The Challenges and Unintended Impacts of the New School ...

The Challenges and Unintended Impacts of the

New School Leaving Age Policy in one

Low Socio-Economic Status School

in Australia

Kathleen Seto

A thesis in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education

Western Sydney University

July 2016

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Statement of Authentication

The work presented in this thesis is, to the best of my knowledge and belief, original except as

acknowledged in the text. I hereby declare that I have not submitted this material, either in full or in

part, for a degree at this or any other institution.

…………………………………

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Acknowledgements

Completing this portfolio has been a combined effort in many respects. I thank Dr P.

Bansel and Dr K. Barker for the endless hours and patience devoted to examining my

drafts. Both have been selfless. Their advice and guidance was always kindly

conveyed. They all made sense and have raised the level of my thinking. Above the

burdens of their responsibilities and demands, they have always been generous with

their time. I have been privileged by their involvement and commitment.

I am grateful to the participants in this study, who gave up their time to talk to me

about the challenges and consequences of the new school leaving age policy.

I also thank S. McLaren for his editing and L. McDonald for her assistance in

refining my Endnote references.

Without the loving support of my husband, the task of writing this portfolio would

have been more onerous. His encouragement, understanding and patience have been

admirable in so many ways. To him, I also convey my gratitude.

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Table of Contents

1. Narrative: The challenges and unintended impacts of the New School Leaving

Age policy in one low Socio-Economic status school in Australia ......................... 1

Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 1

School context ..................................................................................................................... 3

Unintended consequences .................................................................................................. 7

Policy and governmentality ............................................................................................. 11

Supporting students to stay on at school ........................................................................ 14

Situational analysis .......................................................................................................... 17

Scholarly research as professional learning .................................................................. 21

Overview of the program of research ............................................................................ 22

Scholarly Paper 1 ........................................................................................................... 22

Professional Practice Initiative 1 .................................................................................... 23

Scholarly Paper 2 ........................................................................................................... 24


Scholarly Paper 3 ........................................................................................................... 26


Program of research ........................................................................................................ 27

Research methods ............................................................................................................ 28

Stage 1: Surveys ............................................................................................................. 28

Stage 2: Interviews ......................................................................................................... 29

Stage 3. Focus groups .................................................................................................... 30

4. Analysis of school data .............................................................................................. 31

Reflections on personal, scholarly and professional development ............................... 31

A central focus on students, both as learners and as people .......................................... 32

Quality teaching ............................................................................................................. 35

Professional learning ...................................................................................................... 38

Educational leadership ................................................................................................... 41

Concluding comments ..................................................................................................... 46

2. Professional Practice Initiative Year 1: Multicomponent research-based

action plan ................................................................................................................. 48

Context and purpose ........................................................................................................ 48

Section 1: Process and context ........................................................................................ 51

Response to DoE and government policy ...................................................................... 51

Preliminary consultation and planning .......................................................................... 53

Section 2: Data.................................................................................................................. 55

Retention matters ........................................................................................................... 55

Why attendance matters ................................................................................................. 60

Analysis of the data ........................................................................................................ 61

Surveys ........................................................................................................................... 63


Audit tool ....................................................................................................................... 66


Interviews ....................................................................................................................... 69


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Teacher interviews ......................................................................................................... 73


Section 3: The Multicomponent Action Plan ................................................................. 76

1. Subject selection process ........................................................................................... 77

2. New English Studies subject ...................................................................................... 81

3. Taster courses ............................................................................................................. 87

4. Student Engagement Mentors ................................................................................... 91

5. Transition Adviser ..................................................................................................... 96

Section 4: Evaluation of the Multicomponent Action Plan .......................................... 97

3. Scholarly Paper 1: Examining the implications and challenges of the new

school leaving age in New South Wales ................................................................ 100

Governmentality and RSTLA ....................................................................................... 102

Background .................................................................................................................... 105

Early school leavers ....................................................................................................... 107

Drivers for change .......................................................................................................... 114

State Government .......................................................................................................... 114

Education Revolution .................................................................................................... 116

Council of Australian Governments (COAG) National Education Agreement (NEA)

Meeting ........................................................................................................................ 119

The Bradley Review .................................................................................................... 120

Assumptions of NSLA for low SES schools ................................................................. 123

Unintended consequences of the NSLA policy ............................................................ 127

The Mitchell Report ....................................................................................................... 129

School structures and strategies ................................................................................... 132

Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 133

4. Professional Practice Initiative 2: Exploring the issue of retention for girls

through engaged research ..................................................................................... 135

Overview and purpose ................................................................................................... 135

Background to the study ............................................................................................... 138

A report to the Transition Adviser at Woodstock High School:................................ 140

Exploring the issue of retention for girls through engaged research ........................ 140

Quantitative Data: Collection and analysis ................................................................. 142

Retention ...................................................................................................................... 143

Attendance ................................................................................................................... 147

Application to school work .......................................................................................... 152

Subject selection .......................................................................................................... 156

Career plans ................................................................................................................. 160

Part–time work ............................................................................................................. 163

Labour market options ................................................................................................. 167

Labour force trends in Australia .................................................................................. 168

Labour force trends in Fairfield West .......................................................................... 169

Job opportunities for school leavers in South Western Sydney ................................... 170

Key findings from the quantitative data: ...................................................................... 171

Qualitative data .............................................................................................................. 171

Interviews ..................................................................................................................... 172

Reasons for staying on ................................................................................................. 173

Working part-time ........................................................................................................ 176

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Key findings ................................................................................................................. 178

Recommendations ........................................................................................................ 178

5. Scholarly Paper 2: Girls’ educational aspirations .......................................... 181

Introduction .................................................................................................................... 181

Ambition and aspiration ................................................................................................ 183

Retention and vulnerability........................................................................................... 187

The world of work .......................................................................................................... 197

School-based factors ...................................................................................................... 200

Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 213

6. Professional Practice Initiative 3: What difference can a Transition Adviser

make? ...................................................................................................................... 217

Part 1: Context for Transition Adviser Role at WHS ................................................ 219

Early leavers ................................................................................................................. 222

Audit tool ..................................................................................................................... 225

The role of the Transition Adviser ............................................................................... 230

Implementing the Transition Adviser role ................................................................... 233

The research ................................................................................................................... 236

Quantitative data .......................................................................................................... 237

Qualitative data ............................................................................................................ 242

Identification of potential early leavers ....................................................................... 244

Advocacy for vulnerable and marginalised students ................................................... 247

Academic support and enrichment ............................................................................... 249

Social Skills………………………………………………………………………….. 250

Personalised plans and individualised instruction........................................................ 250

Rigorous and relevant instruction ................................................................................ 253

Reflections on the effectiveness of the Transition Adviser role ................................. 258

7. Scholarly Paper 3: Responding to the New School Leaving Age policy ....... 261

Reframing the retention story ....................................................................................... 263

Stopping the leakage at WHS ....................................................................................... 266

Inclusive school structures ........................................................................................... 270

Staff practices for building relationships ..................................................................... 274

Individual student strategies to strengthen attachment to school ................................. 276

Connecting with community, parents, business, non-profit organisations .................. 278

Challenges for Low SES schools ................................................................................... 279

Innovation .................................................................................................................... 279

Addressing low achievement: bridging the gap ........................................................... 282

Putting students first .................................................................................................... 284

Broad interventions to address early leaving .............................................................. 286

Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 289

References ....................................................................................................................... 291

APPENDICES ........................................................................................................ 312

Appendix A: New school leaving age school audit tool ............................................... 313

Appendix B: Survey of student intentions ................................................................... 314

Appendix C: Interview questions for students ............................................................ 315

Appendix D: Interview questions for teachers ............................................................ 316

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List of Tables

Table 1

Employment Rates for Fairfield West, NSW and Australia: 2011 .............................. 5

Table 2

Occupations by Category for Fairfield West, NSW and Australia: 2011 .................... 6

Table 3

Collection of Quantitative and Qualitative Data ........................................................ 55

Table 4

Student Retention Rates (%) Years 10 to 12 for the Years 2007 to 2010: Comparison

of WHS (school) to SEG (seven schools in the area) and NSW Public Schools

(state) ................................................................................................................. 57

Table 5

Australia’s Apparent Retention Rates for Full-Time School Students Year 7/8 to

Year 12 2007-2010 ............................................................................................. 57

Table 6

Australia’s Apparent Retention Rates for Full-Time School Students Year 10 to Year

12 2007-2010 ...................................................................................................... 58

Table 7

Average Days of Absence at WHS in 2009 for Boys and Girls ................................ 62

Table 8

Apparent Retention Rates for Woodstock High School from 2007 to 2014.............. 98

Table 9

Attributes of Early School Leavers .......................................................................... 109

Table 10

Collection of Quantiative and Qualitative Data ....................................................... 142

Table 11

Apparent Retention Rates (%) for Boys and Girls at WSHS 2008-2014 ................ 144

Table 12

Attendance Rates for Boys and Girls in Each Year Group at WHS 2008-2011 ...... 149

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Table 13

Average Days Absence for Boys and Girls in Each Year Group, 2009 .................. 150

Table 14

WHS Senior Review Panel Interviews (numbers) of Boys and Girls 2009-2013 ... 154

Table 15

WHS Subject Selection Choices in Visual Arts, & Technology & Applied Studies for

Girls & Boys 2011 and 2012 ............................................................................ 157

Table 16

WHS Subject Selection Choices for Girls & Boys in VET 2011 and 2012 ............ 157

Table 17

Number of Respondents to Pathways Survey .......................................................... 161

Table 18

Students at WSHS and in NSW With (yes) and Without (no) a Job Plan 2008-2012

.......................................................................................................................... 162

Table 19

Girls (School and State) Working Part-Time for the Years 2008-2012 (%)............ 164

Table 20

Girls at WHS and in NSW not Actively Seeking Part-Time Work, 2008-2012 ...... 166

Table 21

HSC Subject Enrolments by Percentages for Selected Subjects (2015) .................. 205

Table 22

Number of Boys and Girls Supported by the Transition Adviser (2011-2014) ....... 238

Table 23

Apparent Retention Rates for Years 10 to 12 Students at WHS (2005-2014) ........ 239

Table 24

Apparent Retention Rates for NSW DoE Schools and WHS (%) ........................... 240

Table 25

Woodstock High School Audit Tool: Multipronged Interventions.......................... 269

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Table of Figures

Figure 1. WHS attendance data Years 7-12 for 2007 to 2010 ................................... 61

Figure 2. Total School Attendance 2008-2014 (WHS compared with all NSW state

schools) ............................................................................................................. 147

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List of Abbreviations

BOSTES Board of Studies, Teaching and Educational

Standards

DoE NSW Department of Education, New South Wales. During the period of the

candidate’s research, the DoE was changed from DET (Department of

Education and Training) to DEC (Department of Education and

Communities) to DoE. For ease of use, the term “DoE” is used

throughout the text.

NSLA New School Leaving Age: refers to the change in

the compulsory school leaving age for secondary

students.

TAFE NSW Technical and Further Education New South Wales

VET Vocational Education and Training

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Abstract

This research examines both the intended and unintended impacts of the New School

Leaving Age (NSLA) Policy in New South Wales on a school located in a

disadvantaged community. The NSLA Policy has presented a greater challenge to

schools in disadvantaged areas, commonly referred to as Low Socio-Economic

Status (SES) communities, where the rates of retention from Years 10 to 12 are

traditionally below the state average.

While most educators agree with the ambitions of the NSW government in

increasing the school leaving age from 15 to 17 years, this research argues that there

are unintended assumptions about retention that need to be addressed. Further, since

legislation alone will not improve the retention rates of disadvantaged students, the

challenge for low SES government secondary schools has been to provide alternative

curriculum structures and programs that satisfactorily address the ambitions of

government policy for retention. Given that low SES schools accumulate multiple

disadvantages and are made responsible for making policy work, they are therefore

“condemned to innovate” (Teese, 2008). The resultant challenges, their unintended

consequences and the innovative strategies required to address lower retention rates

are central to this research, in which there is a particular focus on the secondary

school setting where the researcher is also the Principal.

The research was conducted in the school over four successive years and is presented

in an Examinable Portfolio of work comprising seven components: three scholarly

papers, three professional workplace-related and research-based practices or

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products; and an evidence-based Narrative of Personal, Professional and Scholarly

development.

Findings from the research indicate that principals of low SES schools can improve

the educational outcomes for students who stay on or transition to further training

and education or work. Successful interventions in one low SES school were

underpinned by inclusive school structures, the development of staff practices in

building relationships, and targeted individual student strategies to strengthen

attachment to school and enhance connections with the community, parents, business

and non-profit organisations. Through offering a broader curriculum, professional

learning for staff in mentoring skills, and in-depth case management by the Student

Engagement Mentors and Transition Adviser, the school researched in this study was

able to improve its apparent retention rate from 75 percent in 2010 to 92 percent in

2014.

1. Narrative: The challenges and unintended impacts of

the New School Leaving Age policy in one Low Socio-

Economic status school in Australia

Introduction

This narrative of Personal, Professional and Scholarly Development introduces

the portfolio of research undertaken during the period of the author’s Educational

Doctorate candidature (2010-2016). The portfolio comprises this Narrative,

documentation of three Professional Practice Initiatives (PPIs) and three Scholarly

Papers (SPs). The purpose of the narrative is to contextualise the research-based

evidence of the contribution to and impact of this work on professional practice in

the field. Each PPI focuses on professional practice and reflects engagement with

theory, literature and research relevant to it.

The research overall addresses the challenges and unintended consequences for

disadvantaged schools arising from the New South Wales (NSW) government policy

New School Leaving Age (NSLA), and interventions arising from them.

Disadvantaged schools in Australia, now referred to also by the interchangeable term

low Socio-Economic Status (SES) schools, typically have lower retention rates than

2 New School Age Leaving Policy

high and middle SES schools. In 2010 the NSW government, like other state

governments in Australia around that period of time, sought to address the issue of

low retention levels state wide through legislation aimed at all schools. The change

in policy meant that all students in NSW secondary schools were now required to

stay on at school until they completed Year 10 and/or reached 17 years of age. Prior

to that, students in NSW had the option of leaving school at 15 years; sometimes this

resulted in a student exiting the schooling system without any formal leaving

qualifications. As a result of the NSLA policy, all schools were faced with the

challenge of improving retention rates to meet the government target of ensuring that

90% of young people completed Year 12.

I explore the proposition that low SES schools in particular, with accumulated

multiple disadvantages are therefore “condemned to innovate” (Teese, 2008, pp. 113-

125). Teese argues that the responsibility for improving retention rates and being

innovative predominantly lies with low SES schools. I agree with this assertion, as

advantaged schools prior to 2010 were already attaining levels of 90% retention

rates. Therefore, the innovative practices required for addressing low levels of

retention would be the challenge for low SES schools. The resultant challenges, their

unintended consequences and innovative strategies required to achieve lower

retention rates, formed the main areas of investigation for my research, with a

particular focus on the secondary school setting, Woodstock High School (WHS),

where I have been Principal since 2007. The research questions examined over the

period of the candidature were:

1) What were the challenges and the unintended consequences for one low

SES secondary school in NSW that resulted from a change in government

policy?


2) What initiatives were introduced that simultaneously aligned the

ambitions of government policy (90% retention levels) with the students’

educational aspirations? and

3) How successful were these interventions, and to what can their success be

attributed?

In what follows I provide the context for the research and then indicate the

specific challenges and unintended consequences for WHS.

School context

The school (WHS) is a large, comprehensive, co-educational government

secondary school with approximately 1,400 students. Eighty seven (87%) of

students are from Culturally and Linguistically Diverse (CALD) backgrounds.

