The Century of the City: City Republics and Grid Cities

8/14/2019 The Century of the City: City Republics and Grid Cities

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e d i t o r i a l b o a r d

Linda Boudry

Peter Cabus

Eric Corijn

Filip De Rynck

Chris Kesteloot

Andr Loeckx

w h i t e pa p e r

The Century of the CityCity republics and grid cit ies


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C o l o p h o n

A publication of theUrban Policy ProjectForeign Affairs AdministrationMinistry of the Flemish Communityrue du Marquis 11ooo BrusselsTel. 02 553 40 28www.thuisindestad.be

EditorGuido DecosterGeneral Manager

Editorial team of the White PaperFilip De Rynck (editor-in-chief)Linda Boudry, Peter Cabus, Eric Corijn,Christian Kesteloot and Andr Loeckx

Final editingLiesje SchetsMinistry of the Flemish Community

PhotographyKoen Broos, Cobdenstraat 34,2o18 Antwerp

Graphic designMegaluna + Triumviraat, av. Laarbeek 70,1000 Brussels

PrintingMinistry of the Flemish Community

Registration number D/2005/3241/023

Edition 2005


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blanco

w h i t e pa p e rThe Century of the CityCity republics and grid cities


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Geert BouckaertLinda BoudryLuk BraiPeter CabusEric Corijn

Guido De BrabanderFilip De RynckMoira HeynMyriam Jansen-VerbekeChristian KestelootAndr LoeckxWilly MiermansPaul PonsaersRuth SoenenLudo StruyvenMarc VerlotJan Vranken

Editorial BoardFilip De Rynck (editor in chief)Linda BoudryPeter CabusEric CorijnChristian KestelootAndr Loeckx

Commissioned by Paul Van Grembergen, Flemish Minister of Home Affairs, Culture, Youth and Civil Service Administration,competent for urban policy

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This White Paper is the result of an intensiveprocess which was started by my predecessor inDecember 2000. The Task Force which had beenset up at the time was commissioned to drawup a white paper on urban policy. We had greatexpectations. In fact,we wanted to gain aninsight into the desirable developments for thecoming years in order to evolve towards more

dynamic, balanced cities that are better to livein. This was based on a perspective of twenty years. Furthermore, the Task Force was askednot to limit itself to perspectives that were out-lined, but to also look at the possible implica-tions for policy. We ourselves identied ve clus-ters which could be worked on: the theoreticalframework to create clear concepts and deni-tions, also devoting attention to the economic,social and physical,as well as the administrativeenvironment of our cities.

When the Task Force was composed, we optedto bring all the academic know-how together. Infact, we found that a great deal of interestingresearch was available, but that it either con-sists of fragmentary material which approachesthe urban environment from a particular disci-pline, or concerns global analyses which actuallyrequired a translation into or a focus on urbanmatters.Therefore, we opted for a multidiscipli-nary composition of the Task Force.This meant

that every member could make his own contri-bution on the basis of his own specialist area of expertise, though with the aim of achievingadded value by putting together all the avail-able material. In order to avoid this becoming apurely academic exercise, it was agreed fromthe very beginning that the white paper wouldbe developed with people responsible for policy,ofcials and local partners.

It is worth remembering the entire process pre-

ceding the publication of the white paper.

In the rst half of 2001, the members of the TaskForce wrote the working texts together withacademic experts with experience in the eldand competent ofcials. In the autumn of 2001,14 workshops were held, each organised in coop-eration with one of the 14 cities in the centre.The participants were recruited through target-ed mail shots and advertisements in daily and

weekly newspapers. Approximately 1,000 peo-ple participated in these workshops. In view of the importance of their contribution, theirnames were included in this white paper.

The texts of the experts were discussed, supple-mented or amended during the workshops. Atthe end of 2001, the members of the Task Forceformulated the texts in a nal form, taking con-tribution of the participants in the workshopsinto account as far as possible. Subjects which

were missing or inadequately dealt with wereincluded in additional working texts. In order togive everybody the opportunity to closely followthe entire process, all the available material wasmade available in digital form on the websitewww.thuisindestad.be. All these basic textswere included in the book with preliminarystudies.

In the course of 2002, the Task Force started onthe second stage which consisted of developing

an integrated vision of the future of the city andthe urban environment. An editorial board inthe Task Force went to work on the nal form of all the texts.

According to the dictionary, a white paper is apolicy document published by the governmentin book form (originally with a white cover).This document deviates from this denitionbecause it is not a government document.Themembers of the Task Force were able to work

with complete academic freedom from the verystart.We did not intervene in the process at any

The Century of the City | WHITE PAPER

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Foreword


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time in terms of content as the Government of Flanders. It was important to us to encouragean open social debate. I would like to emphasisethat the Task Force more than fullled its task.On the basis of a thorough and integratedanalysis, it made clear choices which translatedinto both policy and methodological recommen-dations. It is now up to policy and the local part-

ners to respond to this.

I would like to warmly thank all the members of the Task Force, and in particular the editorialboard for all the work they have done. I am con-vinced that this special working method wasalso very valuable for them. I would like toextend my special thanks to Linda Boudry, whosuccessfully conducted the entire process as theproject leader of the urban policy unit.

Paul Van Grembergen

Flemish Minister of Home Affairs, Culture,Youthand Civil Service Administration, competent for urban policy

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Introduction 15

1. Impressions and expressions: six views of the city 251. The built-up city 26A. The threat to the historical city 26

1. The urban sprawl and de-urbanisation 27 2. The city is superseded 28

3. A culture without a focusdoes not need a city 31B. The other perspective: the city returns 31

1. A new look at potential: the increased scope of the city 312. Ambiguous urban development 32 3. Cities make plans:do plans also make cities? 35 4. The city in a holographic perspective 36

2. The public city 36A. The erosion of the public space 37

1. Creeping privatisation 382. Beyond the physical public space? 40

B. The public space as an aid to urban development 41

3. The enterprising city 42A. The new urban economic space 43

1. The expansion and impoverishment of the city 432. Post-Fordism: the network city and dualisation 44 3. Enlargement of scale and reduction of scale: the global-local paradox 49

B. What is the future for the city in the network economy? 491. Urban characteristics as a threat and as an advantage 492. The urban development coalition for an economic city project 52

4. The city based on solidarity 54A. The marketing of solidarity 54

1. Competition puts solidarityunder pressure 54

2. A divided city 56B. What kind of solidarity in the city? Two roads 57

1. The recognition and organisation of social-spatial groups 57 2. Everyday types of interrelationships 61

5. The multicultural city 61A. The breakdown of cultural identities 62B. A new challenge for culture: living together on the basis of differences 63

1. From a uniform to a pluriform frame of reference 632. The city as the centre for cultural development 66

6. The participating city 67A. A city without politics? 68

B. The city: a new framework for participation 70


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10 1. Social learning as a connection 702. Networks focusing on cooperation 72 3. Open representation of the people 73 4. The foundations and networks for urban policy 74 5. The city and Flanders in Europe 75

Conclusion 76The city as the harbinger of the new society 76Changing the perspective: looking from six different perspectives 76

New spaces, new public access, 78new democratic forms 78The urban character as a lever 80

2. The urban character as a political project 831. The city as a centre for political and social reconstruction 86The process of globalisation: a precarious balance 86The paradox: glocalisation 88The city as the focus of rescaling 882. Urban character, the policy on cities, urban policy 89

Urban character and anti-urban character 90Urban policy in the grid city 93Urban policy based on a vision 973. Another tri-polar relationship:government civil society population 984. The city republic revisited 100ConclusionA revolution in the urban policy 104

3. The new urban character, a matter of policy 107Line 1Glocal strategy 107Field 1An open attitude on the part of the city and its citizens 108

Field 2Strengthening the urban character in the Flemish urban network 108Field 3A comprehensive economic prole 110Line 2Coordination in town and country planning 111Field 4Strengthen coordination with cooperation 112Field 5A policy corresponding to the grid city 114Field 6Connections with (infra)structures 115Line 3Qualitative density 117Field 7More, high quality and safe public spaces 117Field 8Invest in high quality urban housing 118Field 9Implement an active housing policy 122Field 10Invest in a healthy environment 12 124

