900k
1 mil.
6 mil.
0 1 2 3 4 5 6
Central City
Suburbs
NonMetropolitan
Popoulation (in millions)
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
High-poverty tracts, 2000
For example, in Chicago, almost all high-poverty tracts are inside the city limits
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
And minorities remain disproportionately in the inner-city and the Southern suburbs…
Non-Asian
minority students,
1997
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
…while jobs move North and West
Jobs by Zipcode, 2001
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Does Sprawl Really Matter?
What is the nature of metro growth in the U.S.I
What are the consequences of these trends?
What policy solutions are available to affect positive change?
III
II
Why is this happening?
IV
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Decentralization is Costly
Diminishes Economic Competitiveness &
Quality of Life
Unbalanced growth is costly
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Density contributes to economic performance through:By decentralizing, metros are foregoing the economic benefits of density:
Productivity gains
Innovation gains
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Density contributes to productivity
Average labor productivity increases with more employment density
“Accessible” cities with efficient transportation systems had higher productivity than more dispersed places (47 metro areas)
Compared to others, growth management metros were likely to see improvements in metropolitan level personal income
Ciccone and Hall (1996)
Cervero (2000)
Nelson and Peterman (2000)
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Density contributes to innovation by attracting young, educated workers
High density brings with it amenities that create a high “quality of place” that attracts young knowledge-workers
Ideas, innovation, and creativity now drive the economy
Economic success requires large numbers of people with a college education and high skills
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Educated metro areas win in the new economy
Each additional year of education of workers in a metro area leads to another 2.8 percent growth in productivity
The cities and metros with highly skilled workers in the 1990s also had high population and income growth
The metro areas that have high proportions of skilled, educated labor are better able to reinvent themselves and adapt to changing economic needs
Rauch (1993)
Glaeser et al (2000)
Glaeser et al (2003)
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Density enhances innovation by increasing interactions and knowledge-sharing among workers
Dense labor markets, efficient transport, and high clustering of jobs lead to knowledge spillovers, both within and across industries
Denser local economies have been linked to increased patenting
Carlino (2001)
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Increases Costs on Communities and Taxpayers
Unbalanced growth is costly
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Low density development imposes greater costs on state and localities
Low density development increases demand for:
Low density development increases the costs of key services:
• New schools• New roads • New public facilities • Sewer and water extensions
• Police• Fire• Emergency medical
Unbalanced growth is costly
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Studies estimate the degree of capital cost savings from denser development…
$0
$4,000
$8,000
$12,000
$16,000
$20,000
Low-DensitySprawl
Low-DensityPlanned
Sprawl Mix Planned Mix High-DensityPlanned
Community Prototypes (10,000 units)
UtilitiesRoads/StreetsPublic FacilitiesSchoolsRecreation
Estimated cost by community prototype
Source: Real Estate Research Corporation (1974)
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Florida Growth Patterns Study Total Public Facilities Costs by Development Type (Per Dwelling Unit 1989 Dollars)
...an idea substantiated by Florida case studies
$0
$2,000
$4,000
$6,000
$8,000
$10,000
$12,000
$14,000
$16,000
$18,000
Average of Case Studies UnderSprawl
Average of Case Studies UnderCompact
Other
Schools
Utilities
Roads
Source: Duncan (1989)
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Kansas City is the 28th largest metro Studies estimate the service delivery savings from more compact development
Dollar costs of new services (including police, fire, highway, schools, and solid waste) per 1,000 new residents for a family of 4 in Kentucky
Development Pattern Cost
Central city counties
Fayette (more concentrated) ($1.08)
Jefferson (more spread out) $37.55
Suburban counties
Shelby (more concentrated) $88.27
Pendelton (more spread out) $1,222.39
Counties with small towns
Warren (more concentrated) $53.89
Pulaski (more spread out) $239.93
Outer ring and rural
Garrard (more concentrated) $454.51
McCracken (more spread out) $618.90
Source: Bollinger, Berger, and
Thompson (2001)
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
The density-related fiscal savings are estimated to be substantial
Source: Muro & Puentes (2004)
Nationwide, more compact development could save governments 11% on capital outlays over the long term
More compact development could save governments almost 4% on service provision
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Leads to Fiscal Disparities
Unbalanced growth is costly
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
For example, in Philadelphia, tax capacity per household…
Tax capacity per household, 1998
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
… correlates with educational expenditure per pupil
Expenditure per pupil, 1997
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Strains the TransportationSystem and Increases
Travel Costs
Unbalanced growth is costly
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Sprawling growth patterns are straining states’ transportation systems and increasing travel costs
Decentralization:
• Widens the area that needs to be served by roads and increases road building costs.
• Generates more driving miles adding to congestion.
• Adds to household costs.
• Deepens the state’s road-maintenance crisis.
Unbalanced growth is costly
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
For example, commuting patterns in Chicago have become inordinately complex
County-to-county worker flows, 2000
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Isolates Minorities and Low-Income Residents
From Opportunities
Unbalanced growth is costly
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Decentralization isolates low-income residents & minorities from opportunities.
Decentralization:
• Exacerbates social isolation in the core.
• Reduces educational opportunities in cities and older suburbs.
• Distances poor people from job opportunities.
Unbalanced growth is costly
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Miami
Hialeah
Fort Lauderdale
In areas such as Miami, a spatial mismatch has arisen between high-poverty neighborhoods and areas of high job growth
Poverty is concentrated
here
While job growth occurs here
Major Cities
Poverty Rate > 20%
Job Growth > 50%
0 2010
Miles
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Does Sprawl Really Matter?
What is the nature of metro growth in the U.S.I
What are the consequences of these trends?