Moreover, ten percent (n = 140) are from refugee backgrounds and have had very

little formal education, or experienced disruption in education before the

commencement of secondary school. The school’s location is in the ethnically

diverse area of Fairfield West in South Western Sydney (SWS), in the state of NSW.

The school has 106 permanent teaching staff, 32 support and administrative staff,

and 20 temporary teachers.

The school relies primarily on state and federal government funding, and

during the period of the author’s research, was a beneficiary of National Partnership

(NP) funding. There are three strands to this partnership: Quality Teaching, Literacy

and Numeracy, and Low SES. Under the NP program, WHS was allocated Low SES

funds totalling $1 million annually for the four year period of 2011 to 2014. The aim

of the NP funding for low SES Communities was:

To improve the education and life opportunities of students from low SES

backgrounds through reforms including teacher quality, better use of assessment


data, strengthened school leadership and strengthened partnership arrangements

between schools and parents, local communities and the higher education sector.

(Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations, 2009)

These areas of improvement were aligned with my commitments, both to

teaching students and leading staff in low SES schools. I have always taught in low

SES communities, and the injection of NP funds afforded the school the opportunity

to be innovative in regard to the programs and strategies it set up to endeavour to

address areas of educational need, such as literacy, numeracy and student

engagement outcomes. My research and leadership were clearly focused on

improved retention rates and increased student access to viable post-school

pathways.

In Term 4 2007, when I began my Principalship, the retention rate for WHS

from Years 10 to 12 was 64%. The average rate for public secondary schools in the

local area was 67%, for South West Sydney schools 69.3%, and for NSW

government schools 67.8% (Source: National Schools Statistics Collections 2007-

13). During the period 2008 to 2009 the NSW government consulted with relevant

stakeholders on its intention to increase the school leaving age. Conversations were

held with teachers, principals, parents and community groups concerning the benefits

of raising the compulsory school leaving age. Discussions were also held regarding

the types of educational programs that were to be offered, as well as the appropriate

structures and systems that would be required in order to implement innovative

changes.

Prior to the introduction of the NSLA policy in 2010, students at WHS who did

not aspire to complete their senior years of schooling would usually leave the school

at the end of Year 10, after completing their School Certificate (SC). Most students


attained this Year 10 credential (which since 2012 has been called the Record of

School Achievement [ROSA]), and the students who were required to repeat Year 10

were very few. Students who left at the end of Year 10, so far as the school could

ascertain, went on to full-time or part-time employment, to Technical and Further

Education (TAFE) vocational courses or apprenticeships or, unfortunately, in some

cases unemployment.

The 2011 data (Table 1) from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS)

provides the following snapshot of employment rates for the Fairfield West area,

where WHS is located:

Table 1:

Employment Rates for Fairfield West, NSW and Australia: 2011

Employment Fairfield

West %

New South

Wales %

Australia %

People who reported being in the labour force, aged 15 years and over

Worked full-time 2,554 59.6 2,007,924 60.2 6,367,554 59.7

Worked part-time 1,050 24.5 939,465 28.2 3,062,976 28.7

Away from work 301 7.0 190,944 5.7 627,797 5.9

Unemployed 382 8.9 196,525 5.9 600,133 5.6

Total in labour force 4,287 3,3364,858 10,658,460

Source: ABS (2013)


The 2011 unemployment statistics revealed that a greater number of people in

this area were unemployed, relative to NSW and to Australia as a whole.

Occupations for those people working full-time and part-time are outlined in Table 2.

Table 2:

Occupations by Category for Fairfield West, NSW and Australia: 2011

Occupation Fairfield

West %

New

South

Wales

%

Australia

%

Employed people aged 15 years and over

Technicians and Trades

Workers

672 17.2 414,668 13.2 1,425,146 14.2

Clerical and Administrative

Workers

615 15.7 473,141 15.1 1,483,558 14.7

Labourers 599 15.3 273,129 8.7 947,608 9.4

Machinery Operators and

Drivers

516 13.2 199,438 6.4 659,551 6.6

Professionals 460 11.8 713,548 22.7 2,145,442 21.3

Sales Workers 367 9.4 290,496 9.3 942,140 9.4

Community and Personal

Service

305 7.8 297,667 9.5 971,897 9.7

Managers 260 6.7 418,333 13.3 1,293,970 12.98

Source: ABS (2013)

The most common occupations in 2011 in Fairfield West were Technicians and

Trades Workers (17.2%), Clerical and Administrative Workers (15.7%), Labourers

(15.3%) and Machinery Operators and Drivers (13.2%). In comparison to NSW and

Australia as a whole, the Fairfield West area had a greater number of individuals in

low skilled jobs, and fewer people in professional and managerial positions: this is a

reflection of a more disadvantaged community, with lower levels of educational


qualifications. The concern for WHS therefore, was that early school leavers may

move on, with minimal educational qualifications, to unemployment or to a future in

a low skilled job that is insecure, casual and volatile. In contrast, most students at

WHS who stayed on for the senior years of schooling completed the Year 12

credential, the Higher School Certificate (HSC), and a significant proportion (60-

70%) made the transition to university.

Unintended consequences

The event that framed my concern, and thereby motivated the research leading

to my subsequent professional and scholarly practice in the area of retention, was a

change in NSW government policy. On 1st January 2010 changes to the Education

Act 1990 were implemented that affected the compulsory school leaving age. In

NSW it had taken 67 years for the leaving age to increase from 15 years (enacted in

1943) to 17 years (in 2010). The changes had a decisive influence on the NSW

school system and the wider community, in that all young people were required to

participate in education until the age of 17, or else pursue another approved pathway,

such as an apprenticeship, traineeship or full-time employment (defined as at least 25

hours per week), or a combination of these pathways.

Whilst 1 January 2010 signalled the official date for the implementation of the

Act, throughout the transition period (2009), schools had been working towards

managing the change. Prior to 1 January 2010, WHS, like most schools in NSW, had

anticipated and prepared for the enormity of this change in policy and its likely

ramifications. For example, some of the concerns raised by Principals included likely

resistance to the change in the school leaving age from some students, parents and

teachers; the cost of funding new courses to cater for anticipated new areas of need


and the retraining of staff; and school organisational barriers, such as timetabling for

a more diverse curriculum in students’ senior years.

School-related events like student sign-out days were particularly pertinent to

me. In the preceding year of December 2009, the usual Year 10 sign-out day had

taken place, in which students typically sign out of Year 10 with the view either of

re-enrolling for the Year 11 Preliminary course or leaving school. On that particular

day in December 2009 (at WHS) over 20 students signed out of school completely,

with the intention not to return to further study. My thought at the time was: “Yes—

these students have the school credential of a SC but do they have valid and secure

options to transition to?” For the majority of the 20 students, their urgency to sign

out was quite pronounced. Some did not necessarily enjoy attending school, while

for others, further senior study was not an option, as they had not experienced

academic success and/or had poor relations with their teachers and/or peers. Hence,

the constraint of attending school for a further two years was unbearable to them.

Despite my concern about the various post-school pathways, some teachers

were nevertheless relieved that certain students were choosing to leave. From their

perspective the students choosing to leave were either aggressively or passively

resistant to learning—that is, they were disruptive and/or not engaged in the

classroom. Such thinking locates the student as the cause of disengagement, rather

than viewing the education system as not meeting the student’s needs. Te Riele’s

(2012) research, examining the school and societal circumstances creating barriers

for young people, noted that someone “talking with young people themselves

inevitably finds that schools themselves contribute to young people dropping out and

being pushed out” (p. 242). Te Riele (2012) elaborated that “the most common

school-based barriers to completion are negative relationships, lack of individual


support and costs” (p. 242). Thus, the challenge for some teachers (from my

observations at WHS) has been to refine their teaching practice to make their lessons

more engaging and relevant, and to continually focus on the building of respectful

relationships with students, parents and carers.

Most parents and carers of Year 10 students at WHS (in informal conversations

with teachers) indicated that they were keen for their sons and daughters to continue

at school and that they appreciated the advantages of senior schooling. This view was

held even when the parents and carers of some leavers were aware that their children

were truanting certain classes, missing whole days of school and failing course

requirements with regard to assessment tasks, assignments and participation. Other

parents and carers of early leavers explored personal and family contacts to secure

possible job opportunities, realising that further education at a secondary school

setting was not a viable option for their son or daughter.

General community expectations also reinforced the view that more time at

school and further learning can lead to a more financially secure, healthier and

happier life (Freeman & Simonsen, 2015; Reid & Watson, 2016). In addition,

documents distributed to students, parents, staff and employers stated that:

There is a great deal of Australian and international evidence which

demonstrates a high correlation between students’ level of education and

their prospects in life. The research shows that early school leavers are

two and a half times more likely to be unemployed, earn lower wages

and have poorer quality of life outcomes. (DET, 2009, p. 25)

These parental, general community and government department attitudes

had also been supported by politicians making the same connection between

education and life prospects, before the introduction of the NSLA legislation,


citing research that by increasing the years of compulsory schooling, the flow on

effect would be a benefit for young people (Woodin, McCulloch, & Cowan, 2013;

Reid & Watson, 2016). During the period of the so-called Education Revolution,

under the direction of the Federal Labor Government (2007-2013), the mantra of

“learning or earning” was constantly promoted. This message was reinforced by

politicians such as Julia Gillard, as Minister of Education and later as Prime

Minister, and formed part of the Government’s National Partnership on Youth

Attainment and Transitions. One of the key planks of this compact between the

Federal, State and Territorial Governments was to promote the skills acquisition

of young Australians: “the focus on learning or earning also applies to those under

the age of 21” (COAG, 2009, p. 6). For students, this message reinforced that

staying on at school and completing further education and/or training, or having a

job, was the new norm. However, this oversimplified and aspirational mantra

ignored the fact that youth unemployment was at a high level (over 20%) in South

West Sydney (Reid & Watson, 2016, p. 3), and that the option of leaving school

without secure employment or training was not viable, due to the eligibility

restrictions introduced by the federal government affecting access to welfare

benefits in the form of income support and family tax benefits.

As Principal of WHS, I was situated at the intersection of policy and reality:

what could I, as the educational leader of the school, do to influence and alter

student attitudes to staying on at school and thereby improve retention rates?

What might the implications of the NSLA policy be for students who would now

be required to remain at school, but who likely would not have chosen to

complete the senior years prior to the introduction of the new policy?


Policy and governmentality

Michel Foucault’s theory of governmentality guided my thinking about the

introduction of the new NSLA policy. Foucault’s theory describes how governments

endeavour to produce citizens who are best suited to fulfil government policies,

through shaping “the conduct of conduct”. Government has been described by Dean

(1999) as:

Any more or less calculated and rational activity, undertaken by a multiplicity of

authorities and agencies, employing a variety of techniques and forms of knowledge,

that seeks to shape conduct by working through our desires, aspirations, interest and

beliefs, for definite but shifting ends and with a diverse set of relatively

unpredictable consequences, effects and outcomes. (p. 11)

Working with Foucault’s theory of governmentality, the policy of increased

retention rates in secondary schools could be interpreted as an “attempt to shape with

some degree of deliberation, aspects of our behaviour according to particular sets of

norms and a variety of ends” (Dean, 1999, p. 10). The NSLA policy attempts to

influence and align the aspirations of students towards staying on at school, and

student aspirations therefore have become “inextricably connected to the aspirations

of authorities” (Rose, 1989, p. 123). My research on the impact of raising the school

leaving age specifically addressed a group of students who were planning to leave

school early and who did not share the same educational ambitions and educational

aspirations as those of the government (this is discussed in more detail in SP 1).

The change in the school leaving age in NSW was in line with transformations

taking place in other states in Australia, and coincided with a concerted push by the

Federal Government to improve the overall retention rates of school students

nationally. In 2008 the States and Territories at the Council of Australian


Governments (COAG) meeting agreed to introduce a mandatory requirement for

young people to remain in school until Year 10, and for these individuals to be

earning or learning until 17 years of age. A further meeting in 2009, in the midst of

the global economic downturn, brought forward the target of 90% Year 12 (or

equivalent) attainment rate from 2020 to 2015.

As both researcher and principal I sought to understand the implications and

effects of the NSW government legislation. I proceeded to investigate and research

strategies to address the school’s low retention rates. The ambitions of the

government, in raising the school leaving age, were in line with domestic and

international research correlating students’ levels of educational attainment with their

prospects in life. Research by Lamb, Walstab, Teese, Vickers and Rumberger (2004,

p. 2) emphasised that early school leavers are more likely to be unemployed, to earn

lower wages, be recipients of government assistance and to have poorer quality of

life outcomes.

The challenges of managing the implications of the NSLA policy were for me,

as Principal of WHS, to be both strategic and innovative in redesigning the senior

school curriculum and in implementing appropriate staff positions to support those

students who intended to leave school before 17 years of age, or more importantly,

before gaining the HSC qualification at the end of Year 12. These students may have

had family and/or personal needs (compounded by a lack of interest in school and/or

poor experience of school) as well as the necessity or desire to seek work. Therefore,

I needed to embrace the opportunities for change and plan strategic interventions that

would support individual students to stay on, and also to ensure that the systematic

structural reforms of the curriculum created a more inclusive learning environment.

In this sense I was an agent in the realisation and translation of policy to practice, and


therefore responsible for the outcomes of increased participation. The technology of

“responsibilisation” for improving retention rates at WHS also meant that I

personally sought out innovative ideas in the implementation of the government’s

policy.

Information and ideas had been gathered from various sources (readings,

workshops, other principal colleagues, and DoE materials) but I was cognisant of the

need for tailored intervention programs that would apply specifically to my school’s

context. One particular tool, called the New School Leaving Age Audit Tool, based

on Lamb and Rice’s research in Victorian schools (2008), was a starting point in

assessing WHS’s situation. This tool was presented at a professional learning

workshop for Principals in July 2009, and was included in the preliminary

information package presented by DoE (Appendix A).

The audit tool, as a technology for realising the ambitions of government at the

local level, was given particular emphasis for the purpose of examining a school’s

current situation and canvassing viable interventions to stimulate further discussion

and planning at school. The tool had three areas of focus: supportive school culture,

school-wide strategies, and student-focused strategies. Within these three areas,

Lamb and Rice had found a number of interventions to be successful in improving

school retention in Victorian secondary schools. I proceeded, along with my senior

executive team, to audit WHS in relation to these three focus areas. Further analysis

and discussion of the audit tool and its implications for devising a curriculum plan

for WHS, are offered in PPI 1.

The senior executive agreed that the audit tool highlighted gaps at WHS that

needed attention. The particular gaps (as outlined in PPI 1) were mainly in the area

of student-focused strategies: in particular, student case management, mentoring and


pathways planning for at-risk students. I concluded that we needed to be more

flexible and responsive to those students who were now staying on, and for whom

senior schooling had not been a preferred option, prior to the implementation of the

NSLA legislation.

Supporting students to stay on at school

The audit tool identified a number of interventions that, I concluded, were

working successfully at WHS. These included: the steps taken to encourage a culture

of high expectations; early intervention to support literacy and numeracy skill

growth; team based approaches to teaching; welfare support; and after-school

tutoring. All of these interventions supported the participation of students in their

learning, along with opportunities to be involved in sport, the creative arts and

extracurricular activities. Such interventions in improving participation could lead to

an increased attachment and connection to school.

The audit tool also identified some opportunities for further initiatives that

would support the ambition of increasing retention rates. For example, while the

senior curriculum at WHS was broad, and catered for a wide range of interests, it

lacked a variety of non-theoretical senior courses, and in particular an English course

that was practical and relevant to students who did not intend to proceed to

university. In order for students to understand and appreciate the various subjects

available in the senior school, it appeared that it would also be advisable to have

“taster” courses at the end of the junior years, to assist with ascertaining subject

preferences prior to students launching into the Year 11 Preliminary course.