Line 4 127Innovative and creative strength 127


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Field 11Cultural creativity: give innovation a chance 127Field 12Recreation as a lever 128Line 5Identity on the basis of diversity 129Field 13Strengthen the basis for art and culture 130Field 14Use differences and contradictions 132Line 6A city polis based on solidarity 134Field 15Invest in new forms of solidarity 136Field 16Active investments in a strong development coalition 138

Field 17Value new forms of social integration 139Field 18Invest in social learning 141Field 19The tax system which supports the urban character and solidarity 142Conclusion 144

4. Urban debate and urban project, determining the formof the grid city 1491. Project, urban project, urban debate, a rst description 1492. The urban debate:efforts, object and procedure 1512.1 One debate, two registers, three tracks 151

1. Beyond the master planning and the lack of planning 1512. A guiding framework which still has an open character 152 3. Different rhythms and durations 153 4. Communication no longer as an afterthought 154 5. The ambition of the urban debate 154

2.2 What is this urban project about and what is the point of this urban vision? 1551. The example of structural planning 1552. The grid city as a generic image of the built-up area 155 3. More than one theme 157

2.3 The procedure of the urban debate, a few introductions 1591. The urban debate as a locus 159

2 The locus of the urban debate 1603. Urban projects 1613.1 A short list of criteria for the urban project 161

1. An example of an urban project 1622. Structure, leverage, strategy 162 3. Connections,mediation, coordination 163 4. Feasibility, visibility, innovation 164

3.2 Urban projects: genres, bases, emphases 1664. Instruments from the planning discipline 1674.1 The urban debate and municipal structural planning for town and country planning 1684.2 The urban design 170

4.3 Structural planning and urban design, beyond the schism 172


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5. Towards the urban debate and the urban project: Brussels, Kortrijk and Mechelen 1725.1 A neo-realistic perspective 1725.2 The Brabant district, from a network for a district contract to an urban project 1735.3 The Arsenaal site, the city boulevard setting the economic pace 1785.4 Kortrijk, art is/as urban renovation 182

5. Government and citizenship in the city republic 1891. Urban citizenship in the city republic 1901.1 Models of urban democracy 1901.2 The central position of citizenship 1912. More politics in the urban republic 1942.1 The city republic: working on breaking down the boundaries 1952.2 The whole city is politics 1953. Urban citizenship in a participatory democracy 1963.1 The urban debate 1963.2 Creating conditions for citizenship and participation 197

1. Time and work 197 2. Space 197

3. Creativity 197 4. Giving opportunities to capacities 198 5. An open and public character 198

3.3 Dealing with the initiatives of citizens 1983.4 Participatory democracy at the district level 2003.5 Participatory democracy in the budget of the city 2023.6 Participation in the planning 202

1. The growth of new planning practices 2022. Conditions for interactive planning 204

3.7 Peoples initiatives and referendums 2064. Turning the urban administrative organisation upside-down 206

4.1 The past works against us 2074.2 The nancial problems of the cities 2084.3 The relationship between politicians and civil servants 2094.4 Government by the town council 2104.5 New capacities for new roles 2114.6 The town council: the city parliament of the city republic 2144.7 Cooperation between cities 2155. The city republic in the urban policy 2175.1 A tax system which supports the urban character and solidarity 2175.2. Liberate and support the city republic 2175.3 The organisation of the urban policyat the Flemish level 219

5.4 The grid city: central focus of the Flemish urban policy 219

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Epiloque 225

Index 233

Bibliography 235


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Flanders has become urbanised to an importantextent. In this urbanised area, Antwerp, Ghentand Brussels, Ostend and Hasselt are compactcities with their own urban evolution. Flandersis a network of small and very small towns andcities in a limited area, fanning out into manysuburban zones,a short distance from eachother and interacting with Brussels. These speci-

c characteristics mean that this White Paperon cities and urban development in Flandersand Brussels cannot be merely a copy of similarworking documents in other countries. 1

The historical cities of Flanders have made itgreat.They focused on the world with theirtrade, scientists and cosmopolitan composition.During the period of the creation of states andnation states, the cities tended to become partof the national development and lost their

glory.2

In this White Paper we look forward, andthe basic idea once again is that Flanders isworking on its future through and in the townsand cities.They can be the centres of social, eco-nomic, cultural and community innovation. Theyserve as the link between local and globalevents, and the way in which urban societydevelops determines the way in which a colour-ful Flanders tackles modern social issues.Thetowns and cities will give Flanders its future.

Flanders is having problems with its cities. Inrecent decades, the general Flemish culture hasnot had a particularly urban character.The larg-er cities in particular have a poor reputation:Theyre dirty,Theyre full of foreigners,Theyarent safeand Theyre badly governed.However, in recent years, the image has, at thevery least, become ambiguous: innovation inadministration takes place more quickly in citiesthan in other places in Flanders 3, some cities areattracting new inhabitants 4, the number of

commuters is increasing, and many people visitthe cities for longer or shorter periods.The cities

are bursting with life.The Zinneke parade inBrussels, Bruges 2002, the summer of Antwerp,the celebrations in Ghent all this is not partic-ularly an image of dire distress. The Flemishtowns and cities have a magnicent historicalheritage,and tourists think they are wonderful.In the last ten years, there have been big invest-ments in towns and cities:many public places

have been reorganised, and cars no longer dom-inate everywhere quite as forcefully. In all thecities there are interesting examples of initia-tives taken by citizens and of projects for socialand cultural innovation.Towns and cities arefascinating; they also repel.

The problems are enormous and complex. Muchof the housing in the cities is of poor quality anda great deal of the infrastructure is worn out.There are tensions between different population

groups. Exclusion in the employment market isunremitting.The effects of the mismanagementof trafc and the lack of concern for the environ-ment have reached critical levels. We see thetensions between the old urban arrangementsand the need for new places where we can keepup with economic and cultural developments.There are tensions between the cities wherepoor inhabitants collect together, and themunicipalities in the green periphery around thecities.There is tension between the density of

housing and the space required for better livingconditions. There are tensions between the indi-vidual and society,between the search for a per-sonal identity and urban pluriculturalism. Thereare many conflicts in the cities, and this resultsin a overloaded political agenda.

We can once again allow the towns and cities toplay a role as vibrant social laboratories,whereold structures and new processes challenge theinhabitants and the users of the cities to devel-

op new forms of living together. What is thebest way of governing cities,using and trans-


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forming them to achieve all sorts of social, eco-nomic, cultural and political possibilities, so thatFlanders can be in the forefront of sustainabledevelopment? That is the question whichinspired the White Paper.

Flanders has carefully and hesitantly developedan urban policy. In the cities themselves, many

people involved in local government or socialorganisations are inspired by their city.There aremany questions, many projects and a great dealof searching. Can we think ahead? What is ourlong-term vision of the cities of Flanders? Whatis the social and political agenda for the nextfew decades?

This book is the work of academics who dis-cussed matters together on the basis of theirown different disciplines,and took pains to nd

areas where their concerns overlap.We can seethis as a rst vision of the city:a groundbreak-ing vision. The White Paper cuts across manyboundaries:boundaries between disciplines andsectors,boundaries between governments andbetween institutions. However, the book ismainly concerned with mental barriers: theviews and attitudes of people, both politiciansand the inhabitants and users of the towns andcities.

And yet the White Paper is not a neutral aca-demic work. We not only describe and analyse,we also adopt a position,make choices and lookto the future. We look at the towns and cities,we see the problems, we make our choices andshow how we tackle problems.This is a politicaldocument and is therefore open to a lot of dis-cussion.That is the aim of this book, and there-fore it will also give rise to many doubts.We willnot get anywhere with a false sense of assur-ance. This book is not nished. In places it is still

a closed book,and sometimes it says too much:the book is like the city itself.

Five chapters in two parts

The book consists of two main sections, and inthese each chapter has its own colour and style.Chapters 1, 2 and 3, on the one hand, and chap-ters 4 and 5, on the other hand, comprise thetwo sections.The rst three chapters are mainlyabout the content of urban policy; the last two

describe the practice of planning and theadministrative organisation which results fromthese choices in terms of content.

Chapter 1 contains analyses and attempts tosummarise problems and perspectives.Wemake choices from the large amount of materialthat was examined more thoroughly in the pre-liminary study book. It is searching, hesitating,and sometimes quite provocative.This chapterputs forward the basic terms on which the book

is structured.The grid city, the city republic, den-sity, sustainability These terms are used herein an intuitive way and are not described indetail.That happens in chapter 2.