What policy solutions are available to affect positive change?
III
II
Why is this happening?
IV
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Major federal and state policies facilitate sprawl and impede city revitalization
A recent Brookings report on Pennsylvania found 5 specific types of state policies that favor greenfield development and undermine city economies
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Unlevel Tax System
Skewed Investments
Weak Planning
Barriers to Reinvestment
Fragmented Governance
Why is this happening?III
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Major state spending programs have skewed funding to greenfields
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Share of population versus share of transportation investment, 1999-2002Source: U.S. Census Bureau,Anne Canby and James Bickford, 10,000 Friends of Pennsylvania
In Pennsylvania newer suburbs received 58 percent of classifiable spending during this period, although they represent only 42 percent of the state’s population
58.3%
41.7%
Share of Population
57.5%
42.5%
Share of Transportation Spending
Older PennsylvaniaOuter Townships
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Elk
Tioga
Erie
York
Potter
Centre
Berks
Butler
Bradford
PikeLycoming
Bedford
Clinton
MckeanWarren
Clearfield
Blair
Crawford
Indiana
Somerset
Luzerne
Wayne
Fayette
PerryBucks
Lancaster
Mercer
FranklinChester
Clarion
Schuylkill
Cambria
Monroe
Huntingdon
Greene
Venango
Allegheny
Adams
Washington
Westmoreland
Jefferson
Mifflin
Fulton
Forest
Dauphin
Armstrong
Beaver
Susquehanna
Sullivan
Juniata
Union Carbon
Lehigh
Columbia
Snyder
Cumberland
Wyoming
Cameron
Lebanon
Montgomery
Lawrence
Lackawanna
NorthumberlandNorthampton
Delaware
Montour
Philadelphia
PIDA, OFP, and IDP investments,1998-2003
At the same time, Pennsylvania is spreading its economic development money “all across the map”
Municipal Type
City
Borough
1st-class township
2nd-class township
DCED Programs
PIDA RecipientsOGP RecipientsIDP Recipients
Source: Keystone Research Center
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Unlevel Tax System
Skewed Investments
Weak Planning
Barriers to Reinvestment
Fragmented Governance
Why is this happening?III
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
State tax systems are biasedagainst cities
City revenue bases are small (e.g., large numbers of tax exempt properties)
City expenses are high(e.g., concentrated poverty, union contracts)
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Unlevel Tax System
Skewed Investments
Weak Planning
Barriers to Reinvestment
Fragmented Governance
Why is this happening?III
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
In most states, cities lacks effective regional- or state-level planning, strategizing, and coordination capacity
• Disparate state agencies do not plan in accordance with a coherent, unified vision
• Disparate state agencies plan separately and often act at cross-purposes
• As a consequence, there is a lost opportunity to use policies to generate markets and create wealth
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
A lack of consistency requirements ensures land use planning remains essentially optional and frequently uncoordinated
• In many states local zoning ordinances do not conform to local or regional plans
• Required county plans remain advisory
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Unlevel Tax System
Skewed Investments
Weak Planning
Barriers to Reinvestment
Fragmented Governance
Why is this happening?III
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
• Barriers to brownfield development hinder their productive reuse
• Information gaps, limited marketability, and ineffective acquisition processes keep many vacant and abandoned industrial properties idle
• Barriers to the rehabilitation of older buildings perpetuate their deterioration
Barriers to reinvestment
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Unlevel Tax System
Skewed Investments
Weak Planning
Barriers to Reinvestment
Fragmented Governance
Why is this happening?III
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Total local governments, 2002
Many rustbelt states have large numbers of local governments
General Governments* RankIllinois 2,824 1Minnesota 2,734 2Pennsylvania 2,633 3Ohio 2,338 4Kansas 2,030 5Wisconsin 1,922 6Michigan 1,858 7North Dakota 1,745 8Indiana 1,666 9New York 1,602 10
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2002 Census of Governments
*Includes county governments
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
The profusion of local governments undermines city and state competitiveness in several ways
• CMU’s Jerry Paytas concludes that fragmented regions saw their share of the total income generated in 285 metro areas slip between 1972 and 1997
• Paul Lewis concludes fragmentation results in decreased shares of office space in central business districts, less “centrality,” longer commute times, more “edge cities,” and more sprawl
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Does Sprawl Really Matter?
What is the nature of metro growth in the U.S.I
What are the consequences of these trends?
What policy solutions are available to affect positive change?
III
II
Why is this happening?
IV
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
What policy solutions are available to affect positive change?IV
Smart growth involves efforts to change the governmental “rules of the development game” that facilitate sprawl and concentrate poverty
Smart growth efforts are designed to slow decentralization, promote urban reinvestment, and enhance access to opportunity
Smart Growth
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
1.Regional
Governance
2.Land UseReform
3. Infrastructure
5.Access To
Opportunity
4.Taxation
What policy solutions are available to affect positive change?IV
The SmartGrowthAgenda
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Smart Growth Reforms: State Examples
Maryland Smart Growth and Neighborhood Conservation Act (1997)
Regional Governance
Land Use Reform
Infrastructure
Taxation Minnesota Fiscal Disparities Law
Access to Opportunity California Tax Credit Allocation Committee
Clean Ohio Fund
Metropolitan Suballocation in California
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
Smart Growth Reforms: Local and Regional Examples
Transit-Oriented Development – Arlington County, VA
Regional Governance
Land Use Reform
Infrastructure
Access to Opportunity
Inclusionary Zoning – Montgomery County, MD
Philadelphia Neighborhood Transformation Initiative
Minneapolis-St. Paul Metropolitan Council
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM
www.brookings.edu/metro