Similarly, although WHS had, historically, embedded strong welfare support

structures into its school plan and targets, there were areas of individual student

needs that could be addressed in the middle (Years 9 & 10) and senior years (Years


11 & 12). Specifically, these were student case management, mentoring and

pathways planning for at-risk students. Whilst career classes were offered in Year 10,

these were of a general nature, and we needed instead to tailor targeted and planned

transition pathways for those students staying on. The specific intention was for

students to gain early insights into the connection between school and work

prospects, as a way of coming to comprehend the relevance of staying on, to future

prospects for employment.

It was clear that in order to reinforce this school to work connection, a

dedicated Transition Adviser would be required to target particular students, form

connections with community organisations and employers, and assist in planning

individual pathways. Extra support, in the form of student mentoring and

counselling, would also be essential for students in overcoming barriers of personal,

family and peer-related issues. With these ideas in mind, the senior executive sought

solutions to address these areas of need. The resultant Multicomponent Action Plan

comprised five facets that would support students to stay on at school. These were:

1. A modified subject selection process in the move from junior to senior

study;

2. Introduction of a Non-Australian Tertiary Admission Rank (Non-ATAR)

English course for Years 11 and 12;

3. Taster courses for Year 10 students;

4. Introduction of Student Engagement Mentors; and the

5. Introduction of a Transition Adviser.

These five components are outlined in detail in PPI 1, and the impact of the

Transition Adviser’s role is examined in PPI 3. My decision to implement the

multicomponent action plan was driven by a vision of improved retention. This suite


of multi-faceted interventions, informed by analysis, scholarship and school-based

research and reflection, targeted students who needed extra support in staying on.

Some aspects of the action plan—for example, modification of the subject selection

process from the junior to senior years—are routine practice in schools. Even so, I

had determined that it was essential to reflect upon our practice and modify the

process to facilitate the wide variety of students now staying on who, prior to 2010,

would have left school. As Principal, and supported by research, it was my desire to

see individual students form strong attachments to the school, which could lead to

improved academic achievement and school participation, and purposeful education

and work plans. In the research on connection and attachment to school, students

who participated in school activities, experienced success in their learning and

enjoyed a positive rapport with their peers and teachers, were more likely to identify

and align themselves with school goals and to perceive the value and relevance of the

school curriculum to their educational and employment plans (Ream & Rumberger,

2008; Vickers, Barker, Perry & Dockett, 2015).

The funding through National Partnership (NP) monies made the realisation of

the multicomponent action plan possible. With the extra resourcing available, the

school was able to be innovative and to allocate funds to initiatives and personnel

that would not have been possible prior to 2011. The school funded extra staffing

positions, in the form of a Transition Adviser and Student Engagement Mentors, who

provided intensive support to students (detailed in PPI 1). The identification of

appropriate support and allocation of funding for WHS was based on the analysis of

school-based research and the audit tool.


Situational analysis

As a condition of the receipt of National Partnership funding schools were

required to undertake a situational analysis mandated by the Federal Government:

The situational analysis involves an assessment of the school’s

quantitative and qualitative data and provides evidence on which to base

planning and decision making . . . (with) conclusions drawn that have

determined the most appropriate strategies to significantly improve

learning outcomes, teaching and leadership practices and community

partnerships. (DEEWR, 2010)

This focus on school compliance, as a technology of government

(Foucault, 1978), compelled schools to complete a situational analysis in order

to qualify for funding. The process involved the formation of a team, which

consisted of the senior executive, two executive staff and a regional officer

from DoE. One of the team’s first tasks was to assess the school’s current

levels of attendance, retention, literacy, numeracy and Higher School

Certificate (HSC) student outcomes.

One aspect of the data that was a surprise to the team was the statistics on

the attendance of girls at WHS. The data revealed that girls’ attendance in the

junior years was positive (above 95%) but that in approaching Years 9 and 10,

their attendance began to decline, relative to the attendance levels of boys. Also

of interest was that the levels of boys’ attendance in the senior years, Years 11

and 12, was higher than that of girls. It appeared that whilst girls in the junior

years were attending to a high degree, and participating, the reverse was

occurring for some girls in the senior years, and senior boys overall were

attending and participating more fully than senior girls. It became clear that


further investigation of the data would greatly contribute to our strategies for

managing the many implications of the NSLA policy, and this analysis was

informed by the research undertaken during my doctoral candidature (see PPI

2).

The findings from the situational analysis led me to further consider the

curriculum subjects on offer, and the welfare support structures for those

particular students who were not “fully participating”. By fully participating, I

mean the behaviours of coming to school every day, being on time, attending

classes, participating in class, completing set classwork and homework,

attempting and completing assessments and assignments. After further

consideration, and after reflection on the research literature on retention

(Dockery, 2005; Groundwater-Smith & Mockler, 2012; McMillan & Marks,

2003; Rumberger, 2011; Teese & Lamb, 2009; Te Riele, 2010, 2012), I

broadened my understanding of student participation in accordance with the

four aspects of student dispositions proposed by Lamb et al., (2004, p. 95):

School engagement (attendance, participation in activities, behaviour);

Academic engagement (homework, preparation, application);

Education and work plans (educational plans, work aspirations, career); and

lastly

Academic achievement (academic progress, task assessments, academic

grades).

Viewing student participation more holistically enabled me, as both researcher

and Principal, to better appreciate the variables in and complexities of student

completion and early leaving. The four aspects identified by Lamb et al., (2004)

provided a framework for analysing and reflecting on school data that emerged from


PPI 2. The systematic gathering of data in PPI 2 (for example, attendance, retention,

application, career plans and academic progress), led to the examination in SP 2 of

how the educational aspirations of a sub-group of senior girls did not align with those

of the government’s NSLA policy.

The NSLA policy meant that more students were now staying on at school than

did so in previous years. For instance, at WHS, approximately 30 Year 10 students

left in 2007, in 2008 a total of 40 students, whereas in 2009, with the new policy

imminent, only 20 students decided to move on from school. After the

implementation of the policy only a small number (4 or 5) students left at the end of

Year 10, and it was evident that after five years (2014) it was more commonplace at

WHS for students to talk about completion of the compulsory years of schooling as

having an end point of Year 12 and gaining the HSC.

Interestingly, this points to the effectiveness of the NSLA policy, and also of

the changed school practices, in increasingly aligning student conduct and aspirations

with government ambitions. For some parents and carers the NSLA policy meant a

greater commitment, in terms of the financial costs for their family in supporting

their son’s/daughter’s continued education. The unintended consequence here was

the short-term loss of earnings for some families, and more financial support from

the school being sought by parents and carers for uniforms, subject fees, and

excursions.

For teachers, there was a paradigm shift taking place. With the change in the

leaving age policy, teachers realised that they now had students in their classes

whom they perceived as “not serious”, and whose behaviour may not be conducive

to senior studies. On the other hand, some teachers saw this as a time to be creative

in designing or accessing courses that were more appropriate for those students who


may not choose to pursue university pathways but who were nevertheless forced to

stay on at school. For example, the English Head Teacher applied successfully for

the school to run the English Studies Content Endorsed Course (CEC), to cater for

students who were not able to navigate the Standard English course. For the school

executive, changes such as these were challenging, as the school now had to manage

a broader curriculum and to introduce alternative pathways that were appropriate for

the various preferences of senior students.

One of the additional demands of managing the effects of the change in the

NSLA policy entailed extensive consultation with the school executive, teachers and

students. In the 2010 and 2011 student surveys of intentions beyond Year 10 (see PPI

1), most students indicated that they were staying on, and only a handful had

intentions to leave. The primary reasons for leaving WHS included a change in

residential relocation, the offer of a selective place at another school, or offers of an

apprenticeship or traineeship.

Beyond the extensive consultations with students and parents was the necessity

for professional development of senior educators within DoE. With the

implementation of any new DoE policy, it is common practice for information to be

disseminated and dissected in relation to the impact on individual schools.

Subsequently, School Directors at DoE (supervisors of Principals) held regular

meetings and outlined the NSLA policy and school responsibilities, published best

practice case studies and offered avenues for support, in the form of executive and

teacher professional learning.

While these policy changes were taking place the opportunity arose for senior

educators within the DoE region of South Western Sydney (SWS) to apply for

admission to a Doctor of Education (EdD) program offered by the Western Sydney


University (WSU). The program was a Professional Doctorate in Education in

practice-led research and research-led practice designed specifically for principals

and senior educators. The research was to be based on a candidate’s professional

practice within their own school setting. I recognised an opportunity to develop a

more scholarly approach to my professional practice.

Scholarly research as professional learning

At the launch of the program, the Pro Vice Chancellor of WSU, the Regional

Director of SWS and the Program Director of the Centre for Educational Research

(CER) emphasised that candidates were being entrusted with the responsibility to

develop practice-led research and research-led practice in education that would make

a difference. I undertook doctoral research with the express purpose of making a

difference in the level of student retention at the school where I was Principal.

The goal of improving retention in a low SES secondary school involved

reviewing international and national literature regarding interventions that had been

identified as successful, and the complex factors involved in each case. The work of

Lamb et al., (2004), Lamb and Rice (2008), Ream and Rumberger (2008), and

Rumberger (2001), was especially useful in understanding the drivers, trends and

conditions for promoting higher levels of retention. Whilst the international literature

provided significant insights, the Australian research in Queensland and Victorian

schools resonated more deeply with the challenges I was facing at WHS. In addition,

the audit tool adapted from Lamb and Rice (2008, pp. 12-13) and the conceptual

model of completion and early leaving from Lamb et al., (2004, p. 95) gave me a

lens through which to disentangle the complexities of student retention.

As outlined below, the Scholarly Papers and Professional Practice Initiatives

responded to the implementation of the government’s school leaving age policy with


the development of a multicomponent action plan. It then progressed to examination

of the data on a sub-group of senior girls not fully participating at school, to the

description and impact of the Transition Adviser role of supporting both boys and

girls to stay on at school or move on to productive and planned pathways. In what

follows, I describe the Scholarly Papers and Professional Practice Initiatives that

comprised the program of research undertaken in the Professional Doctorate.

Together, these papers and initiatives form a coherent set of research-based

scholarship and professional practices that were developed to systematically address

the implications and challenges of retention, as outlined in the earlier section of this

overview of the research.

Overview of the program of research

Scholarly Paper 1

Scholarly Paper 1 examines the implications and challenges of the NSW

government’s NSLA policy, implemented in January 2010. I argue that whilst the

ambition of the state government to increase the compulsory school leaving age

could lead to benefits for an individual and for society, there were also unintended

consequences for disadvantaged (low SES) schools. Some of the unintended

consequences reported by principals included behavioural issues, non-attendance,

disengagement of students forced to stay on for the senior years, a lack of resources

and the associated costs of setting up alternative structures and non-academic

subjects. Historically, low SES secondary schools have had retention rates that fall

short of the government target of 90%. Therefore, the challenge for low SES schools

was that they were “condemned to innovate” (Tesse, 2008). An examination of the

drivers for early leaving was made, in order to understand which students were


potentially vulnerable to leaving school before 17 years and/or completion of Year

12. Early leaving has been viewed as a process of gradual withdrawal influenced by

students’ behaviour, dispositions, attitudes and social involvement in the school

community (Ream and Rumberger, 2008, p. 112). Individual and institutional

predictors have been identified that could lead to early school leaving, such as: being

male from a low SES background, having parents with low levels of education

and/or qualifications, being located in a rural setting, attending a government school,

having a disability or health issues (McKenzie, 2000, p. 7).

The issue of retention is analysed from the perspective of Foucault’s theory of

governmentality, and I propose that legislation alone would not improve the retention

rates of low SES students. Therefore, my challenge was to make the ambitions of the

legislation a reality, in the face of a number of significant challenges in the context of

WHS.

Professional Practice Initiative 1

Professional Practice Initiative1 (PPI 1) gives an account of the process and

rationale involved in devising a multicomponent action plan for WHS. The action

plan was developed in response to the state government’s policy of increasing the

school leaving age in 2010. I led the school’s senior executive in completing an audit

tool that was based on a model devised by Lamb and Rice (2008), and thereafter

devised an action plan consisting of five components deemed necessary to address

the welfare and learning needs of students at WHS. These five components were

developed particularly for students now staying on at school for the senior years

who, prior to the change of school leaving age policy, may have left school at the end

of Year 10. The five components included:


1. A modified senior subject selection process from the junior to senior years

of study;

2. The introduction of a non-ATAR English Studies subject;

3. The introduction of taster courses for Year 10 students; and

4. The introduction of student support in the form of Student Engagement

Mentors; and

5. The implementation of the role of Transition Adviser.

PPI 1 was framed as a situational analysis of the school and drew on multiple

sources of data, including attendance rates, retention rates, interviews of students

(early leavers and stayers) and interviews of DoE personnel employed in student

engagement roles. The Multicomponent Action Plan was implemented in 2011 and

was in place for the duration of the research period. The yearly increase in the

school’s retention rates was the key indicator of the effectiveness of the five

interventions.

Scholarly Paper 2

Scholarly Paper 2 (SP 2) was informed by the observation that a sub-group of

senior girls who had stayed on at school were not fully participating in their studies.

Drawing both on research literature and on interviews of senior girls (individually

and in focus groups) the paper proposes that the historical patterns of girls’ subject

choices and perceived and actual career options simultaneously shape and limit girls’

educational aspirations, particularly in low SES contexts. Drawing particularly on the

work of Dinham (2008), Francis (2000), Fuller (2009), Ream and Rumberger (2008),

Riddell (2010) and Te Riele (2007), I consider the implications of the government’s

ambitions for a sub-group of senior girls at WHS, explore their educational

aspirations and how they were formed. I found that the broader contextual factors


focusing on students’ families and communities were inadequate in explaining why

some girls were staying on but not fully participating at school. The reliance on

individual and external factors was inadequate because of the variation of school

experiences: in particular, the subject choices and perceived and actual career

options. This led to a greater understanding of the complexities of school

participation and conclusion that, as leader and researcher, I needed to work on the

school factors of inclusive school structures, staff practices for building relationships,

strategies to strengthen attachment to school, and connecting with the community

and parents. These factors for WHS were amenable to change, resulting in improved

school participation and thereby improved school retention.


Professional Practice Initiative 2 (PPI 2) was developed as a report to the

Transition Adviser at WHS and drew on school-based data and the interviews

(individual and group) discussed in SP 2. The report detailed the attendance and

retention data, subject choices, career plans and educational aspirations of senior

girls in the context of changes to the school leaving age. The report was prompted by

the school’s internal data, which revealed that the overall attendance pattern of junior

girls (by percentages) was higher than that of junior boys. However, the girls’

attendance rates decreased from the middle years (Years 9 & 10) and continued to be

lower than that of the boys in Years 11 and 12. In addition, data revealed a decline

in participation (as measured by attendance, application and submission of

assessments) of some girls in their senior years of schooling. This report aimed to

assist the Transition Adviser to identify and support targeted students to stay on at

school and/or plan their transition from school to successful post-school pathways.

The Transition Adviser therefore could be fully utilised in their intended role of


promoting the active participation and retention of targeted students and developing

personalised programs of career and transition support. The recommendations

included:

The introduction of dedicated career and transition lessons in the junior years and

written individual career plans; tailored work experience; co-ordinated visits to

relevant tertiary institutions; and organised workshops for students and parents on a

range of post-school options.