Chapter 2 is a manifesto, the basic plan of ourbook. It has a contentious and motivating style.The choices are explained and illustrated withdiagrams. If you want to gain an insight intothese basic elements straightaway, read thischapter rst.

Chapter 3 was not written to be read throughquickly. It is meant as a reference text, aframework for the evaluation of strategic dis-cussions in every town and city, and at thecentral policy level. It does not have a narra-tive character, but adopts a broad perspectiveon urban policy.

Chapters 4 and 5 both deal with working meth-ods, ways of tackling issues,planning and

administrative organisation. Chapter 4 particu-larly focuses on the questions of urban building

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and planning, while chapter 5 is based more onthe politicological and administrative issues.

Content per chapterChapter 1 looks at the city from different pointsof view. We unravel complex contemporaryurban problems.The phenomena which charac-terise the city are examined and enlarged fromsix different perspectives (the built-up city,the public city, the city of enterprise, the city of solidarity, the pluricultural city and the partici-patory city).The six perspectives provide adepth of insight with a sharp focus which

enables us to outline the problems and poten-tial of the city. We produce six diagnoses: what

developments can we see in the city? We out-line six sources of the citys strength: in whatway can the city be innovative for society inFlanders? Each section has an A-side (diagnosis)

and a B-side (perspective).

The chapter ends with a cross section.What canwe contribute in terms of new insights in com-parison with the already existing visions interms of innovative ways of seeing the city, andin terms of new contributions to often tired andeven worn out debates?

From analysis to action.Within these differentaspects which are explored through the specta-

cles of the grid city, it is possible to developappropriate actions. In this case, a particular

18Grid c i ty

We use the term grid city to indicate a flexible way of looking at cities,which is independent of any boundaries,and avoids the stereotypes which we no longer consider to be appropriate: the city versus the countryside, the cityversus the peripheral area. We look at the sprawling city in the broader urban environment as the real startingpoint and as a framework for new cityscapes.This sprawling development is analysed from different perspectivesin chapter 1. For us, it is a central factor that the urban sprawl and urban features form the characteristic appear-

ance of the city in Flanders.The way in which we look at the city and our actions in urban policy must be adaptedto this.

The term contains both an analytical and an action-oriented element. Sometimes we see (possible) physical infra-structural lines between centres through the spectacles of the grid city, while at other times we see links whichshould be strengthened between residential areas in the city and open areas in the periphery, or between newresidential areas in the urban sprawl and open areas in the city centre.We see possible ecological corridors,recre-ational lines, etc. With the term grid city, we are referring to compact and less compact, central and peripheral,built up and open, physical, social and economic parts of the city. The themes which characterise the grid city andthe scales which are used therefore vary, depending on the nature of the places,the theme concerned or the pointof view that is adopted: within city centres or between different parts of the urban sprawl. In the widest use of

the term, the grid city presents a view of networks between different parts of the city, different cities and urbanareas in the whole of Flanders, between cities in Europe and at the global level.Therefore the grid city is a multi-faceted instrument of analysis. At the same time, it gathers together a whole series of windows which make it


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interpretation of the grid city serves as a socialand administrative platform which bringstogether administrative and private partners tocarry out programmes: to strengthen recreation-

al paths, to link residential zones with the citycentre, for the infrastructural reinforcement of the relationship between parts of the grid city,etc. On a wider scale, it can lead to cooperationbetween Flemish cities at the level of culturalinfrastructure, and to economic cooperationbetween Flemish cities and Brussels or betweenFlemish cities and cities in Europe and the rest of the world.This action-oriented approach avoidssterile debates on amalgamations and forms of government based on urban districts, but places

the emphasis on the dynamics,processes andnetworking between partners involved.

After all, it is primarily a matter of a perception,a particular way of looking at the city. Ideally,chapter 1 should expand the readers perspec-tive. It is a different way of looking to arrive at a

different way of acting.

Chapter 2 presents a range of ways of seeingand choices on the role of the city in the worldof today and tomorrow. It does not draw conclu-sions from over-elaborate studies and is notdogmatic, but provides clear arguments forpoints of view and the basis for our choices. Weexamine the crucial role of the city: in the ten-sions between local and global aspects, thenation state seems to cede its central position

to transnational bodies and movements on theone hand, and to cities or urban networks on


19possible to click forward and back between different scales and perspectives: from the point of view of one scale,a particular part of the city is linked to other districts, while from another point of view, the district is an impor-tant link with areas outside the city, and from yet another window we see the links of that part of the city withthe rest of the world.

Reading guideAnyone who wishes to examine how we used the term grid city in this book can use the following

reading guide for this purpose.

Chapter 1 illustrates the need to use the urban sprawl and networks between cities as a focus of analy-sis and discussion. In the conclusions of chapter 1, the term grid city is a central element.Chapter 2 (page 93) explores the term in a theoretical sense.Chapter 3 uses the concept in connection with the strategic policy in a number of policy areas (partic-ularly on lines 1 and 2).In chapters 4 and 5, the term grid city is linked to methods of planning and administrative organisa-tion. The urban debate (open vision and urban projects) in chapter 4 can be organised and developedon different scales of the grid city. In chapter 5 the users of the city are considered full participants inurban democracy.We consider that stimulating programmes and actions on different scales in the grid

city should be one of the core tasks of the Government of Flanders.Town and country planning is animportant lever in this respect.


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the other hand.Local aspects must be seentogether with the global aspects and the globalaspects should be localised within a perspectiveof sustainable development.The city will onlybe able to meet this challenge if it can decipherthe basic components of its own DNA, and makeuse of them. This is a matter of approaching theurban character on the basis of an open atti-

tude, cohesion, density,diversity, social justiceand democracy. For us, these are the elementsof sustainability.The city and the urban charac-ter form the start of the social and politicalrestructuring. This chapter is aimed at convinc-ing the reader that the urban character and theurban policy are both necessary and a lever forsocial innovation in Flanders.

Chapter 3 extrapolates the six perspectives of chapter 1 and interrelates them with the bases

of chapter 2. We provide a programme for policy,which is based on six foundations or lines: theneed for an own glocal strategy, coordinationin the grid city in terms of planning,densitywith quality, innovation and creativity as astrength, identity as the basis of cultural diversi-ty and an urban polis based on solidarity. Foreach line we outline the areas to tackle policy.This produces 19 elds which serve as the strate-gic beacons for our urban policy. Chapter 3 aimsto outline that policy in Flanders: the social and

political debate in every city and at the Flemishlevel should deal with these elds. For us, look-ing at where we come from, the debate is moreimportant than the question whether all thishas already been developed in a sufciently con-crete way in this book. That is not the case, andin fact it is not possible:converting the debateinto operational plans must take place for eachcity individually.

Chapter 3 contains critical but fairly general

analyses of existing policy or of its absence. It isnot an in-depth evaluation of policy and certain-

ly not a thorough examination of the differentsectors. In fact, we wish to avoid the sector-by-sector approach.This chapter is aimed at bring-ing together, not dividing, people and partnersconcerned with common themes.

Chapters 4 and 5 open up yet another perspec-tive.The organisation, planning and administra-

tive translation of urban policy have a centralplace.The choices result from the contents of the chapters.

Chapter 4 places the social discussion and theplanning on two levels which are jointlydescribed as the urban debate: on the onehand, the open vision of the city; on the other,the urban projects.Both levels of approach arenecessary, and interconnected.We place thesocial debate on the future of the city at the

level of the city, with an open scale and openparticipation: the city in movement, the city as aplatform for confrontations.This is not with anambition to draw up a master plan, but toencourage planning and action with discussion.

The difcult translation of a vision and princi-ples into an innovative policy should also begiven strong encouragement from time to time.Testing grounds are necessary to test the city.These are the urban projects. Urban projects

take place in time and space: that is what wewill be working on in the months and years tocome. They turn the White Paper black: blackwith dust, the rubble of demolition and con-struction, tensions linked to conflicting interestsand the conflicts related to cross-sectoral proj-ects. In turn, these projects stimulate and nour-ish the vision of the city. The path of communi-cation and participation lies between the visionand the projects, and there is an emphasis onthe importance of good government and

process management by city councils.

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We use three concrete examples of urban loca-tions: one in Brussels,one in Mechelen and onein Courtrai.They could also have been places in

any of the other towns and cities.The approachthat is adopted is neo-realistic. In fact, we attrib-ute characteristics which are not yet present tothe examples described. In this way we illustrateboth the content of the urban policy and thesignicance of the urban debate.

Chapter 5 is about the organisation of politicsand administration. For us, the city is the rstlevel of the political order. The involvement of the inhabitants and users of the city, of social

groups and partners in the city, links them in ageneral interest (the res publica). Citizenship isthe central concept of this chapter, involvingpeople in the city, giving them responsibilityand encouraging them to take responsibility.This requires a more participatory democracy,and an administrative organisation of the citythat is adapted to this.The greater involvement,increased responsibility, stronger sense of citi-zenship and a political and administrative par-ticipatory democracy that responds to this more

effectively can be described as the city republic.

The city republic requires breaking open aclosed and atrophied administrative democracyto achieve a participatory democracy. We give

some pointers for this.The city republic at thelevel of the grid city in the urban region requiresadapted forms of administration, with theinvolvement of everyone who lives in and usesthe city. Municipal policy and the policy on citiesat the local and Flemish level should be interre-lated to a greater extent and have the samefocus. Municipal councils play a central role inthe local networks.They often do not have suf-cient capacity at the moment to achieve theambitions of this White Paper, and their organi-

sation is not really geared to it. A revolution inthe urban administrative organisation will benecessary to develop new capacity and workingmethods, both at the political level and at thelevel of management.The Government of Flanders has the keys in hand to strengthen thecity republic.The most important administrativecore task of the government is to stimulateactions for the various aspects and levels of thegrid city.

Chapters 4 and 5 permit the reader to take acritical look at the administration and manage-


21Urban cha rac t e r, t he mun ic ipa l po li cy, t he po l i cy on ci t i e s ,and urban po l icy

This is how these terms are used:

Urban character is a quality. It describes the characteristics of the way people live in cities, and reinforcing thesecharacteristics is the aim of the policy: density,diversity and democracy.This leads to sustainable development.Municipal policy is the policy at the local level, in particular, the policy which falls under the political responsibility

of the municipal council, together with social partners.The policy on cities is the policy of the central governments: from the global level to the Flemish level. As instruct-ed by the Flemish minister, we focus particularly on the Government of Flanders.Urban policy is the term which gathers together municipal policy and the policy on cities: all the efforts of govern-ments and social partners, at the central and local level, focusing on the city and reinforcing the urban character.


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ment of their own city and the organisation of urban policy in Flanders. These chapters have amobilising effect: in this way we can improveour organisation and ways of tackling issues.They should indicate the direction for socialorganisations in the city, for municipal councilsand for the Government of Flanders.

Conclusion

This book is an interim product of many fasci-nating discussions with many interested parties,a laborious honing of visions and texts. At theback of the book you will nd the names of everyone who participated in this process in anyway. The book is presented as a synthesis of theprocess up to now, based on a platform for dis-cussion supported by our arguments.We wish

to provide support for the debate on the urbancharacter, cities and urban policy, bring peopletogether, support and encourage movements.This book should collect together peopleresponsible for policy, academics and socialorganisations.This movement is more impor-tant than the book itself. It does not provide anyready-made recipes, but we hope that it canlead to a debate in all the towns and cities citiesand in Flanders as a whole.

Furthermore, anyone who is familiar with thecomplexity of towns and cities will know thatfor many of the issues described in this book itis not possible to simply come up with ready-made solutions.

We have not written an encyclopaedia aboutthe city. Certain policy areas have been analysedor elaborated to a greater extent than others.Other people might well emphasise differentaspects, for example, by focusing more on eco-

logical aspects of sustainable urban manage-ment. In this book a great deal of attention is

devoted to strategies for town and countryplanning and the economy, as well as the politi-cal and administrative conditions.Aspects of city life and mobility were not examined to thesame extent. However, we did not attempt to becomplete, the intention was rather to outline acoherent and coordinated framework for policywhich reveals the connections between all

these fragmentary developments, the manyprojects, the different debates inspired above allby sectoral issues throughout the towns andcities in Flanders. If the framework presentedhere is coherent, it will have a motivating effectand will serve as the basis for evaluation anddiscussion. It can also be used to determine thedirection of sectors and projects, including thosesectors and projects which are not dealt with inthis book (in detail).We would like to beassessed in terms of those questions.

The central focus is on the urban character andurban policy.We opt for an open and coordinat-ed approach, for density and diversity, for soli-darity and democracy: the characteristics of theurban character. Together they form the neces-sary basis for sustainable development, and forus they are the basic principles for tackling thechallenges of our time. The city is the best andthe necessary place for this.These principles canonly be achieved in Brussels and Flanders with a

coherent, solid and integrated urban and munic-ipal policy. This is not something that is just apossibility, it is not one choice of many. For us itis absolutely essential and the heart of thefuture project for Brussels and Flanders. Thestart of the century of the city.

Urban policy Task Force

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231 Example:Urban Task Force (1999),Towards an Urban

Renaissance, nal report of the Urban Task Force

Department of the Environment, Transport and the

Regions,London. For a critical appraisal of this report:

Amin, A., D.Massey and N.Thrift (2000),Cities for the

many, not the few, the Policy Press,Bristol.The Blair govern-

ment used the work of the Urban Task Force as the basis for

an Urban White Paper:delivering an Urban Renaissance,(2000), see website:www.detr.gov.uk

2 For a historical description, see:Le Gals, (2002), European

Cities. Social Conflicts and Governance, Oxford University

Press,Oxford. In particular, chapter 2: The Long History of

the European City (pp.31-72).

3 Vanderhaeghe, S. (1999), De lange weg. Modernisering in de

Vlaamse steden en gemeenten,SER-STV-Innovatie en

Arbeid, SERV, Brussels.

4 he series of monographs on cities is a publication of the

Urban policy project, Home Affairs Administration, Ministry

of the Flemish Community, and of the Planning and Statistics Administration,Ministry of the Flemish

Community.


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There are six approaches, six perspectives fordescribing the contemporary Flemish city. Theyreveal that the world is changing and that theold social, economic, cultural and political orderin our cities no longer works. This does not meanthe end or loss of the cities. On the contrary, thegreatest potential for tackling the challenges of a new society can be found in the cities. Every

perspective focuses on developments which canbe viewed in two ways: as problems or as possi-bilities,an A-side and a B-side.

Obviously the six perspectives are interrelated.Problems in one perspective are also caused byevolutions which arise in another perspective.This always concerns the same inhabitants andusers of the city.

We describe problems and opportunities:what

are the threats to the city in its development,and what could be the strength of the city forthis development? We roughly outline an overalllong-term view: what is the desirable directionfor the basis of a new or changing policy?

We briefly place the six perspectives in a con-text: the built-up city, the public city, the city of enterprise, the city based on solidarity, the pluri-cultural city and the participatory city.

All urban developments are linked to a commonbasis, the basis of the way in which our societyacquired its design in the past: the built- up city.It is exactly because the built-up environment ischanging slowly, dragging so much of the pastin its wake, that it determines the limitationsand possibilities of urban evolution to a verylarge extent. If we make choices for the city of tomorrow,we are not only making choicesabout changes to this built-up environment, butalso about the way in which we deal with what

has been passed down from the past. Thereforeit is logical to start with this perspective.

Towns and cities are places where many peoplelive close together. They are the places wherethe collective use of the urban infrastructureand of the built-up environment create a publiccity. This collective and public nature of the cityis problematical. It creates the wealth of thecity, but at the same time it makes the city andthe people in the city vulnerable to individuals

who seek to gain an advantage from notrespecting the rules for the use of those areas.The public nature and collectivity are diametri-cally opposed to individualism.

Towns and cities are also places where manypeople work.These are by no means only thepeople who live there. On the contrary, some of the inhabitants are unemployed, while com-muters ll up the available jobs. In contrast withwhat is usually thought, employment, invest-

ments and enterprise are still concentrated inthe city.Therefore we examine the evolution of the city of enterprise. The exposure of cities tothe global economy has led to a complete revo-lution in the relationship between working andliving and between working and social integra-tion. This requires an appropriate strategy.