Scholarly Paper 3

Scholarly Paper 3 (SP 3) considers the principles behind the five components

of the multicomponent action plan (PPI 1) that were effective in improving the

retention rates of one low SES school (WHS). A revised WHS audit tool was

developed from the original audit tool of Lamb and Rice (2008), including four

broad categories: inclusive school structures; staff practices for building

relationships; individual student strategies to strengthen attachment to the school;

connecting with the community, parents, business and non-profit organisations. The

key insights I gained in determining what interventions could be successful were

that: inclusive school structures assist in the development of students’ future plans;

staff practices for building relationships strengthen welfare practices and students’

attachment to the school; individual student strategies build up teacher-student

relationships and students’ educational aspirations; and lastly, connecting with

community, parents, business and non-profit organisations gives extra support to

students in the transition to post-school pathways.



Professional Practice Initiative 3 (PPI 3) examines the role of the Transition

Adviser at WHS (funded as part of the NP program from 2011 to 2014). The

development of the role was an example of innovation by the school to meet the state

government’s target of 90% retention of students from Years 10 to 12. The aim of

the Transition Adviser role was to support students in staying on for the senior years

of study, or else to plan their move to viable post-school pathways. PPI 3 outlines

the rationale for the position and the process of setting up this role and its related

duties. The data collected for the purposes of examining the impact of this role were

student retention rates, numbers of community links established and strengthened,

and the numbers of students specifically targeted by the adviser.

Lastly, interviews with the Transition Adviser and targeted students (students

who indicated that they may leave school early, as identified in PPI 1) were

conducted, to ascertain the types of programs being offered and the level of success

(as perceived by the students) of the Transition Adviser role generally. The

Transition Adviser, between the years of 2011 and 2014, supported a total of 388

students (237 boys and 151 girls). Overall, the role of the Transition Adviser made

an impact on retaining students and was found to be effective in identifying and

building relationships with targeted students and in making plans for these students

to participate more actively at school, or else to move on to a planned, productive

post-school pathway.

Program of research

Each of the three Scholarly Papers and three Professional Practice Initiatives

drew on both quantitative and qualitative research methodologies: these included


surveys, interviews and focus groups, and analysis of student data collected by the

school. The quantitative data were sourced from the DoE Online Data collections,

and included enrolment numbers and attendance figures for all year groups over the

period 2007 to 2014. Other school data included retention rates for successive years,

accessed each year from the Educational Measurement and School Accountability

Directorate (EMSAD; a division within DoE), for inclusion in Annual School

Reports. Career plans and part-time work pattern reports were obtained from the

School to Pathways survey. The Career and School to Pathways on-line surveys were

completed by students in careers classes and made available through the DoE

website. The overview of qualitative and quantitative research methods given here is

supplemented by more detailed discussions in the relevant Professional Practice

Initiatives.

Research methods

Stage 1: Surveys

In accordance with DoE advice, student surveys (Appendix B) of Year 10

student intentions were initially conducted in Term 4 of 2010 (the first year in which

NSLA legislation came into effect) and then again in Term 4 of 2011, to ascertain the

number of Year 10 students who were intending to return to school for study in Year

11. All Year 10 students (boys and girls) were surveyed for this first stage of data

collection. The survey results were important, to assist in planning for the number of

classes and subjects to be offered in the senior years. In addition, the survey results

clearly identified students who were considering other options after Year 10. These

particular students were interviewed, in order to gain an understanding of their


reasons for leaving school. The results of these surveys are discussed in detail in PPI

1.

Stage 2: Interviews

In Stage 2 of the research, individual interviews were conducted with Year 10

students (boys and girls) who had indicated on their survey that they were intending

to leave school. Initial interviews were conducted with two boys and three girls from

the 2010 cohort, to elicit and probe their reasons for leaving school. The particular

students were chosen on the basis of having indicated that they were not intending to

transfer to another secondary school, but were resolute in their decision to leave

school and seek an apprenticeship, traineeship and/or employment. As 2010 was the

first year in which the NSLA legislation came into effect, I was keen (as Principal) to

understand their rationale for leaving, how they had arrived at this particular course

of action, and also to obtain a sense of the students’ post-school ambitions and

aspirations.

Individual interviews were also conducted with three staff members from the

DoE. Two DoE staff members worked at the school, in the roles of Student

Engagement Mentor and Transition Adviser. The purpose of these interviews was to

gain further insight into the development of their roles, to identify how many

students were accessing their support, and to ascertain the challenges students were

facing in staying on at school. A third individual interview was then conducted with

the Coordinator of the Student Engagement and Program Evaluation Bureau

(SEPEB). This position was situated within the head office of DoE and included the

provision of support for schools state wide. This interview focused on

implementation of the NSLA policy in schools, and examined the interventions and

programs of support that were on offer.


Whilst DoE staff members were willing to participate in interviews, the

barriers to interviewing individual students on their own were immediately obvious.

It was apparent that the imbalance of the power relationship between the researcher

(as also Principal of the school) and students, resulted in inhibited answers and a lack

of confidence to speak freely. The move was then made to focus group interviews,

which were more successful. Subsequently, two pairs of girls were interviewed; this

arrangement prompted a more open and free dialogue with the researcher (See PPI 1

and PPI 2 for further discussion of data collection and analysis).

Stage 3. Focus groups

The focus group discussions, as part of Stage 3 of the research process, allowed

for more in-depth probing of students’ views. Senior girls for the focus groups were

selected on the basis of welfare reports indicating that they were not fully

participating in the senior years of study. At this initial stage of the research, not fully

participating meant a pattern of poor attendance, lateness, non-completion of

classwork, and non-submission of assessments.

As Principal and researcher I sought the assistance of the appropriate year

advisers to inform the selection of students (a pool of approximately a dozen girls) to

participate in the research. Students were given the information and consent forms,

and were advised that if they wished to take part (the voluntary nature of their

involvement being emphasised), they were then to submit the appropriate forms to

their year adviser. This practice was useful in distancing the researcher from the

recruitment process, as well as giving the students an opt out clause if they chose not

to participate. Four girls in total agreed to participate; I subsequently interviewed

two pairs of girls in each focus group. The focus group situation was more conducive

to eliciting the girls’ reasons for staying on at school. Moreover, it also encouraged


them to more freely elucidate their future desires, aspirations and dreams. (Further

analyses and reflections on these interviews are addressed in PPI 2 and SP 2.)

4. Analysis of school data

The collection and analysis of external and internal school data over the

research period included the following matters:

Student attendance data: whole and partial day absences;

Retention rates: apparent and real retention rates;

Subject choices: senior subject choice selections;

Career plans: results of students’ career intentions;

Part-time work: survey results of students’ part-time work patterns;

Senior review panel data: records of students’ academic engagement

Reflections on personal, scholarly and professional development

The various elements of data collection over the period of the research

validated my initial thinking: that inclusive school structures and targeted support for

individual students would result in improved retention rates in the longer term. The

collection of data, identification of themes from the individual and focus group

interviews, together with the analysis and interpretation of the results, is examined in

greater depth in PPI 1, PPI 2 and PPI 3.

As Principal of a low SES school I wanted to make a difference, and I was

committed to improving student outcomes. My professional practice in respect of

this research project consisted of teaching and leading teams in disadvantaged

communities. My focus was the collection and analysis of school data, and the


implementation of change at the level of student learning, teacher professional

learning and educational leadership.

In what follows I draw on Dinham’s “four broad and interdependent

fundamentals underpinning student achievement and thus successful schools” (2008,

p. 139), to reflect on my personal, professional and scholarly development as a result

of my doctoral research. These fundamentals are:

1. A central focus on students, both as learners and as people;

2. Quality teaching;

3. Professional learning; and

4. Educational leadership.

A central focus on students, both as learners and as people

First, a strict focus was set on the primary consideration: the students and their

achievements. My view was that schools do make a difference; my own educational

journey reflects that. I was one of five children and, throughout my public schooling

in New Zealand (NZ), I had a number of significant and devoted teachers who

encouraged me in my studies. My parents were intelligent people who however,

unfortunately, had lived through the periods of war and depression. They were both

compelled to leave school early to take on the responsibility of working to

supplement their families’ incomes. On the few occasions that they discussed their

schooling experience it was obvious that they had felt deprived of further education

and the opportunities and choices that both senior secondary schooling and tertiary

studies may have provided for them.

I was the only child in the family to attend university, and this was more

fortuitous than planned. When I thought about my options at the end of Form 7 (the

last year of secondary schooling in NZ), there appeared only to be a choice between


becoming a nurse or a teacher. There were no careers lessons, nor was there

assistance to explore other post-school options.

However, I gained a studentship for Wellington Teachers’ College, and a

bursary at the end of my secondary schooling, for university study. Whilst attending

Teachers’ College full-time I also studied educational theory, educational history and

educational psychology part-time at Victoria University (NZ). Through the

encouragement of a Teachers’ College lecturer, and the role modelling of peers, I

was challenged to complete further study at university on a full-time basis. In this

respect, the importance of a teacher, mentor and/or peer group in providing support

and belief in my capabilities to pursue further education and raise my educational

aspirations cannot be underestimated. If I had not been in a group of students who

were all aspiring to complete their teachers’ training and university studies

simultaneously, my path would have been more difficult.

During the time I was completing my Diploma of Teaching from Teachers’

College, a three year full-time course leading to a qualification in primary teaching, I

was also, in conjunction engaged in part-time university studies in Education leading

to a Bachelor of Arts (B.A.) degree. In addition, the encouragement of a Teachers’

College lecturer (as mentor) who sat me down and mapped out a possible pathway

meant I undertook an additional two years of full-time university study to complete

my B.A. and B.A. Honours degrees in Education. The decision to spend another

year completing my Honours degree was taken in order to broaden the range of

options available in my teaching career. My background, my subsequent experience

of education and the opportunities it opened up, lent me the inclination to

recommend tertiary studies to the students I have taught, and to encourage some to

become the first in their family to attend university.


Apart from the encouragement I received from teachers (as mentors), the other

benefit was the receipt of funds to pay for my tertiary studies, which meant that the

personal barrier of limited finances was removed. These are important factors in

ensuring that students from low SES background can be encouraged to reflect on and

extend their range of aspirations, as barriers of access, finances and achievement can

limit entry, as revealed in the report So Who Goes to University (DET, 2010). The

key concern of this report by the National Partnership Unit within the Department of

Education, NSW, was the under-representation of students from low SES

backgrounds at university. Some of the strategies and interventions identified, to

increase the aspirations and attainments of students from low SES backgrounds were:

multi-faceted programs that include information sessions for students and their

parents; demystifying university through frequent and ongoing exposure; tutoring

and mentoring of secondary students by university students; academic achievement

programs. The report recognised the view that: “a university education offers

economic and social benefits including higher labour force participation rates, [and]

higher than average salaries” (2010, p. 3).

In comparison to my siblings, I have had the benefit of improved employment

prospects. For me, the career of teaching has provided continuous employment and

career advancement. In contrast, my sisters have had erratic employment in low

skilled jobs, with limited career opportunities. Interestingly, they have, only later in

life, after child rearing, decided to engage with further education and training.

However, students need to be successful academically at school, in order to

stay on for the senior years and to progress towards their educational aspirations. If

one’s plans for further education are realised, the barriers of financial costs, distance

from home, earnings foregone and other personal difficulties, may be more readily


overcome—leading to improved employment prospects and better lifetime

opportunities. My vision for the students at WHS was for improved outcomes, and

through scholarship and research I have been able to be better informed in my

professional practice, to make a difference.

With more students staying on, the importance of making a difference in

focusing on students as learners, and in the provision of quality teaching to improve

the participation of students, and thereby retention rates, cannot be overstated.

Quality teaching

In responding to the NSLA policy, I was aware that as the Principal I needed to

show leadership in professional practice, in order to reorientate teacher attitudes to

some students and to improve the quality of teaching, and teacher and student

relationships. Thus, I was aware that I needed to utilise a wide range of discursive

practices and techniques, for example in written and verbal communications, to

normalise high expectations for student participation and achievement (Niesche,

2011, p. 18). For example, on many occasions (parent meetings, staff meetings,

executive meetings, faculty meetings, and informal conversations) I was in the

position of advocating for the government’s policy and promoting the benefits of

staying on at school. Further, I deliberately supported students who were staying on

but obviously struggling. I did this through advocating for more intensive support,

directing students to the after-school study centre, and advising students on

appropriate choices in selecting subjects for the senior school. Such practice was

motivated by my professional ambition of reconstructing the learning environment at

school to make it more inclusive and supportive.

Whilst there was already a coherent overarching understanding of what we

were doing in implementing the five components of the action plan, high quality


teaching of all students was particularly necessary, as the most effective method of

improving outcomes in low SES schools (Lamb et al., 2004; Lamb & Rice, 2008;

McGregor & Mills, 2012; Teese, 2008; Vickers et al., 2015). Hattie, in his research

on student achievement, states that “teachers are among the most powerful influences

in learning” (2009, p. 238). He further adds that teachers need to be directive,

influential and caring, and must actively articulate their learning intentions and

provide feedback. Although this is a significant simplification of Hattie’s research,

which synthesised 800 meta-analyses related to student achievement, this outline of

the necessary steps to developing high expectations and quality relationships within

the classroom is a useful guide.

One outcome associated with expectations of quality teaching is that teachers

over the period of the research expressed greater confidence in teaching students who

had varying educational aspirations (see PPI 2). This came about through

professional learning opportunities for individual teachers and for teams, initiated by

myself and facilitated by the school: for example, mentoring training for the Year

Advisers.

In 2013 I had the opportunity to present some of the data collected for PPI 2 at

our WHS Annual Conference. These conferences are held for all staff at WHS

(administration and teaching), and are much-anticipated events that focus on the

school’s objectives and targets. This particular conference was titled Student

Engagement, where the vision for the conference was that of strengthening the

attachment of students to school. Various staff members presented sessions on

strategies that the school was employing. I presented one of the sessions during the

two day conference and, drawing on my research and scholarship, I communicated

the reasons for, and the benefits of, the school’s focus on student engagement


mentoring, subject selection guidance, case management of students and the

importance of planning for transition.

At the same time, Head Teachers, aware of the changing nature of the cohort in

the senior years, promoted courses that had Vocational Education and Training

(VET) accreditation and that were more practically based. Consequently, the choice

of subjects was now more varied, with the addition of Non-ATAR subjects and VET

subjects. Moreover, growth in student choice of English Studies (a non-ATAR

subject) was evident, with the initial class of 2011 becoming two classes in the

subsequent years. This was one reflection of the increase in the number of students

staying on from Years 10 to 11, and of acceptance of Head Teachers’ advice to

students (and parents and carers) as to their suitability for taking up particular course

levels.

In 2015, following the implementation of the Transition Adviser role (funded

for the years 2011-2014), a Year 10 Transition class was created for students who

intended to move on to apprenticeships, traineeships and employment after gaining

the ROSA (Year 10) qualification. The class attracted students who had indicated

their preference for a different pathway from that of completing Year 10 and then

moving into the senior years of study. In addition, the year advisers of the Year 10

cohort, as well as class teachers, nominated students whom they assessed as needing

extra support to complete Year 10. This particular class had a core of teachers who

had been selected to support students with their personalised learning plans. In

addition to their regular lessons at school, these students participated in the Links to

Learning program, a DoE-funded program that seeks assistance from non-profit

community groups to assist in re-engaging and supporting the retention of students

who are potentially early leavers. The program utilises community mentors and


offers a variety of courses (TAFE- and project-based: for example, Horticulture

studies) to re-engage students’ interest in learning and further education. Teachers

were specifically chosen by the senior executive; one of the main criteria for

selection was the ability to build the strong personal and classroom relationships that

are essential for productive learning (McGregor & Mills, 2012).

The school was keen to see greater student attachment to the school, and better

alignment of the school to post-school pathways. The strong student support

structures, the intensive literacy and numeracy teaching, and the planning of

individual pathways, were all necessary parts of the overall practices and strategies.