Living together in a dense residential and work-ing environment leads to tensions which can bea threat to society itself. In the history of the

modern city, the greatest source of tension hasfor a long time been the distribution of wealthacross the social classes.The cities were theplaces where the workers struggle took place,where there were demonstrations and strikes,but also where public order was maintained andprotests were suppressed.These tensions haveled to greater democracy and more social jus-tice.Therefore up to now we have seen the phe-nomenon of the city based on solidarity; the sol-idarity was largely imposed by the government,

which translated it into political, social and tax-related rights and obligations.


25

1. Impressions and expressions: six views of the city


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Today we see new forms of tensions created bynew social groups with conflicting interests,which require new though not always obvious forms of solidarity.

The inhabitants and users of the city are forcedto get on together in a densely populated city.The cities are the places where there are con-

tacts with other people,with new and foreignaspects.They are the places where learning tolive together is, in a way, imposed by circum-stances. Nowadays this aspect of urban living isreflected in the pluricultural city. The cityattracts people with so many different back-grounds that relationships and a common histo-ry no longer connect its citizens.These are nolonger the factors which produce a commonsense of identity. Therefore learning to relate toan increasing diversity of people and situations

in the city will have to become the source of anew sense of identity, an identity based on theurban character and on relating to diversity.

Towns and cities are the places where livingtogether leads to democratic institutions whichweigh up our collective interests and attempt toimplement the decisions which are taken.Flanders has a rich democratic urban tradition. Itis no coincidence that the word politicscomesfrom Polis, the democratically governed city of

Greek antiquity. The quality of urban democracyis threatened by populism and by an excessivelyclosed administrative democracy, which doesnot sufciently correspond to society and is notadequately built on the sense of a commonresponsibility for the city. Big social changeshave cast doubt on the effectiveness of our rep-resentative democracy. It is necessary to ndnew forms of collective discussion and decisionmaking. Nowhere is more suitable for this thanthe city. This is why the participatory city is so

important.

1. The built-up city

The cities of Flanders are proud of their past, butthe built-up infrastructure of the cities is thor-oughly worn out.The city has rarely found theright answer to the social problems of achievinga good quality of life in a densely populatedarea, mobility, and its different functions.Cities

have spread, thinned out, and seem to dissolvein the urban sprawl. The city has lost its signi-cance, and the citizens seem to feel less and lessattachment to urban territories. However, thisdefensive image can be reversed when theexpanding and thinned-out city is used as a ref-erence.The new built-up and non-built-upurban environment can become the basis forstrengthening urban characteristics 1.

A. The threat to the historical city

There are no suitable terms or conclusive argu-ments, and yet it could be said that the histori-cal city in its physical form and the actual way inwhich it is used, the inhabited stone city, is amasterwork of European culture. Flanders hasundeniably made a contribution to this. Heretoo, this collective oeuvre has been built up anddemolished for centuries.What developed wasan astonishing and effective heritage, full of vibrant monuments, in which the best of thepast served as the basis for the future. Again

and again urban culture succeeded in tran-scending social contrasts between the rich andthe poor, the governing and governed classes,the individual and the community, tradition andprogress, everyday life and exceptional events and to combine them in a complex residentialurban area which serves as a dialectical model.You can see how the concentric development of walls and city defences in the traditional citydevelopment represented a sense of security,exclusion and defending interests, while the

radial connecting roads from every city resultedin the networking with all the surrounding

1 . I M P R E S S I O NS A N D EX P R E S S I O NS : S I X VI E W S OF T H E C I T Y

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cities. Or how the built-up fabric of squares,streets, alleys and houses served as a form of negotiation for space between public and pri-vate interests.There was plenty of misery in thehistorical city. Nevertheless, it succeededremarkably well in rising above disasters andconflicts of all sorts and sizes, despite all theprophesies of doom. Even the industrial revolu-

tion led to a larger, better equipped and cultur-ally enriched built-up city.

However, what has happened since approxi-mately 1960 makes the destiny of this historicalcity very uncertain. It is not so much a tremor,but more a slow mutation which turns the basicprinciples of an urban culture and area upsidedown, slowly but surely. This silent revolutiondoes not make the news, although it is carefullyconcealed in countless related items: the riots in

Mollenbeek, trafc congestion, grumbling aboutexpensive building plots, the cordon sanitaire,

the police on the streets, the refusal to use thevote, flooded plots of land.The factor whichlinks this variety of news items is the tensionsand interconnections which have developedbetween social evolution and the framework forit in city planning, the built-up environment.There are blemishes on the masterwork of European culture. The city no longer sufces,

and nor does the countryside.The traditionalurban framework cannot provide the answers,but there is no new framework available yet. Ashort diagnosis will sufce to assess the scopeof the problem.

1. The urban sprawl andde-urbanisation

The most striking transformation of the histori-cal city is generally described in fairly negativeterms: de-urbanisation, the dispersal of munici-

pal functions, the unravelling of the urban fab-ric. The historical city refers here not only to the


27

On this map of land use in Flanders and Brussels (2000), the shaded areas show the built-up areas (not to be con-fused with the shaded areas for heathland in Limburg).The residential and industrial sprawl around the large citiesof Ghent, Antwerp and Brussels is clearly visible.The southwest of Flanders also reveals a strongly diffuse pattern.

The urban sprawl can also be identied around the regional towns on a smaller scale.

Urban sprawl


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29Modernisation has given rise to several issueswhich the city has never resolved. For example,trafc access has continued to be the Achillesheel of urban development. A feasible balancebetween acceptable trafc levels and accessibili-ty is still rarely achieved in a satisfactory way inurban planning.The mixture of functions isanother stumbling block. There is not much left

of the traditional mix of functions, not so muchbecause of the obsession with zoning, but morebecause of the increasing environmental andsafety regulations. Reconciling urban densitywith an affordable contemporary quality of housing is a third task, which has not reallybeen achieved.The usual creation of housingrarely goes beyond terraced housing and pro-motional apartments.The suburbs provide anattractive alternative to all these problematicalmatters.There are sites enough along the

motorways and exit roads for all sorts of devel-opment.The difcult mixture of functions isavoided with distance and coordination. Formost people in the middle group, a detachedhouse on the edge of the city has (until recently)continued to be a housing ideal that could beachieved.

Almost half of the historical city dates from theindustrial revolution. This includes magnicentresidential districts with parks and impressive

public buildings,but also untidily sprawlinghousing estates built with the minimum of investment and for maximum prot. Large partsof this nineteenth-century fabric are completelyworn out. The same applies for an extensiveindustrial heritage, spread along railways andwaterways or incorporated in the urban fabric.Despite often attractive locations,empty hous-ing can be found everywhere, because of inap-propriate construction methods, a rundownappearance and industrial pollution.The under-

ground infrastructure (pipes and sewerage) islittle better. Like the treacherous decors which

General Potemkin had drawn up to conceal thedecay of the city from the Tsar as he rode by,every historical city has this Potemkin qualityto some extent. Behind many of the fences,facades, and wallpaper, under much of thelinoleum and tiling, the city is rotten.

However, sections of the outdated fabric are still

polished and cosmeticised with unabated ener-gy. Furthermore, the Potemkin layers conceal anunparalleled and undervalued heritage.Unfortunately, valuable sections of the nine-teenth-century city are not old enough and tooworn out to be considered as historical monu-ments. Furthermore, the historical buildingsdepartment prefers to concern itself with theunique but isolated buildings which are, in turn,overprotected.There is little response to theidea of considering the scale and interrelation-

ship of buildings and city districts as valuablemonuments in themselves.

It is probably because of the more limiteddemand and capacity for building, but all in all,the historical city managed to assign a limitedbut important place to the natural environ-ment within the built-up fabric up to the twen-tieth century. City gardens, parks, green walls,boulevards, the trees on city squares: these allbear witness to a successful alliance between

nature and urban culture. However, this is for-getting the canalised rivers and industrialworkplaces in the middle of residential buildingblocks. During the course of the twentieth cen-tury, the natural landscape of the city was grad-ually sacriced to an additional volume of buildings and cars. Wherever necessary, fastgrowing vegetation was used as screens or inflowerbeds. This is not, in the rst place,a ques-tion of aesthetics; much more serious is,on theone hand, the ecological damage,and on the

other hand, the failure to recognize the contri-bution of nature and landscape to the quality


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People

Depending on ones perspective, the process of urbanisation is intriguing or repugnant. In about 1900,10% of theworld population lived in cities.A hundred years later this has increased to 50% (3 billion people).By 2025, the num-ber of people living in cities may increase to 5 billion.The number of inhabitants of large cities has increased dra-matically in the last century. In 1950,only New York and London had more than 8 million inhabitants.There are now22 of these megalopolises, the majority of which are in the poorest countries. 1

In Flanders and Brussels, the number of people living in cities has also increased. Depending on the denition thatis used2, the proportion of the urban population as part of the total population varies from 32% (looking only atthe large cities) to 87% (if we look at the all the categories of urban living).

Urban living Inhabitants Built-up plots Density inhab/km 2Cumulative inhab. % Cumul. hectares % Category Cumulative

Large Cities 2 223 234 32 34 938 15 6 363 6 363Regional Cities 3 366 839 49 71 771 31 3 105 4 691Small cities supporting 3 973 415 57 95 167 41 2 593 4 175urban structure

Small provincial cities 4 517 237 65 118 049 51 2 377 3 827Additional 5 234 535 76 150 449 65 2 214 3 479conglomeration/suburbanAdditional commuter 6 048 570 87 185 915 80 2 295 3 253residential areaFlanders and Brussels 6 916 957 231 553 2 987 2 987Flanders 5 952 552 224 382 2 653 2 653Brussels 964 405 7 171 13 449 13 449

Source: NIS population statistics 01/01/2001, own processing

Limiting ourselves to the towns and cities which can be considered at least as small towns, approximately 65% of

the population can still be considered urban. This urban population occupies 51% of the built-up space3; the other35% non-urban population in Flanders therefore takes up 49% of the built-up space.Therefore urban inhabitantsuse space much more efciently.

1 Asbeek Brusse,W.,H.V an Dalen en B.Wissink (2002), Stad en land in een nieuw e geogr ae. Maatschappelijke v er anderingen en

ruimtelijke dynamiek,WRR, SDU Uitgevers:Den Haag.

2 De v ormen v an stedelijkheid w erden hier enerzijds g ebaseer d op de in het Ruimtelijk Structuurplan Vlaander en gehanteerde cate-

gorien en selecties; anderzijds wer d v oor de ruime denitie van het stedelijk leef complex de stadsgewestelijke benadering

gehanteerd,zie: V an Der Haeghen,H., E. V an Hecke en G. Juchtmans, 1996, De Belgische stadsgewesten 1991,NIS, Statistische

Studin,

nr. 104.


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31of the city and their ability to serve as a basisfor the development of the city.

3 . A cu l tu re wi thout a focusdoes no t need a c i ty

Apparently it is only normal that the city cannotcontinue to provide suitable locations for con-temporary businesses and households immedi-

ately.With the additional congestion and lack of safety, the destructive verdict is complete.Orperhaps, not quite The description of decayand unimaginative development, possibly con-ceals an even greater threat to the historical city.

After all, it is not only the physical condition of the urban space that is a matter of discussion;its role as the important material basis, as asignier of the cultural and social urban charac-ter, are also important.The sociological litera-

ture refers to the decline of the traditional linkbetween space and society: the district, the city,the region.The creation of individual and collec-tive identity is less and less related to belongingto an identiable space where you can identifywith other similar people. Identity is increasing-ly based on the individual and alternating choic-es to log onto to various placeless networks.This choice could also be formed by the idealimages presented in the media. Physical appear-ance and consumer objects, as well as all sorts

of communities of interests (which are nolonger linked to a particular place), have result-ed in important new signiers. The built-upspace only plays a part to the extent that it pro-vides consumer goods which t within thedesign of these ideal images.

The city is certainly not doing badly as a suppli-er of short-term hype, but there is little sign of acoherent urban space with a strong basis. Thedistinction between private and public space is

becoming blurred. The experience of publicspace is becoming privatised: everyone does

their own thing in the public space. Commonurban behaviourand a shared public experi-ence are becoming increasingly difcult.Thiscreates space for creative improvisation,but alsofor spatial confusion: conduct which is out of place, the excessively proprietorial attitudetowards particular territories and the exagger-ated emphasis on spatial boundaries (see below

under public city). This is particularly difcult ina compact city, which depends on a subtle inter-relationship with density and diversity.

B.The other perspective: the city returnsThe change in the city is ambiguous: at thesame time it is cause and effect, irritating andfascinating, a problem and a solution. On thebasis of a different perspective we can also iden-tify the problems of the historical city outlinedabove,and the different social trends which

raise questions about the city, as harbingers of anew urban condition.We can turn the perspec-tive around and in this way evoke enticingimages of the city.

1 . A new look a t po ten ti a l:the increased scope of the city

For this image,we provisionally use a number of terms side-by-side: the urban sprawl, the dis-persed city, the networking city, city region, citydistrict. Chapter 2 will focus more on the picture

for the future, and describe it in terms of thegrid city. The essence of this imagery and thesignicance of all these terms is that theyattract our attention to the increased scope of the city. Geographers made themselves veryuseful in this eld: they have demonstrated theincreased scope of the city on the map andcalled it the city district (see p.34). 2 Otherterms, such as the networking city, are to someextent reflected, though still only in vagueterms, in the structural plan for town and coun-

try planning in Flanders3

. Terms such as dis-persed cityand urban sprawl are common in


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the literature, but in Flanders they are still fairlyseparate from the discussion on policy.

In order to illustrate the reality of the dispersedcity, we use the geographical concept of the citydistrict. A town of, for example,75,000 inhabi-tants, with urban functions and infrastructureextends across a broad hinterland, and becomes

a medium-sized city district with approximately145,000 inhabitants and users, which in turnborders on yet another city district. Other smalltowns are incorporated in the suburbs or hinter-land of the large city districts of Antwerp,Brussels and Ghent. The inhabitants and userstogether achieve a size which gradually opensup possibilities for the character of a provincialconurbation. After all, these are not large cities,but still areas which contain urban potential,provided the correct perspective of scale is used.

If a maximum of 10% of Flemish people live inthe city centres, almost 70% live in city districtareas. It is a matter of getting used to this: froma minority of urban inhabitants to a majority of urban inhabitants and users of the city.

The urban sprawl results in the de-urbanisationof the inner city, and therefore in principle cre-ates space for a better living environment, anacute demand imposed by the city centresthemselves. Added to this, there are the post-

industrial vacant sites and the vacant premisesabove shops, so that the city is no longer full up,though this does not prevent some districtsfrom being overcrowded. In general terms, andlooking towards an extended urban scope in theregion around the city, there is therefore spacefor re-urbanisation: for new functions, for greenspaces, for more spacious housing, providedthat the cleaning up of badly polluted sites doesnot become too much of a burden, and thespeculation on empty sites can be restrained.

Politicians are keen to score points with regardto mobility and trafc safety in and around thecity. This can also benet extended cities: invest-ments in trafc structures and infrastructure areattractive items on the political agenda.Provided that they are planned wisely, they canbe used as a basic principle for the urban devel-opment in the extended area: trafc corridors,

loops for public transport, places to changetransport, parking provisions, passageways,cyclepaths and residential streets where the trafc isrestricted.

The same applies for public sensitivity to theecology, nature and landscape. Introducinggreen spaces into the urban area can serve as anincentive for innovation in the urban frame-work.This can improve the quality of life andrecreational possibilities, strengthen urban

structures, highlight the identity of the urbanlandscape and safeguard the urban area.

2 . Ambiguous urban developmentIt is possible that the decay of the city is notlimited to empty industrial sites and a few run-down streets. When the vital districts of the city for example, a traditional shopping street fall into a negative spiral and the focus is on abackground of real or perceived lack of safety,this can lead to a politically sensitive situation.

However, this could also break down the normallack of concern and change this initially nega-tive view into a positive interest and politicalwill. One example which illustrates this is thepowerful nancial support for excellent urbanrenovation projects by the Government of Flanders.4

Since the last two or three legislative periods,municipal councils have spared no trouble orexpense to improve the image and appearance

of their cities. The reintroduction of publicspaces in all the cities has certainly been a great


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33achievement. In most cases this is combinedwith the cosmetic improvement of streets andsquares, as well as improving the trafc. At rst,there was a great lack of inspiration and evenexpertise,but gradually better city planners arealso being given opportunities. The importanceof providing the city with the best possible posi-tion in global city marketing is certainly an

important driving force.However, occasionallythese efforts are also part of and an importantbasis for the approach to district development.