The Transition Adviser’s position continued in 2015, with some minor readjustments

to the role. The particular teacher who performed this role was keen to teach the Year

10 Transition class, and her area of focus therefore was on career lessons, transition

planning, and community and parent partnerships.

The multicomponent action plan (PPI 1), implemented in 2011, enabled

students to access more practical subjects: for example, Construction, Hospitality and

Retail Services, and Non-ATAR subjects such as English Studies. Individual

mentoring, targeted transition planning and clear post-school pathways also were

provided. These interventions supported students in staying on, and enabled

individually targeted students to participate more fully at school. Underpinning the

reforms in quality teaching was a coherent professional learning plan for WHS

teachers.

Professional learning

Professional learning of the teaching staff was the next crucial area in

improving retention at WHS. As a result of my participation in the EdD course, I was

able to clarify and refine my theoretical knowledge and skills in analysing and


researching educational articles, and interpreting data at some depth. A defining

feature in the WSU EdD program was the structured collegial cohort model, which

provided a supportive environment for candidates to come together for research,

discussion, training, professional networking and peer-support for further learning

and practice. Such a model meant that candidates would not be bereft of support in

navigating the solitary terrain of research and writing. In addition, the program

offered monthly seminars, workshops, network meetings and regular week-long

intensive blocks of workshops in research theories, methods, analyses and writing.

This postgraduate opportunity enabled me to develop both knowledge and

confidence in communicating the rationale for the multicomponent action plan to the

teaching staff, together with the selection of particular innovative interventions.

Along with this developing confidence came the opportunity to access other

university partners in implementing aspects of the plan. For instance, Professor

Andrew Martin, formerly of the University of Sydney, was able to guide the Student

Engagement Mentors in their role. This involved developing skills in identifying

students suitable to mentoring, and the conducting of questionnaires to ascertain

what students perceived to be their strengths and weaknesses in respect of school

participation. Concurrent with the targeted professional learning for individual

Student Engagement Mentors was whole-school professional learning for the staff on

the subject of Motivation and Engagement, presented by Martin. Thus, an

environment was being developed at WHS where: the focus was on all students,

there was an investment in professional learning, teachers were becoming informed

and were encouraged to take risks, the analysis of internal and external data was

emphasised, and there was a belief that we could, as a team, make a difference.


As the five components of the action plan were implemented, and teachers

were appointed to the various roles, it was essential that professional learning

underpin their activities. Consequently, the Transition Adviser, English Studies

teachers and VET teachers, together with the Student Engagement Mentors, were

recipients of in-depth and ongoing training. Description of this professional learning

is addressed in PPI 1 and PPI 3. The outcomes were such that the learning, reflection

and action in the field led to continuous improvements, refinements and sustained

support for students.

During my time in researching the area of retention, I also had the opportunity

to make presentations at academic and educational workshops. The first was at the

WSU Higher Degree Research Student Conference in 2012, where I outlined my

proposed research and the findings to date. At this stage, I was only beginning to

collect data and to grasp the enormity of the research.

More recently (2015), I presented to my colleagues at the State Principal

Council (SPC) conference in a workshop where Principals shared resources on

effective programs and initiatives in their school. I gave a presentation on the WHS

audit tool (PPI 3) which, in the local context of Fairfield West, had led to improved

retention over the five years from 2010 to 2014. I explained that the interventions,

whilst they were funded in the first instance by the NP monies, had become

embedded in the school’s welfare, curriculum and staffing structures. I also

highlighted that the role of Student Engagement Mentors had moved from stand-

alone positions to becoming an integral part of the Year Adviser role, with dedicated

time allocated to the role, and with the provision of supporting training in mentoring.

The next section expands on Dinham’s fourth interdependent fundamental,

educational leadership, and addresses the differences that the leadership of this


research and practice challenge has made to my personal, professional and scholarly

development.

Educational leadership

Throughout my doctoral candidature, I often reflected on the tensions between

working as an employee (agent) of the government and my development as a scholar

questioning the implications of government policy. As Principal, I was accountable

to my employer (DoE) for improved student retention rates and adherence to DoE

policies, in guiding the conduct of my students and providing the best possible

learning environment for them.

I had entered the role of Principal of WHS in late 2007, and felt at times that I

was trying to turn around a large ocean ship in stormy conditions far out at sea. I had

inherited a situation where there had been three principals (substantive and relieving)

in the three terms prior to the commencement of my new appointment. There were

processes and practices that were part of the school’s custom and tradition, but were

not necessarily examples of good governance. For instance, there had been a practice

of asking certain teachers to carry out higher duties (leading to a period allowance

and/or higher duties allowance), without due regard for the process of open merit

selection, available to all staff. Further, most aspects of the curriculum and of the

disciplinary, welfare and administrative systems needed reviewing and revising. The

general thinking of the staff seemed to be we have always done it like this and if it is

not broke, why fix it? To me however, some practices were clearly “broke” and did

need revisiting, and in some cases, discarding.

The fortuitous occurrence of a number of staff seeking transfers, promotions

and timely retirements meant that I had the opportunity to choose new staff to assist

in the implementation of new procedures and processes. Moreover, I was able to


choose staff whom I assessed as being innovative, positive and open to sharing the

vision that I had for the school. That vision was one of achieving excellence in all

areas of the school: in the academic, sporting, creative, social and physical learning

environments.

With regard to the physical environment, I had inherited a school that looked

aesthetically pleasing from the front entrance, with imposing gates, manicured

gardens and bright surroundings. However, it was only when I visited the school

(prior to my entry on duty) that I discovered the reality behind the facade. Behind the

front entrance were hidden a litany of issues and a host of repairs to be done. There

were run-down staff rooms, classrooms needing new carpet and paint, and

approximately 30 demountables in such an advanced state of disrepair that they were

fit only for demolition. Fortunately for the school and for me (as the leader), I had

entered the Principalship at a time which coincided with the dispersing of extra

funding for physical assets. The school began to benefit from an extensive and

prolonged period of refurbishment and renovation. The learning and physical

environment was now a place of which one could be proud to say, “I belong here,

this is my school”. A sense of improved staff morale and student pride in the school

began to develop.

First, the science laboratories were upgraded. Then a new hospitality (industry

standard) kitchen was installed. This meant that the school was able to cater for

students staying on by offering vocational courses such as Kitchen Operations and

Hospitality. Next, the office administration area was modernised. Following this, the

floor and curtains in the hall were upgraded. Subsequently, a number of staff rooms

were renovated with kitchenettes, new flooring and furniture. The demountables

were then all removed and replaced with modern structures. In addition, some extra


Federal Government funding meant that I was able to oversee the upgrade of a

dilapidated bulk store area and turn it into a dance studio with a sprung floor, wall-

size mirrors, ballet barres, curtains and a change area. The physical changes in the

built environment of the school over a number of years, boosted staff and student

morale, as they felt that their teaching and learning environment needs were now

being recognised and responded to. Hence, conditions for the staff and students were

enhanced by the upgraded environment.

During my first years of Principalship I was keen to improve not only the

physical environment but also the student outcomes. In my readings on school

improvement research, Dinham’s (2008) work on educational leadership (through the

lens of Baumrind’s typology of parenting styles) was valuable in helping me decide

on my approach in the implementation of strategies to improve the school’s retention

rates. On one level, I found this typology of leadership helpful in analysing my own

style, and my observations of other school leaders over time. While appreciating that

leadership is a complex area of study, I could see that there are situations that clearly

call for a relaxed and laissez faire style, whilst other contexts may demand

intervention and direct action. Dinham (2008, pp. 68-72) details the leadership

domains as follows: Authoritarian Leadership; Authoritative Leadership; Uninvolved

Leadership; and Permissive Leadership.

Dinham’s model categorised four kinds of leaders, on the basis of their

responsiveness and demandingness. He views the uninvolved leader as low in both

responsiveness and demandingness: either through neglect or low visibility, they are

remote, distant, and lack vision. Staff are left to their own devices, with the school

drifting, becoming reactive, and therefore underperforming. The authoritarian leader

in contrast is high on demandingness and expects compliance through respect for


their positional authority. Expectations are high, with an emphasis on control,

consistency and rules. The result is low risk taking, a dependence on the leader

making all the decisions, and a lack of development of leadership capacity in others.

The permissive leader is more responsive than demanding, and allows staff and

students a high degree of discretion, even indulgence. Staff and students have a high

degree of input, but the attention to consensus building means difficult decisions are

not dealt with. Expectations therefore are unclear, and there may be unclear and

contradictory systems and procedures. The lack of direction and accountability

works against progress and achievement for the organisation as a whole.

The last type of leader—the authoritative leader—was the model that I wished

to emulate. This leader is responsive, supportive and sensitive to individual needs,

yet also demanding of others. This leader is clear in their expectations of themselves,

staff and students. They set high standards and there is a reliance on the moral

authority rather than the positional authority of the leader. They achieve a balance of

consulting widely and acting alone in making decisions. In this regard, at WHS I

shared my authority with the senior executive, but took responsibility for the

decisions made. Authoritative leaders place a strong emphasis on professional

learning, and staff are trusted to venture into new areas of development. These

leaders communicate their vision for the school and believe in the capacity of staff to

continually evolve and improve.

Timperley (2011), in her work on professional learning, underscores the

importance of leaders promoting and participating in teacher professional

development, and the improved student outcomes that follow. Throughout my

research, while I was reading and considering various strategies for improving

retention, WHS teachers were also having professional conversations with their


colleagues on curriculum structures and support systems to enhance student

participation.

In an effort to improve my own professional and scholarly body of knowledge,

I joined the Secondary Principal Council Reference Group on Student Engagement

(from 2012 to 2013). The purpose of the reference group was to make

recommendations and enhance communication between schools and the DoE on the

implementation of the NSLA policy. The reference group comprised six DoE

secondary Principals from various schools in NSW, and the Coordinator of the

Student Engagement and Program Evaluation Bureau (SEPEB). The coordinator had

oversight of communicating policy to stakeholders, and the allocation of funds to

support retention programs across the state. My participation in this group enabled

me to articulate the challenges and unintended consequences of the NSLA policy on

my school. The sharing by group members of successful interventions, was also

informative in seeking to achieve the goal of 90% retention state wide. As

recommended by this group, the steps of evaluating programs and providing

evidence of successful interventions, were part of the accountability process that

schools were required to abide by in order to receive extra funding. Notably, this

evaluation was another compliance activity, set up by the DoE, and through which

schools benefited from extra funds, to supplement their plans of supporting students

to stay at school for the senior years.

According to Dinham (2008), the process of gathering evidence, continual

evaluation, planning and action, is evident in schools led by the authoritative leader.

He proposes that even “when change is externally imposed, authoritative leaders find

ways to use this to the school’s advantage” (Dinham, 2008, p. 72). This cycle of

evaluation, evidence, planning and action reflects the steps that were undertaken in


researching the area of retention at WHS. The school had been evaluated in a

number of domains: for example, through the process of receiving funding for the

National Partnership program to improve the educational outcomes for students in

low SES schools. After the implementation of the Multicomponent Action Plan, the

school’s internal data had been re-examined, and the school’s plan refined and

adjusted. Even though the policy of retaining students until 17 years of age had been

imposed on schools, the opportunity, through the provision of extra funding, to be

innovative in one low SES school enabled targeted teacher professional learning and

improved outcomes in student participation and retention.

Concluding comments

Over the five year period of this research there was an improvement in the

Apparent Retention Rates (ARR) of WHS, from 75% in 2010 to 92% in 2014. There

are a number of intersecting factors through which this might be explained:

government policy, parent and public perceptions, school strategies, and the lack of

permanent full-time employment positions for young people. Despite the

compulsory nature of the NSLA policy, students did nevertheless experience a

cultural shift of attitude in the years after 2010. Students reported that they were

more inclined to stay on at school until the end of Year 12. Furthermore, teachers

and executive staff also reinforced the government’s message of compulsory

schooling until 17 years of age, the importance of completing of Year 10, and of

developing a considered, planned post-school pathway. Indeed, the actions of the

whole school gradually became more aligned with the government’s ambitions for

retention, as expressed in the NSLA policy.

For the majority of students at WHS, the inclusive school structures and

personalised support assisted them in staying on, as indicated in the results of the


Tell Them From Me survey. The Report on Student Outcomes and School Climate

NSW Secondary Schools (2015) was useful in ascertaining the progress of WHS’

interventions over the period of 2010 to 2014. The Tell Them From Me survey was

conducted by DoE in government schools, and measured both school and classroom

effectiveness. At WHS, 1,145 students participated in the on-line survey from 3

March 2015 to 16 March 2015. The question on retention, where students were asked

about their plans for completing Year 12, was particularly relevant to my research.

Ninety-one percent (91%) of students at WHS had the intention of completing Year

12. The NSW average for the students surveyed was eighty-six percent (86%).

Interestingly, ninety-four percent (94%) of girls and eighty-eight percent (88%)

percent of the boys at WHS had aspirations to finish Year 12, compared with the

pilot norm of eighty-nine percent (89%) for girls and eighty-two percent (82%) for

boys. Therefore, it can be concluded that the school population as a whole has

moved in a positive direction in respect of intentions to complete Year 12, with 92%

ARR in 2014.

In addressing the challenges and implications of the NSLA policy, by drawing

scholarship and practice together, WHS under my leadership has not only improved

the school’s retention rates but also has acted on the quality of learning behind this

increase in student retention. The papers that follow in this portfolio give an account

of that journey from ordinary to extraordinary retention over a period of five years.

2. Professional Practice Initiative Year 1:

Multicomponent research-based action plan

Context and purpose

This PPI is an account of how an individual school increased retention

through a coherent multicomponent, research-based action plan, which was

developed in response to the New School Leaving Age (NSLA) legislation. This

change of New South Wales (NSW) government policy, in raising the compulsory

leaving age from 1 January 2010 required all students to complete Year 10 and be in

education, training and/or employment until they turned 17 years of age.

As described in Scholarly Paper 1, this change to the Education Act 1990 was

a greater challenge to schools in low Socio-Economic Status (SES) communities,

(commonly referred to as disadvantaged areas), where the retention rates from Year

10 to 12 are traditionally below the State Government’s aspirational target of 90%.

The challenge for government secondary schools in the low SES areas of South

Western Sydney (SWS), where the research school was located, was to provide

innovative curriculum structures, programs and support that would satisfactorily

meet the government’s target.

In 2007, when I began as Principal at Woodstock High School (WHS), the

retention rate was 64%. At that time, Department of Education (DoE) public schools

in NSW had a retention rate of 67.8%; for Australian schools nationally the retention


rate was 75.7% (ABS, 2013). This national rate comprised 70.6% retention for males

and 80.8% for females. That is, seven in every ten males, compared to eight in ten

females, were staying on for the completion of secondary schooling. Overriding the

gender imbalance (addressed in SP 2 and PPI 2) are the differences in retention rates

for students from advantaged (high SES) backgrounds compared to students from

disadvantaged (low SES) backgrounds. Polidano, Hanel and Buddelmeyer (2012, p.

8) calculate that the difference in school completion rates between low SES and high

SES students is as high as 23%. Polidano et al., (2012, p. 22) attribute this gap to

lower educational aspirations of low SES students and their parents, and lower

numeracy and reading test scores at age 15. They suggest that early intervention

programs are necessary in low SES schools, to increase academic performance and

educational aspirations, and parental involvement in ongoing, individual student

career counselling from early secondary school (p. 22).

Lamb and Rice’s (2008), Effective Strategies to Increase School Completion

Report, in identifying effective intervention strategies for school completion, point to

particular groups who are more vulnerable to early leaving. These include young

people from low SES backgrounds, Indigenous backgrounds, low achievers, those

with integration needs, students from families under stress and in neighbourhoods of

high poverty or in remote locations (Lamb & Rice, 2008, p. 3). From their literature

review and survey of 25 Victorian government schools that had better than expected

retention rates, Lamb and Rice concluded that:

What emerged as central to improving school engagement and completion for at risk

students was a series of targeted interventions and programs underpinned by a

supportive school culture or climate. (Lamb & Rice, 2008, p. 3)


The change in legislation required me (as Principal and researcher) to

examine school data around early leavers and lead the development of alternative

curriculum and welfare structures to support students in staying on for the senior

years. The school’s retention data pointed to a number of students leaving or exiting

the school system earlier than Year 12, and in some cases at the end of Year 10.

Before the policy change, some early school leavers secured traineeships,

apprenticeships and full-time employment, leading to positive outcomes in terms of

their participation in work and further education. Others, however, left school for

menial jobs, with little prospect of long-term employment or opportunities for

advancement. The crucial role in identifying early leavers and meeting their learning

needs was the challenge for myself as Principal and researcher, and for the senior

executive team (Principal and Deputy Principals).

The aim of this research was, therefore, to refine the senior curriculum

structures and welfare support within one low SES school to address the demands of

the NSLA policy and provide ambitious and valid pathways for the school’s students.

Despite my concerns (as outlined in SP 1), with the rhetoric surrounding the

extension of the leaving age, I was still responsible for and concerned with student

outcomes at WHS. Consequently, my objective was to implement a purposeful and

useful plan to improve retention rates based on my own research. That research is

systematically addressed in the sections that follow, beginning with an overview of

the process and context.


Section 1: Process and context

Response to DoE and government policy

As leader I was expected to translate the NSLA policy to staff, parents and

caregivers. The way that this was communicated by the DoE was in the form of

published bulletins by the email system and through the supply of leaflets to schools

with the recommendation (via a covering letter) to distribute the material to the

relevant stakeholders.

For some of my NSW Principal colleagues there were no requirements to

make any changes in their schools, as their retention rates were already high, with

most students continuing seamlessly from Year 10 to Year 12. However, for others,

(this was generally the case in low SES schools), the NSLA policy and the

unintended consequences (as outlined in SP 1) of some students staying on were

proving to be difficult to manage. Such difficulties were evident in the poor

attendance and/or disruptive behaviour from a minority of students who did not want

to stay at school after 15 years of age.

Therefore, from my analysis of the policy undertaken in PPI 1, and in

reflecting on my role as Principal in leading the school through this change, I

concurred with Niesche (2011) that:

Principals have at their disposal a range of discursive practices and techniques with

which they can normalise others within their school in order to achieve certain

outcomes. (Niesche, 2011, p. 19)

In reflecting on these discursive practices in the context of WHS, the staff

were mostly compliant with government policies, as they viewed students as being

the beneficiaries. Other common practices in schools, such as communicating


regularly and consulting stakeholders, seeking feedback and taking on

recommendations, all assisted in the implementation of the government’s plans.

Furthermore, Dean (1999, p. 12) states that, “Government concerns not only

practices of government but also practices of the self”. He suggests that to analyse

government is also to analyse those practices that try to “shape, sculpt, mobilise and

work through the choices, desires, aspirations, needs, wants and lifestyles of

individuals and groups” (Dean, 1999, p. 12).

What I was implementing at the school level was government policy but it

also required me (as the lead learner) to consider my aspirations for the school and its

students. Did I believe that the students who were not attending and participating

fully could be successful and complete Year 12? Were all leavers moving on to low

paying employment? How was I influencing the staff in the dialogue about the

government’s NSLA policy?

Niesche also clearly articulated this dilemma, saying:

The principal needs to be viewed as somebody who is not only subject to the

practices of government but also a vehicle through which government can regulate

the population. In other words, it is the surface practices of school-based

management and the effects on individuals, in this case the principal, through the

deployment of tactics and procedures. (Niesche, 2011, p. 33)

Various factors were considered, included taking into account my reflections,

the NSLA legislation coming into effect, the types of students staying on, as

indicated in the survey of student intentions and the gaps identified in the audit tool.

Following this period of reflection and consultation, the senior executive decided on

five areas within the curriculum structures and welfare system that needed

adjustment, refinement and improvement in order to support students staying on for


their senior years of schooling. Hence, the evolution of a multicomponent research-

based approach to facilitate increased retention.

Preliminary consultation and planning

The first stage in the process of improving the school’s retention rates was to

gain an understanding of the legislative requirements for the NSLA policy. As

Principal I attended a number of workshops organised by the DoE. In the initial

meetings, held in 2009, the seven Secondary Principals of the Fairfield School

Education Group (SEG) began the planning process for implementation of the

legislation in 2010. These workshops were led by the School Education Director

(SED) and were instrumental in navigating the uncertain landscape ahead. The issues

discussed included expected student numbers, curriculum options, trade schools,

alternative pathways and the support required to implement the necessary changes.

Meanwhile, the senior executive at my school digested the resources

produced by the DoE on the NSLA. Significantly, the folder on Guidelines for

Principals in Government Schools lacked detail, with merely one or two paragraphs

summing up the information available for each section. Nevertheless, the senior

executive at WHS read this material and distributed the information that was

appropriate to students, teachers and parents.

As Principal and the lead learner in the school I utilised the DoE resources

(Mitchell Report and workshops) and readings on retention strategies (Lamb & Rice,

2004; Lamb et al., 2008, DoE, 2008), in addition to my knowledge of what works in

low SES schools, to develop a suite of innovative interventions and strategies that

would meet the needs of students at WHS.

Policy changes and new programs were discussed and debated at the senior

executive level. A semi-structured plan was then taken to the executive team (Head


Teachers), discussed, and debated further, until there was a shared understanding and

agreement on the way to proceed. Decision-making at the executive meetings is

transparent and built on the principles of relational trust (Bryk & Schneider, 2003),

which I sought to establish at the outset of my Principalship in 2007. Relational trust

involves creating conditions within the school that foster trust amongst teachers and

leaders, so that they develop respectful exchanges and come to have a personal

regard for others. Relational trust may be demonstrated by listening to others,

respecting other viewpoints, and taking into account other perspectives when making

decisions. In addition, relational trust is demonstrated by personal competence to

perform core role responsibilities and the belief of leaders in the capacity of the team

members to extend themselves beyond the expected formal requirements. Lastly,

personal integrity and a commitment to improved student outcomes, underpins the

actions of the individuals in the organisation (Bryk & Schneider 2003). After initially

building trust, and communicating my long-term commitment to the school, I was

able to look at the areas within the school that needed improving. In what follows I

explain the tools I used to evaluate the school’s effectiveness in improving WHS’s

retention rates.

As the NSLA policy was being implemented I embarked on a process of

research and began collecting data, interviewing students and interviewing teachers

to review “what was going on” at WHS. Each aspect of data collection outlined in

Table 4 contributed to the development and refinement of an action plan for

improving retention at WHS.


Section 2: Data

This process of data collection resulted in the gathering of five forms of data,

which are systematically addressed in this Section in the order in which they appear

in Table 3. An indication of how these informed the development of the

multicomponent action plan to improve retention at WHS is also afforded.

Table 3:

Collection of qualitative and quantitative data

Retention Data Apparent and real retention rates from

the Australian Bureau Statistics (ABS)

website, DoE’s EMSAD & High

Performance Learning and Leadership

Directorate and the school’s internal data

collection of enrolments.

Attendance Data For all year groups from the DoE data

collection records, and the school’s

internal attendance and absence records.

Surveys Surveys of Year 10 students on their

senior schooling intentions (2010 and

2011).

Audit Tool Audit Tool on Successful Interventions

(adapted from Lamb & Rice’s 2008

research).

Interviews Individual interviews with students and

teachers, i.e. the Transition Adviser,

Student Engagement Mentor & English

Studies teacher, and the Manager of the

DoE Student Engagement and Program

Evaluation Bureau.

Retention matters

In order to improve retention rates it is necessary to identify past patterns and

benchmarks, so as to develop interventions appropriate to the research site. During


2010 I began to collect data on the school’s retention rates. Collection of data is a

common practice, specifically for educational leaders, in ascertaining trends,

formalising goals and realising targets for school planning. However, in this case, as

the data were collected for the purposes of scholarly research, there was more

thorough examination of particular areas of interest. For example, retention rates are

calculated by the DoE’s measurement unit, the Educational Measurement, Statistics,

Assessment and Data Directorate (EMSAD); later renamed High Performance

Learning and Leadership, after a realignment of DoE. This data is supplied to

secondary schools in late February for inclusion in the school’s annual report. Such

data consists of the school’s retention rate for students from Year 10 to Year 12, the

average retention rate for similar schools, and the NSW public schools’ retention

rate.

In examining this data it is important to distinguish between Apparent

Retention Rates (ARR) and Staying On (or real retention rates) for secondary

schools. The ARR of students is the official measurement of retention used by the

Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) at the national level. The ABS definition for

ARR is “the number of full-time students in a designated year of schooling,

expressed as a percentage of their respective cohort group at an earlier base year”

(ABS, 2013). For example, the Year 12 retention rate is calculated by dividing the

total number of full-time students in Year 12 in the target year, by the total number

of full-time students that were in Year 10 two years prior, or in some cases with the

number of full-time students in the base group of Year 7.

Staying on (or real retention) rates however, compare the number of students

enrolled in a cohort at one particular time with the number of students who are still

enrolled at that same school, or within the DoE system at a later period. For instance,


real retention rates measure the percentage of students in Year 12 who were enrolled

at the end of Year 10 and who then also completed Year 12 at that same

school/within the same system two years later.

In the ABS data ARR for males and females nationally are utilised, whilst

within the DoE systems, the real or staying on rates are the norm. This difference in

measuring retention rates nationally and state wide is problematic for this research, in

that comparisons of data need to be treated with care. For the purposes of consistency

ARR rates are used throughout this research, unless otherwise stated.

Table 4 depicts the retention rates from Year 10 to Year 12 for WHS

students for the years 2007 to 2010 (both apparent and real rates). The table records

the percentage of candidates who completed their Year 12 Higher School Certificate

(HSC), with the Year 10 School Certificate (SC) year as the base year. The table also

details the retention rates (real) for all public students in the State (NSW) and for

students in the Fairfield School Education Group (SEG). The SEG consisted of seven

secondary schools from the Fairfield area (located in SWS), all of which were co-

educational and low SES in designation.

Table 4:

Student Retention Rates (%) Years 10 to 12 for the years 2007 to 2010: Comparison

of WHS (school) to SEG (seven schools in the area) and NSW Public Schools (state)

Retention Rates SC 2005

HSC 2007

SC 2006

HSC 2008

SC 2007

HSC 2009

SC 2008

HSC 2010

WHS (Apparent)

WHS (Real)

64

64

70

68.6

74.2

74.2

75

71.7

SEG (Real) 67 70.9 72 73.5

NSW State (Real) 60.8 60.3 61.0 62.7

Source: DoE (2010) Secondary Data Summary Sheet for WHS from EMSAD


Since 2007 the school’s retention rates have been consistently above the state

average. Nevertheless, it is evident that prior to 2010 the rates of WHS, the SEG

schools and the State’s public schools were not meeting the government’s

aspirational target of 90% retention.

Another area which is problematic in comparing retention rates is the

different ages at which students in Australia start high school. For instance, until

2010 in Queensland, South Australia and Western Australia, students began

secondary school in Year 8, whereas for the other states and territories Year 7 is the

baseline. Adjustments to starting and leaving ages in 2010 subsequently have

brought uniformity nationally. Therefore, Table 5 details Year 7/8 to Year 12 ARR,

and Table 6 details Year 10 to Year 12 ARR, for the period 2007 to 2010.

Table 5:

Australia’s Apparent Retention Rates for Full-time School Students Year 7/8 to Year

12 2007-2010

Year 2007

%

2008

%

2009

%

2010

%

Males 68.8 68.9 70.8 73.2

Females 80.1 80.5 81.4 83

Source: ABS (2013)

Tables 5 and 6 illustrate that for the years 2007 until 2010 the ARR nationally was

trending upwards very slowly. The ARR for females was higher than for males for

successive years. This area of interest, revealing differences in male and female


retention rates with reference to females at WHS, will be examined further in SP 2

and PPI 2.

Table 6:

Australia’s Apparent Retention Rates for Full-time School Students Year 10 to Year

12 2007-2010

Year 2007

%

2008

%

2009

%

2010

%

Males 70.6 70.4 72.1 74.1

Females 80.8 81.0 81.5 82.9

Source: ABS (2013)

To reiterate, the change in legislation was a greater challenge to schools in

low SES areas, where the retention rates from Year 10 to 12 were below the state

average of medium or higher SES (advantaged) high schools. In the most recent ABS

data on Year 12 certification rates by socio-economic status, sex, state and territory

(2012), there is a marked difference in the number of students who met the

requirements of a Senior Secondary Certificate or equivalent (indicating the

completion of secondary school) between low SES and high SES groups. For

example, in NSW the difference was 14%. That is, 68% of the low SES group

achieved a certificate, compared to 80% in the high SES category. Overall, as a

nation, the difference between low SES and high SES groups was 13% in 2012; this

was only a slight improvement over previous years.

The reasons for the gap are multi-faceted, and have been explained through

lower levels of literacy achievement, different family expectations and student

aspirations, lower levels of school participation, and an unclear vision of post-school


options (Teese, Polidano, Hanel & Buddelmeyer, 2012). Therefore, the challenge for

WHS was to develop a plan that would build student confidence in their learning,

raise their educational aspirations, encourage and support greater school

participation, and develop clearer transition plans for post school. With these aspects

in mind I began to collect student attendance data to gain a holistic view, as the

literature generally links lower levels of participation at school to early leaving, and

thus to lower levels of retention (Lamb et al., 2004; Rumberger, 2001; Teese &

Polesel, 2003).

Why attendance matters

School attendance data includes whole days present and absent, partial days

present and absent, and overall attendance patterns by year group and gender.

Attendance data provide an overall picture of the patterns and areas of concern

(school refusers) that is evidence based, and tells a story of what is taking place. Are

students attending everyday, consistently, or is there a dip, for example, in a

particular year group? Is a particular cohort demonstrating the same patterns of

attendance from year to year or is there an issue with a few individual students

refusing to come to school? Is there a correlation between attendance and early

school leaving? All these questions needed to be addressed, in order to understand

the causes of early leaving and to implement school-based interventions to increase

retention.

Attendance data is gathered from the school’s internal record keeping

systems (Sentral) and the DoE Data Collections records. The internal system records

daily, weekly and yearly records for individual students, whereas the DoE site keeps

term, semester and yearly absences and attendance rates for each year group. The

school’s attendance data for Years 7-12 for the period 2007 to 2010, prior to the


NSLA legislation, was above both the NSW state and SWS region average, as

depicted in Figure 1. Whilst the school’s attendance data were trending positively,

some individual students required attendance monitoring and planned intervention.

Figure 1. WHS attendance data Years 7-12 for 2007 to 2010

It was only when the Situational Analysis (as explained in the Narrative) was

undertaken in 2010, for the purposes of National Partnership funding, that an in-

depth examination of the school’s quantitative data revealed interesting information

regarding gender differences in attendance. During this analysis the 2009 attendance

data for males and females was closely examined, as part of the evidence on which to

base planning and decision making.

Analysis of the data

The average days of absence for boys and girls in 2009 revealed a pattern of

girls in the junior years attending more than boys, whereas by the senior years the

reverse was true. For example, in Year 7 the average days of absence were evenly

spread between the genders, with an average of 5.5 days absence for boys and 4.2

days absence for girls. In Year 8 it was 6.6 days for boys and 6 days for girls. In Year

9, average absence rates were 9.7 days for boys and 8.1 for girls. In Year 10 it was

7.7 for boys and 8.3 for girls.