Cities compete with each other more than inthe past to attract investment,visitors andinhabitants. Apart from the industrial sites, thefocus is particularly on the commercial centre,but many residential areas also play a part.Reconstructing streets and squares is only thebeginning.When the competition increases,

cities are forced to make use of all their avail-able qualities and characteristics.This is a dan-gerous but fascinating trend. It is dangerousbecause there is a real temptation to improvethe appearance for immediate effect and tosuppress anything which does not t in the pic-ture straightaway. It is fascinating because lackof mobility is punished while synergy is pro-table, the dialogue with partners who were notconsulted before is inevitable, and qualitybecomes an argument for success.

Recent literature on urban development occa-sionally refers to the Disneycation or themepark development of the historical heritage:improving the appearance of the commercialcity centre, linked to a thorough clean-up orwell-intentioned restoration of monuments, apreference for historical imitation in thestreetscape and the correct level of street eventsand police control. Gradually the revival of thecity centre is managing to transcend this basic

level.The attractive centre becomes the back-ground for a revival of urban culture and the

public nature of the city. The success and artisticlevel of city festivals cannot be denied (Antwerp93, the Festival des Arts, Brussels 2000,Fashionlanded, Klapstuk, the festivals of Ghent, Bruges2002, etc.). Some cities invest a great deal in thecultural infrastructure of an international cali-bre, together with the Government of Flanders(the concert hall in Bruges, MAS in Antwerp,

Smak and Musical forum in Ghent,etc.). Thereare countless small, high quality cultural pro-ductions and locations which attract plenty of inspiration and audiences.The movement of young intellectuals and artists to the city seemsto be irreversible.

In the western world the concept of the urbanarea is used to describe the post-war form of the city. This term emphasises the fact that thecity extends beyond its morphological bound-

aries.These urban areas should not be confusedwith the administrative or political division of the city. They are purely empirical boundaries of the different sections of the city. We use theterm here particularly to illustrate the reality of the dispersed city. However, as an instrument of analysis and action, it is too rigidly dened, andcannot be used in a sufciently flexible way.That is why we have used the term grid cityfrom chapter 2. For an explanation and readingguide,see the box text on pp. 00-00.

In Belgium, three areas are distinguished in theurban areas.The core of the city consists of thecentral, compact, built-up urban district, whichcomprises the real city centre (the heart of thecity), the historical core and the nineteenth-cen-tury expansion of the city. This central part of the city corresponds to the modern city beforethe rst signs of a dispersal and the urbansprawl became apparent. The unbroken built-uparea is called the conglomeration. The rest of

the urban area is known as the suburbs, andcomprises the areas which have a predominant-


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34The d i spe r sed c i ty : i l l u s t ra t ed by t he t e rm u rban a r ea s

In the western world the concept of the urban area is used to describe the post-war form of the city. This termemphasises the fact that the city extends beyond its morphological boundaries.These urban areas should not beconfused with the administrative or political division of the city.They are purely empirical boundaries of the dif-ferent sections of the city.We use the term here particularly to illustrate the reality of the dispersed city. However,as an instrument of analysis and action, it is too rigidly dened, and cannot be used in a sufciently flexible way.

That is why we have used the term grid cityfrom chapter 2. For an explanation and reading guide, see the box texton pp.00-00.

In Belgium, three areas are distinguished in the urban areas. The core of the city consists of the central, compact,built-up urban district, which comprises the real city centre (the heart of the city), the historical core and the nine-teenth-century expansion of the city. This central part of the city corresponds to the modern city before the rstsigns of a dispersal and the urban sprawl became apparent. The unbroken built-up area is called the conglomera-tion.The rest of the urban area is known as the suburbs, and comprises the areas which have a predominantly ruralappearance,but where most of the city users live,and the influence of the creation of the urban area results in pop-ulation growth. (The term suburbia sometimes evokes an image of compact industrial suburbs, but is used hereas a technical term which refers particularly to migration from and commuting to the conglomeration.) Urban

areas presuppose a large scale.Therefore the term urban areaonly really applies when the number of inhabitantsin the whole region is more than 80,000. In addition to Brussels, Antwerp and Ghent are also metropolitan urbanareas. Hasselt and Genk together form a regional urban area. Other regional urban areas include Ostend, Bruges,Kortrijk, Sint-Niklaas, Meche-len and Leuven.

Finally, the socio-economicinfluence of the city extendsbeyond the urban area. Theresidential commuter areacomprises the municipalities

where at least 15% of theworking population commu-tes to the urban conglomera-tion. The entire area formedby this zone and the urbanarea is called the urban resi-dential complex.

ZonesCore (18)Conglomeration (79)Suburbs (116)Residential commuter zone (162)Not an urban area (214)

The urban areas in Belgium 1991

brugge

oostende

kortrijk

tournai

mons

charleroi

la louviere

namur

liege verviers

brussel

gentst.-niklaas

antwerpen

mech elen

leuven

hasselt

genk

Source:Van der Haeghen c.s., 1996.


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35ly rural appearance,but where most of the cityusers live, and the influence of the creation of the urban area results in population growth.(The term suburbia sometimes evokes animage of compact industrial suburbs, but isused here as a technical term which refers par-ticularly to migration from and commuting tothe conglomeration.) Urban areas presuppose a

large scale.Therefore the term urban areaonlyreally applies when the number of inhabitantsin the whole region is more than 80,000. Inaddition to Brussels, Antwerp and Ghent arealso metropolitan urban areas. Hasselt andGenk together form a regional urban area.Other regional urban areas include Ostend,Bruges,Kortrijk, Sint-Niklaas, Mechelen andLeuven.

Finally, the socio-economic influence of the city

extends beyond the urban area. The residentialcommuter area comprises the municipalitieswhere at least 15% of the working populationcommutes to the urban conglomeration.Theentire area formed by this zone and the urbanarea is called the urban residential complex.

3 . Ci t ies make plans:do plans also make cit ies?

Several cities realize that the minor repairs tothe urban space are no longer sufcient.They

dream of strategic and structural interventionswith the greatest possible visibility and thebroadest possible external funding. Based onthe examples of Antwerp and Leuven, pilot proj-ects such as those for the development of theenvironment around the old station are flour-ishing. Usually, they soon run into problems.Bringing together the interests of residents,politicians, real estate developers and plannersin a targeted way in an ambitious urban projectthat can really be achieved, requires new meth-

ods, vision and leadership.These are sometimeslacking, and frequently the required capacity is

not available. However, the tone has been set.At the same time, different cities are elaborat-ing urban structural plans in the context of thedecree on town and country planning, and theFlanders Structural Plan for Town and CountryPlanning, sometimes supplemented with a planfor trafc and a plan for green spaces. In somecases, this exercise has foundered in discussions

on whether or not to start on the expansion of residential areas or whether or not to createindustrial sites. On the other hand, some citiesorganise a thorough process of reflection and aserious debate on the physical structure andplanning and development of the whole urbanarea.

All this means that cities are increasingly con-cerned with various forms of planning anddesign.Traditional BPAs (special development

plans),which translate the arbitrary patches of colour in the infamous regional plans into build-ing regulations, are no longer sufcient. Newtypes of planning, with a woolly title, hazyobjectives and uncertain procedures are prolifer-ating.The coordination between these has usu-ally been lost. Incompatible terminologies,scales, terms to describe quality and recommen-dations have resulted in a linguistic confusionreminiscent of the Tower of Babel, whichnobody really takes seriously because there is

little interest in yet another plan or yet anotherstudy or memorandum.With a few exceptions,the necessary planning capacity is usually lack-ing to ensure that everything is properly direct-ed, structurally coordinated and realised in situ.Contracting out the work to private agencies isoften exposed to the same problems.Whetherpublic or private, the discipline in planning ordesign in Flanders does not at the momentappear to be able to meet challenges of thechanging city. This phenomenon also results in

contradictions: on the one hand, an increase inmediocre and inefcient planning; on the other


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hand, a planning environment in which the van-guard is inspired by competitions, study days,the reorganisation of education and tradeunions, inspired mandates, a new administrativeframework and study bureaus looking for inno-vation.A powerful vision of the city and theurban character, and above all, the creation of anew urban policy with an adequate planning

framework could turn the tide in this respect.