School Attendance Yr 7-12

87

88

89

90

91

92

93

94

95

2007 2008 2009 2010

School Region State


Table 7:

Average Days of Absence at WHS in 2009 for Boys and Girls

Year Average days absence

per boy

Average days absence

per girl

Difference in average annual

absence: boys and girls

7 5.5 4.2 - 1.3 days

8 6.6 6 - 0.6 days

9 9.7 8.1 - 1.3 days

10 7.7 8.3 + 0.6 days

11 5.2 8.7 + 3.5 days

12 4.6 8.9 + 4.3 days

Source: WHS internal attendance data records

Table 7 demonstrates that here is a significant change in student annual

absences with the gap between genders increasing from Years 10 to 12. From Years

7 to 9 the gap between boys and girls in average annual absences is to the advantage

of the girls (advantage in the sense of demonstrating a solid attendance pattern). With

the significant change in Years 10 to 12, the difference is inverted, in that the girls

have a significant increase in the number of days absent from school. (This was an

area for further investigation in the second year of this research).

In an attempt to understand this change in attendance over time I initially

speculated that boys who disliked school or wanted to work, traditionally left at the

end of Year 10 to apprenticeships, traineeships and employment. Therefore, the boys

who stay on for the senior years are more likely to be focused on, and subsequently

good attendees as they work towards, their HSC credential.

However, more detailed analysis suggests that some of the senior girls stayed

on because their options were more limited at the end of Year 10; their lack of

participation in the senior years of school was demonstrated by their poorer


attendance patterns. However, this pattern of gender difference could also be

attributed to family attitudes, curriculum choices, cultural expectations and the

unavailability of employment opportunities for young females in the labour market.

This area of concern was investigated in the second year of my research through

looking at the data on senior girls and their educational aspirations. After the

collection of attendance data, the research began to ascertain the intentions of Year

10 students for senior study.

Surveys

A number of surveys were undertaken for the purposes of ascertaining

students’ intentions post Year 10, and for evaluating in-school interventions. The

Year 10 surveys are addressed in this section, while evaluations of students’

experiences are discussed later, in the context of the in-school interventions.

The survey of student intentions post Year 10 (Appendix B) was completed by

two separate Year 10 groups of students. The first cohort completed the survey at the

end of 2010 and the second group at the end of 2011. The survey was designed by

the DoE in 2009 to assist schools with their planning of student numbers for the next

school year. Such planning informs the school management of the corresponding

number of staff required for the following academic year as well as the allocation

available for timetabling and accommodation needs.

The survey primarily asked students about their post-Year 10 intentions. It

was a straightforward survey with “tick a box” options, and the students were asked

to complete the survey to assist the school planning process for the next academic

year.


The options were:

1. Stay at school and enrol in Year 11

2. Leave school to enrol in other education or training

3. Leave school to go to full-time, paid work

4. Combine some of options 1, 2, or 3

All Year 10 students completed the survey in 2010 and 2011 after their yearly

examinations.


In 2010, 240 students were surveyed: 18 students (7.5%) indicated that they

were leaving either to attend another educational institution or to go to work, or were

unsure of their intentions for the next year. The breakdown of intended destinations

indicated that:

3 enrolled in another high school due to a change of residence,

10 enrolled in a TAFE course related to their apprenticeship/traineeship,

and

5 were unsure of their intentions.

As this was the first year of the NSLA policy coming into force, it appeared

that on the surface the legislation was working. That is, 92.5% of students were

saying that they were going on to the senior years for further study. Thirteen students

(5%) had definite plans and moved on accordingly. Only five students (2%) were

unsure, and of the five, four returned for Year 11 and one student did not return (their

whereabouts was unknown).

The 2011 survey results of the 238 students indicated that 15 students (6%)

were intending to leave school. The intended destinations were:


1 to full-time work;

5 to TAFE courses related to their apprenticeship;

1 returning home overseas (New Zealand);

8 intending to enrol in another educational or training institution.

Interestingly, only seven students (3%) left at the end of Year 10, and the

eight students intending to leave returned to Year 11 the following year. The most

influential factor in this was that the options for TAFE and other education providers

were becoming more limited, with the imposition of stricter entry requirements. The

responsibility therefore was now on our school to support the returning students to

choose subjects which would be suited to their learning needs and appropriately

aligned to their post-school aspirations.

As the surveys were carried out after the implementation of the legislation,

students and parents were aware of the NSLA requirement to stay on until 17 years

of age. This information had been conveyed by way of school newsletters, parent

information evenings and general media coverage throughout the state. It was

apparent that each year at WHS, fewer and fewer students left at the end of Year 10,

and a culture developed after 2010 in which Year 12 was now perceived as the

endpoint of secondary education. The numbers of students that left after Year 10 and

before Year 12 (two year period) gradually decreased from 88 in the years 2005 to

2007, to 63 in 2008 to 2010 and lastly, to 17 in the years 2012 to 2014. Students who

left after Year 10 were few in number, and the reason was usually due to a change in

residence, offer of a selective place at another public school, or the opportunity of an

apprenticeship or traineeship.

The trend of declining numbers of early leavers pointed to the effect of

government legislation and the changing culture within the school in regard to


staying on. Further research to refine our school practices and to support students

staying on was informed by the use of an audit tool to identify appropriate

interventions that was based on the work of Lamb and Rice (2008).

Audit tool

The audit tool Effective intervention strategies for students at risk of leaving

school early (Appendix A) was adapted from the work of Lamb & Rice (2008) as

part of the DoE support package for schools. The audit tool comprised three focus

areas: supportive school culture, school-wide strategies and student-focused

strategies, along with corresponding interventions that had been successful in

Victorian secondary schools in improving retention rates (Lamb & Rice, 2008).

At an NSLA workshop in early 2010, DoE personnel gave out copies of this

audit tool and encouraged the participants to think about the following questions:

Does your school look like this?

Supportive school culture—striving for continuous improvement, commitment to

success for all, shared vision, encouraging student responsibility and autonomy, as

well as flexibility and responsiveness to individual needs and high expectations from

the leader and teachers.

School-wide strategies: broad curriculum, offering VET options, smaller class

sizes, team-based approaches to teaching, learning and pastoral care, community

service, priority professional development, pathways to planning and quality careers

guidance, cross-sectoral initiatives, early intervention to support literacy and

numeracy skill growth.


Student-focused strategies: attendance policies and programs, welfare support,

tutoring, creative arts-based programs, targeted financial support, planning pathways

for at-risk students, mentoring and student case management. (DoE, 2009)

During the workshop we were given the opportunity to read through the

categories of interventions and review the situation of our individual schools. Time

was also given to discuss the interventions listed, along with other localised

strategies, with other workshop participants. This was a worthwhile exercise, as

participants were given time to reflect, discuss, debate and think about their current

school and determine if some of the interventions proposed in the audit tool were

feasible.

After the workshop I worked with my senior executive to assess the situation

at WHS. We had already collected a range of data to date, but the audit tool enabled

us clearly to see the “gaps” in school-based strategies.


The senior executive identified, by consensus, the “gaps” at WHS, an

overview of which is given below. These gaps then led to the implementation of a

number of multicomponent intervention strategies to improve retention:

Supportive school culture: whilst there were high expectations for most students

there was still an attitude, conveyed by a minority of teachers, that some students

should not be at school. Their view was that leaving at the end of Year 10, or when

they turned fifteen, was the most viable option for such students. Therefore, as the

senior leaders in the school, we needed to consistently communicate the NSLA

changes and address any thinking that did not embrace the change.


Moreover, we saw that there were limitations with the current assessment and

curriculum structures in terms of their responsiveness and flexibility with individual

students who were not participating fully (attending every day, attending on time,

completing classwork and competing assessments). In this regard we decided that we

needed to adjust our curriculum structures to cater for the move from the junior to the

senior years by offering an opportunity to sample courses for Years 11 and 12.

School-wide strategies: the school offered a broad curriculum, but further investment

was now required, to develop and offer other subjects (Vocational and Non

Australian Tertiary Admissions Rank [ATAR]) to students who were now staying

on. Another area of need was for quality careers guidance and counselling. While the

school provided general careers lessons and advice, such counselling advice was not

intensive; nor was it targeted for students who desired to move on. Therefore, the

assessment was made that we should implement more rigorous subject counselling

during the selection of courses for the senior years and thereby expand the role of the

careers team.

Student-focused strategies: the school had a comprehensive student welfare structure,

with year advisors and general programs: for example, peer-support, study and social

skills. It was decided however that the areas of student case management and

mentoring should be targeted, in order to improve overall student participation. There

were some students who required targeted support and individual mentoring, in order

to adapt well at school. Issues such as a lack of organisation and lack of confidence

in their own ability were hindering some students’ progress (as reported to the senior

executive by the welfare team). The pathways planning for at risk students was also


considered a top priority, as Year Advisers were reporting (at their fortnightly

meetings) their concerns regarding the poor attendance, truancy and non-submission

of assessment tasks with some students.

The outcomes of the audit, combined with the knowledge that students from a

wider range of abilities would be staying on, resulted in the implementation of a

broader range of subjects in the senior years, along with the introduction of the

Student Engagement Mentors and Transition Adviser roles. Research by Murray and

Mitchell (2013) on re-engaging early school leavers in further education found that

the main reason for early leaving was a dislike of school, and negative relationships

with teachers. Further, they found that school practices that hindered staying on

consisted of limited subject choices, lack of curriculum relevance, students’

experience of academic failure, and teachers having low expectations of students. An

overriding consideration at WHS in refining curriculum and welfare structures was to

build students’ confidence in their ability and to help them see the relevance of their

learning to post-school options: this was pivotal in improving participation, and

thereby retention. It was determined that the relevance of the findings of the audit,

and the proposed plans for intervention that were developed from it, would be

assessed by interviews with students and teachers.

Interviews

Individual interviews were conducted with three teachers and nine students

over the course of the research period (2011-2014). Some students (male and female)

were initially interviewed regarding their reasons for moving on from school. At a

later period in the research, a small number of female students were interviewed, to

ascertain their educational aspirations and their reasons for staying on for the senior

years.


Student interviews

The student interviewees consisted of two males and seven females, and

ranged from 15 to 17 years of age. Of the nine students interviewed, five interviews

(two male and three female: Group 1) were conducted on an individual basis, using

semi-structured questions (Appendix C). The remaining four students (all female:

Group 2) were interviewed in pairs, and more open-ended questions were utilised.

All interviews were audio-taped and transcribed. The average length of interviews

for the students ranged from fifteen minutes to half an hour. The interviewees in

Group 1 were Year 10 students who had indicated in their survey of intentions,

conducted at the end of 2010, that they were planning to leave school. The students

were asked to participate in the research by their year adviser, and given the

opportunity to opt out at any time. The interviews took place in an office at the

school during school time.

Initial interviews were conducted with Group 1 to elicit and tease out their

reasons for leaving school. These particular students were chosen because they had

indicated that they were not intending to transfer to another secondary school, but

were resolute in their decision to leave school and seek an apprenticeship, traineeship

and/or employment. The analysis of the data from the interviews with Group 2 is the

subject of PPI 2 and SP 2.


Detailed reading of the transcripts informed identification of the themes:

reasons for early leaving; reasons for staying on; educational aspirations; choice of

subjects; personal influences and support; connectedness; and consequences of the

NSLA policy. The focus of comments here specifically addresses the reasons given


for early leaving, which typically included a preference for a training, rather than

academic, pathway.

Reasons for this preference varied among students. Robert clearly articulated

his reason for early leaving as a financial one: “I‘m thinking of leaving to go to

TAFE. I want to work with my uncles because they make big money”. Some students,

like James, had a clear vision of their post-school plans and viewed the senior years

as not being necessary to get to his desired destination:

I am going to TAFE to do metal fabrication and then get a job—good job. It’s just

that Year 11 and 12 isn’t really necessary for what I want to go into, I’d rather start

early and get into a job.

Jennifer, who also wished to leave at the end of Year 10, stated similar

reasons to that of James: “I’m hoping to look for a traineeship, if I can’t find it then

I’ll stay but if I can I prefer to go”. Jennifer went on to talk about her options and

stated that she felt Years 11 and 12 would be unproductive for her, as she knew what

she wanted to do and her post-school destination did not require the senior years of

study: “That way would be better than to stay in school for another two years and

then start because I’ll have advantage of those two years . . . it’s better than staying

in school.” In contrast, Tiffany, who had not found school easy (she had attendance,

participation and achievement difficulties, as recorded on the school’s internal

systems) commented: “I don’t want to continue to Year 12. I never really saw myself

getting my HSC. I just want to go to TAFE.”

Tiffany’s educational aspiration to attend TAFE was shaped by her

perception of its appeal, based because on the adult learning environment and the

practical nature of classes, in contrast to the theoretical courses in Years 11 and 12.

Further, some, like James and Gemma, who had experienced taster TAFE courses


(called Gateways—explained in full in PPI 3) felt that the TAFE teachers treated

them like adults, and therefore developed a stronger connection with them. For

James, his TAFE teachers: “were nice and I connected with them”. Similarly

Gemma, who had poor school attendance, when speaking about her TAFE

experience noted: “I just like getting out of school for a bit and it’s just different

because we don’t get treated like little kids”.

The comments made by these students reflect findings in the literature on

early leavers that point to factors like wanting a job and/or money; dislike of school

and/or negative relationships with teachers; and/or seeing the senior years as not

adding value to their current career aspirations (Lamb et al., 2004; Murray &

Mitchell, 2013). None of the students interviewed articulated a dislike of school or a

concern regarding negative relationship with teachers, but understandably, the

constraints of the voluntary nature of being interviewed by the Principal of the school

may have restricted the voicing of such concerns. Some, like James and Gemma did,

however, intimate that the connection with caring adults at TAFE was important in

their transition. Therefore, the importance of a stronger attachment to school, and the

importance of teachers building relationships based on respect, were becoming

clearer as the interviews proceeded.

As Lamb et al., 2004 point out, “not all early leaving is ‘bad’” (p. 147), and

moving to a job, apprenticeship or traineeship can be a positive outcome for the

student, their family and the school. The next sub-section details the interviews with

those teachers who were closely involved in the multicomponent action plan at

WHS, and one of the main departmental staff members responsible for funding of

projects after the implementation of the NSLA .


Teacher interviews

One male teacher and two female teachers were interviewed (Appendix D),

and the average length of their interviews was one hour. Two of the interviewees

were staff members working at the school, and therefore the interviews were held at

school in a private office. The roles of these two staff members were those of the

Student Engagement Mentor and Transition Adviser. The purpose of these interviews

was to identify the types of students intending to leave school early, their reasons for

leaving, and the reasons for some students not fully participating in school life. A

third individual interview was conducted with the Coordinator of the SEPEB at her

workplace. Her position was within the head office of DoE and included the

provision of support for schools state wide on the implementation of the NSLA. This

interview focused on the implementation of the policy in schools and examined the

programs and interventions of support that were on offer.


The teachers had the following to say about students intending to move on, or

those intending to stay on but not fully participating in school life: The Student

Engagement Mentor thought that the reasons for some students not participating fully

were: “Absence from school, truancy, not submitting assessment work . . . related to

. . . what’s happening at home, lots of personal issues unrelated to school”.

The Transition Adviser stated that early leavers generally had lower levels of

academic achievement and found the theoretical content in the senior years not

relevant or not well-aligned to their educational aspirations:

Many of these students were not attending school at all or they were not engaged in

the classroom by not following instructions, not bringing any equipment, not


handing in assignments, disrupting the class and the learning of others . . . they find

school boring . . . and don’t see any point to it.

The Transition Adviser added: “The majority of them are hands on learners . . . a lot

of them have lower literacy and numeracy levels and learning difficulties . . . they get

behind and then they give up”.