4 . The c i ty in a holographicperspective

The city as the object of all these enthusiasticplanning developments is confronted with asimilar problem to the planning itself. The flagcityno longer has a clearly dened signicance.This apparently familiar word stands for a reali-ty which is much more difcult to dene andwhich evokes many different meanings. Is the

city the flourishing city centre, the pedestri-anised shopping city, the background for thesummer festival or the Christmas market? Doesthe city evoke a picture of grey nineteenth-cen-tury districts where you dont go unless youhave to, or one of sterile apartment blocks? Dothe cobbled roads, shopping malls and industrialsites belong to the city? Is the city empty or full?Is the city the counterpart to open nature?Where does it begin and where does it end?Who is included? Who has something to say

there, and what about? While the home andbeing at home are becoming increasinglyimportant and signicant, the concept of thecity as a spatial reality is uncertain.The profes-sional literature has lost its way in desperateattempts to coin terms for the new urban reali-ty:city district, urban area, carpet city, dispersedcity, and compact city. A vision of the built-upcity is even more necessary than a suitableterm. It is no longer a compact fabric of roads,squares and buildings, even if it likes to present

itself in this way. If the city is the place whichbelongs to the urban scope, the place which is

under a strong urban sphere of influence,otherimages and concepts are necessary to evoke thiscity, to understand, plan and manage it. In thisbook, the term grid cityattempts to provide arst hesitant denition.

The contemporary city is like a holographicprint. One view reveals urban decay, the other

the revival of the urban culture. One person seessuburbia as a malignant cancer, while anothercan discern a burgeoning new type of city. Oneperspective reveals the selling of the collectiveheritage while another perspective shows thenew civil pact between private and public inter-ests.The city is ambivalent by its very nature.Whether the contradictions are destructive orparalysing, or whether they have an innovativeand driving effect,depends less on global forcesthan on local conditions. The aim of this book is

to valorise these in such a way that a positivebalance can be achieved.

2. The public city

The public space of the city is a forum,a meet-ing place. It is the political placein the mostnoble sense of the word. Citizens can be heardat public events. People look and listen to mes-sages of all sorts: posters, grafti, flyers, cultural

performances.The public arena is a backdropfor many types of communication, betweenstrangers and acquaintances, between govern-ment and citizens, between the inhabitants andusers of the city. It provides backgrounds whichstimulate the urban character.

In recent years, cities have invested a great dealin the restoration of some of these spaces.However, this does not mean that they there-fore acquire a more public character or that they

really meet their function as an arena for com-munication.We will rst examine the problem


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thinking turned parts of the city into mono-environments: governed by a single function(ofces, shops, residential,etc.). People had to beable to move quickly from one function toanother, which meant that public spaces mainlyturned into areas for mobility. Furthermore, thismobility was seen in a one-sided way frombehind the car windscreen.The public space in

the city was increasingly dominated by the wayin which it could serve drivers (accessibility,parking).This also increased the impoverish-ment of public spaces. City centres turned intocar parks and introduced a pattern of behaviourin relation to trafc that is very difcult toreverse. In some Flemish cities (e.g., Bruges andGhent), this has been turned round with anapproach at the level of the city which tran-scends the symbolic projects.

As a result of the separation of different func-tions, the city centre turned above all into acommercial centre. The public space in the heartof the city was organised in relation to com-merce: pedestrianised shopping streets, boule-vards and shopping precincts. Meanwhile, thepublic space seems to be controlled by powerfuldistribution chains.This attracts the masses dur-ing the day, but means that the centre alsoacquires a monotonous character. After 6oclock, the space is empty. After that time, it

rejects and seems unsafe.

Attention to city marketing increased in the1990s. Flemish cities had to compete with othercities and become more attractive to investors,visitors and prosperous residents. The pressureto succeed in this led to glamour projects:expensive and spectacular, but without a strongbasis to increase the functions of the publicspace.The arbitrary introduction of art in thecity here and there is an example of this. Selling

the city and its image was the dominant thing.Responding to the demands of recreation and

tourism in a one-sided way meant that somepublic spaces and parts of the city turned intotheme parks: the Disneycation of the city.

The uninspired development of the space, theorganisation of the city without a context, andreducing the city to an object for sale resulted inthe opposite of what should have been achieved

with urban public spaces: a mixture and transi-tion of functions,different layers in the urbanfabric depending on the scale of the space andits location in the city, the possibilities for iden-tication and differences in types of spacethroughout the city. The spaces should reflectthe colourful diversity of the city. This is the rev-olution we are aiming for.

1 . Creeping pr ivat isat ionHowever, there is more going on than just the

impoverishment and unimaginative develop-ment of the city. In recent years there has been agradual privatisation of public spaces, and thisappears to be continuing. New forms of semi-public areas have developed between the largeprivate areas (squares and parks) and the privatespaces (houses).They are accessible to the publicunder certain conditions. Access is arranged in acontract,not determined by government, but byprivate market conditions. An individual enter-ing a football stadium,a dancehall, a depart-

ment store, a housing complex,or a secure car-park is subject to the rules of the private con-tract.The management of these zones almostalways implies a restriction of the governmentssphere of influence.The position of the govern-ment and its police becomes unclear. The policeare increasingly leaving the management andsupervision of these semi-public areas to privatemanagers and supervisors. Using the term pub-lic-privatepartnership for what is tantamountto subjecting the area to market mechanisms

results in a very bleak outlook.We would like tostate our position quite clearly: the internal bor-


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ders in Europe have been abolished to allow forthe free trafc of goods and people,and in themeantime we are creating new walls in our owncities which make free movement of trafcthere more difcult.

Privatisation not only concerns the manage-ment,but also sometimes the use of public

spaces. One unfortunate type of behaviour is theso-called parochalisationof public spaces.Whencertain groups take over places for a specic pur-pose, those who are different are excluded.Thiscan lead to a sense of insecurity. The parochiali-sation can vary,depending on the time of day. Apark can be for the elderly in the daytime and fora group of young people in the evening.

Legislation has attempted to respond to thiswith the introduction of the notion of public

nuisance. However, this term tends to refermore to problems of public order, and thereforea matter for the government, while thingswhich have a disruptive effect are actually expe-rienced as such by citizens personally.Ultimately this concerns the level of tolerance of citizens. However, complaints do pave the wayfor even further privatisation and to shifting thenuisance to other places. In this way a problemin one place causes a double problem.

2. Beyond the physical publ ic space?But how important are physical public spacesnowadays? Perhaps our references to theimpoverishment and privatisation of physicalspace are out of date because of the arrival of new forms of communication in virtual space.The key word for the city is communication, andthis is undergoing a complete revolution. Inaddition to physical encounters, there are allsorts of communication which are more coinci-dental and short term. Proximity and distance

have become relative terms because of mobilephones, the internet, chat rooms and e-mail.

Private relationships are extended to strangers,invisible, anonymous and occasional contact.Are these things an opportunity or a threat forthe city? There is no simple answer. In themeantime, the hype of virtual space is alsobeing seen in relative terms: less than half of the Flemish people have access to the internetat home. 5 Furthermore, new forms of communi-

cation are not replacing physical contact. In fact,they are more likely to lead to an increase intypes of communication. In short,bold state-ments about the consequences of new forms of communication for the city are not appropriate.We would also like to point out that in themeantime,physical space is gaining a newmeaning, particularly in relation to the increasein recreational demands.

The fear of losing familiar forms of communica-

tion in the city can lead to a sort of districtfetishism. This can be seen in several places inthe debate on the city. It means that the districtstands for the warm level of communication, anantidote to alienation and a level of social cohe-sion that can still be achieved. The social pres-sure of this image is oppressive.The real picturedoes not tally with the everyday patterns of interaction between people moving criss-crossthrough the city, the grid city and the networksof cities. For certain groups, the district is more

important than for others, and obviously thedistrict can lead to interesting forms of contactand interaction.We only oppose the closedimage of our district versus the cold city. For us,the district is part of an open approach to thecity in which people move around the city atmany levels, and where the public space allowsfor many different sorts of encounters and con-tacts at these many levels.

We can identify more easily with this open

approach and the related vision to the publicspace because there are points of contact with


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The Century of the City: City Republics and Grid Cities

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