Whilst some students cite the desire to seek work and the dislike of school as

reasons for leaving school early, other students have personal difficulties to contend

with that cause them to not complete their senior years of secondary education.

Issues of transience, ill health, homelessness, pregnancy and erratic attendance

pattern can result in “a downward spiral of academic achievement . . . to low

academic self-esteem and disengagement from school” (Lamb et al., 2004, p. 15).

The coordinator of the SEPEB provided insightful analysis concerning early

leavers, and how school structures were hindering staying on for some students.

Other concerns, of lower literacy and numeracy levels leading to poor participation

and lower levels of academic achievement, also featured:

There was very much this culture that the HSC was really for the academically

strong kids without taking into account their growth in VET and other curriculum

options. There was always a view, I think in many schools, that you weeded out

those kids that were simply not going to make the grade in an academic sense in the

senior years of schooling . . . these tended to be kids who weren’t engaged, and

more often than not their lack of engagement, I think, was directly related to poor

literacy and numeracy levels. They were certainly kids who didn’t come from

families with a strong sense of purpose about education.

These comments succinctly sum up the issues for students from low SES

communities. The highlighted words “academically strong”, “poor literacy and


numeracy levels”, epitomise the situation for low SES students who start school with

lower levels of cultural resources, with the gap widening as they progress through

primary and high school (Teese & Polesel, 2003). This is turn affects their levels of

self-esteem and confidence, leading to poor subject choices and a dislike of the

theoretical nature of some senior courses.

The coordinator of the SEPEB also suggested some innovative strategies to

support students staying on:

It’s about differentiating the curriculum, and it’s about meeting the kids’ needs. It’s

about hands-on learning. It’s about relevant learning, relating the learning as often

as possible to the world outside. It’s about connecting the kids and the school as

often as possible with the outside world, bringing in people to talk to the kids about

their work, how they go about it, how they got there, the sorts of things they do. . . .

What underpins that is really widespread careers advice so that the kids are talking

about, right from the outset, what they want to get out of their secondary education.

These comments reinforce research findings (Lamb et al., 2004; Rumberger,

2001) that identify innovative strategies that can work in low SES schools:

early intervention in literacy and numeracy; targeted careers advice in the junior

years; mentoring of students; a broad range of subjects on offer—some with practical

components; and exposure to multiple post-school pathways where students can see

the link between school and further training, education and/or employment.

With such a rich source of information from these teacher interviews, it was

clear that WHS needed a multicomponent action plan which would make learning

relevant and purposeful, whilst also providing careers advice which was individually

tailored, along with case management and mentoring for particular students.


The final action plan was subsequently devised in response to the government

policy of NSLA, and the investigation of the data through the audit tool and

interviews allowed the WHS senior executive to implement relevant interventions in

improving the retention rates.

Section 3: The Multicomponent Action Plan

The qualitative and quantitative data collection involved retention and

attendance rates, surveys, interviews and the audit tool, which informed the

development of the multicomponent action plan. The data collection overall pointed

the senior executive to the need for more inclusive school structures, strategies to

strengthen students’ attachment to school, staff practices for building relationships

with students and stronger connections with community groups.

The challenges that were posed by the new school leaving age policy and the

particular context of WHS in a low SES community, led to the development of an

action plan aimed at increasing the retention of students to Year 12. The

multicomponent action plan specifically addressed the subject selection process from

the junior to the senior years, the curriculum structure in the senior years and the

personnel to support student success in the senior years. The processes through

which each facet of the plan was developed are outlined in the next section. The

resultant curriculum and welfare action plan for 2010 (and beyond) comprised five

components that address the retention and participation of students in the senior

years, in the light of the NSLA policy. These five components were:

1. A modified senior subject selection process from the junior to senior years;

2. The introduction of a non-ATAR English Studies course;

3. The introduction of taster courses for Year 10 (in the second half of term 4);


4. The introduction of student support in the form of Student Engagement

Mentors; and

5. The implementation of the role of Transition Adviser.

The five components were to be part of a coherent and comprehensive plan of

refining curriculum systems and improving welfare support structures. The first

component related to modifying the subject selection process in the transition from

the junior to senior years.

1. Subject selection process

In the publication So Who Goes to University, (produced by the National

Partnerships [NP] Unit [DET]), concern was expressed about the lower numbers of

students attaining university places from low SES backgrounds. In response, the

package:

Aims to share the strategies and approaches teachers and other school staff are using

to improve student attainment, and develop students’ awareness of and interest in

undertaking higher education. (NP, 2010, p. 3)

A number of strategies and approaches were mentioned, including strategies for

student aspiration, parent engagement, targeted tutoring to increase attainment in key

subjects, mentoring, homework/learning centres, and supporting students in subject

selection. This last area of subject selection support emphasised the:

Alignment of student subject selection with their academic performance in Year 10

. . . (and with) their higher education study intentions, including selection of

necessary pre-requisite subjects . . . (and) spread of subject selection. (NP, 2010, p.

35)


Individual planning and subject counselling are crucially important, and more

particularly at WHS, where students may be the first member of their family aspiring

to attend university. In addition, parental expectations, whilst sometimes high for

individual students, can also at times be misplaced. For instance, the Deputy

Principals at WHS and I have been involved in interviews with parents and carers

who have aspirations for their son/daughter to participate in a particular university

course that may be exceedingly out of the range of the student’s current level of

achievement. The senior executive, in conducting meetings with parents and carers,

produce extensive evidence regarding attendance, application and assessment marks

to guide parents and carers on the most appropriate courses for their son or daughter.

In this regard it was evident that there was a need for individualised counselling and

guidance for our students in choosing subjects that cater for their interests and that

are relevant to their post-school ambitions.

For example, the choice of three subjects that required major projects—for

example, Visual Arts, Society and Culture and Textiles—can become a time

management issue for some students. Similarly, a combination of VET courses often

results in time out of school for compulsory work placements, taking students away

from set classwork.

Another area of concern is when students chose subjects based on myths

about the HSC scaling process and on misinformation about prerequisites for

University courses. For example, some students are of the view that enrolling in the

higher levels of Mathematics Extension 1 and 2 will improve their overall ATAR,

regardless of their ability in the subject. The approach to decision making about the

choices of subjects offered, and the processes for students selecting subjects, utilised

an established pattern, with the involvement of the senior executive followed by


consultations with Head Teachers and curriculum committee members. Therefore,

the new subject selection process involved a broader range of subjects, detailed

information and handouts from each Head Teacher on the subjects offered, a parent

information evening to explain the new process, support from year advisors to fill the

selection forms in, counselling for each student from the Deputy Principals and Head

Teachers, and a checking and rechecking of the forms against agreed criteria.

In trialling the new subject selection process in 2011, the usual subject

selection evening was held in the school hall. The participation of parents and carers

was observed by the staff present to be more active, compared to previous years. The

contrast was apparent in that parents and carers were now more actively participating

in discussions with the head teachers, year advisers and the deputies. When the same

process was repeated in following years, the impact of energised participation was

replicated. That is, students and parents were more active in seeking information and

taking notes, and asked questions readily. This was in marked contrast to the

apparently passive stance of past years, where parents attended, sat in their seats and

discreetly left at the end of the subject selection process without making any contact

with any of the teaching staff.

The senior executive’s understanding, after anecdotal conversations with

teachers, students and the interviews of selected students as part of this research

project, was that the subject selection process was perceived as fair and transparent

and resulted in a high level of student satisfaction. For example, in interviews with

students who had intended to leave school early, it was apparent that the new process

supported their subject choices and future career decisions. Robert, for example said

that: “It changed my decision of what I wanted to do and made me think carefully . .


. first I wanted to be like my uncle [an electrical engineer] but I changed my mind

and I decided to do computing”.

Moreover, the rate of changing subjects decreased from 70 changes in 2010

to 20 in 2011. This decreased rate of change was also reflected in subsequent years.

Changing subjects is the process of students starting a course in the preliminary year

and then deciding to change from that subject to another within the first half of Term

1. A high number of subject changes can be destabilising, as class numbers fluctuate

and students then need to catch up on the work that is missed upon late entry to their

new class. A decrease in subject changes therefore, contributed to less change in

students’ studies and greater overall stability.

The areas that were refined in 2011 and continued in practice thereafter, were

related to subject choice counselling. It was decided to limit the subject counselling

role to three staff members only. This was to avoid mixed messages and

misinformation about subject content, ATAR and university requirements. In

addition, this had the effect of consistency in and screening of subject choices. For

instance, the three staff counsellors, in consultation with the senior executive, were

able to use the current student data to ascertain the correct level of course

enrolments. That is, for example, whether, in the field of Mathematics, a student

should do 2U Mathematics, General Mathematics or Applied Mathematics, or

similarly Standard English, Advanced English or English Studies.

Another area of concern from previous years, as mentioned earlier, related to

students who enrolled in a number of subjects requiring major works. This was

problematic in terms of students’ workload and time management. Major works for

HSC subjects are due at the Board of Studies’ Teaching and Educational Standards

(BOSTES) for marking at the same time of the year, and this period of time also sees


the holding of Trial HSC examinations. Therefore, students would be juggling the

demands of revising for examinations and completing major works that make up a

large component of their internal assessment. This has led to peaks of work overload

at critical points in the year, where major works are then rushed or incomplete.

Consequently, it was decided by the senior executive to encourage the

students to choose only one subject with a major work component, or two if the

candidate had demonstrated the capacities of organisation and time management

skills necessary to handle such a commitment. The ongoing refinement of the

subject selection process continued over the period of the research, reflecting normal

operational practices in schools. The second component of the action plan was the

introduction of new subjects in the senior school for the purpose of broadening the

choice and provision of subjects with relevant content for the students who were now

staying on.

2. New English Studies subject

After conducting the student surveys (Appendix B) on post Year 10

intentions, it was clear to me that most students intended to stay on for the senior

years. This meant that the school needed to review its curriculum options, as the first

step in the multicomponent action plan. The current subjects in the senior school,

whilst broad in number, were still limited in terms of their interest and skill level for

the range of students that would now be staying on. It was acknowledged that the

school had a broad array of subjects compared to other high schools in the state, but

this was due to the flexibility allowed by the existing numbers of students in the

senior school. (The smaller the senior student numbers in a secondary school, the

more this limits the diversity and range of subjects the school can offer, as student

numbers determine teacher to student ratios). Nevertheless, it was clear that for some


students, the content and assessable tasks of some subjects (in teachers’ professional

judgement) would prove difficult, on the basis of their ability levels and the need for

possible sustained engagement in the long term.

Meanwhile, an opportunity was provided by the BOSTES for schools to be

part of a pilot project in implementing an alternative English Studies course. WHS

subsequently applied for this offer and was successful. The rationale to move in this

direction was based on the anecdotal data forwarded by the school’s English

department. The view was that the current Year 11 and 12 courses (while

academically rigorous) would not be suitable for students who traditionally left at the

end of Year 10, but who would now be expected to stay for senior schooling. The

course was a non-ATAR Content Endorsed English course, which meant it did not

count towards the awarding of an ATAR for entry into university, but did count

towards the awarding of an HSC.

As detailed by BOSTES, the following material on candidature eligibility was

issued to schools:

Candidature

English Studies addresses the needs of a specific group of students who wish to

complete and be awarded a Higher School Certificate but who are seeking an

alternative to the current Standard English course. The course contributes to the

required Preliminary pattern of study of 12 units and HSC pattern of study of at least

10 units. The course is not examined externally. Results in the course are not eligible

for inclusion in the calculation of the Australian Tertiary Admission Rank (ATAR).

(BOSTES, 2010)

Our response was immediate, and a teacher undertook additional professional

learning in preparation for teaching and writing units of work for this new course.


The teacher said that: “It was professionally rewarding to see these units being

actuated in the classroom, having spent significant time writing the units and

creating resources”.

The students who were selected at WHS were mainly those who traditionally

would have left at the end of Year 10, and also those students who had demonstrated

low levels of literacy skills in the junior years. After further analysis by the Head

Teacher English, and English teachers, students were selected on the basis of the

following, more detailed criteria:

Lower levels of performance in the Year 10 English Course and common

assessment tasks;

D and E grades in the School Certificate English-Literacy Examination;

Non participation in the completion of assessments and assignments in

English; and

Teacher identification of low levels of participation by students in English

classes.

After providing guidance on post-school options and after an examination of

students’ English results, eighteen students were selected by the English teachers as

eligible for the English Studies class. Parental permission was obtained, and a class

was formed. The numbers fluctuated during the year, as some individuals moved on

to full-time employment. Overall, with students enrolling and leaving, 21 candidates

successfully completed the HSC English Studies course at the end of 2011, and 26

candidates at the end of 2012. In 2013, 47 students selected English Studies for the

preliminary course, leading to the formation of two substantial classes. Subsequently,

two other teachers in the English faculty were trained in this subject by the teacher of

the 2011 class. The increase in student numbers from 21 to 26 and then 47, indicated


the need for this type of course. The number of students staying on equated

approximately to the number who would have usually left at the end of Year 10

before the NSLA policy came into effect.

The students in the class varied in their abilities and application. There were

students who were not capable (as identified by the English staff) of coping with the

rigorous expectations and the analytical approach of the Standard English course.

There were also students who were capable, but who were not pursuing the

university pathway and who were therefore able to focus on personal interests within

the English area in a supportive environment.

The perceived benefits to all students in this class (as outlined by the English

Studies teachers) were as follows:

greater student interest in the content, where modules were built around

the student’s interest rather than specific text types;

greater flexibility regarding content, where units of work were delivered

in 20 or 40 hour formats that catered to the cohort’s needs;

fewer assessment tasks, as there were fewer outcomes for the English

Studies (CEC) course, compared to other Stage 6 English courses;

the possibility of a better balance for students who choose a primarily

VET-oriented pathway and/or an HSC pathway with subjects that have

practical/major work elements;

the pressure to complete formal examinations was minimised, as marks

were recorded and sent to the Board of Studies as a school assessment

result only (and not for moderation or exam purposes); and

the provision of alternatives for students seeking an HSC but not wishing

to gain an ATAR for university admission.


The teachers of the English Studies courses in 2010 and 2011 observed (in

their evaluations to the Senior Executive) that they were pleased that these classes

were not viewed as classes for students with behaviour issues. It was reported in the

English Studies network meetings that in other pilot schools, some English Studies

classes were composed of students with disruptive behaviours who were not serious

about their senior studies.

The teachers of the course assessed its outcome and success in view of two

outcomes. First, course completion—where more students (numerically) completed

the course than had originally started with it. This was partly due to new enrolments

during the year, and as a result of a few students moving from Standard English to

the English Studies course. In 2011 to 2014, two classes were formed each year.

Such progress indicated a demand, students’ willingness to accept and identify their

capabilities, and a growing confidence in the teachers’ view of the appropriateness of

this course. It could also be seen that the attention to modules within this course for

transition into the workforce, and for improved literacy skills, was a benefit to

individual students and their future employment and/or study.

Secondly, students who were previously in Stage 5 (Years 9 & 10) and had

experienced difficulty in completing assessment tasks, were now submitting tasks as

required. The English Studies teachers agreed that the content was more practical and

related to the students’ everyday situations. They also reported that students were

finding the content level more appropriate to their literacy levels and were therefore

exhibiting greater levels of confidence in the classroom. The English Studies

teachers stated that this was a result of the correct placement of students in a course

which was suited to their needs.


English Studies evaluation

An end of course evaluation was completed by all students in 2011. Initially,

students were asked in class to evaluate the course through a simple questionnaire.

Many students said that they now had greater confidence in public speaking

situations. In the section which invited further comments about the course, some

students said that they: “Were able to contribute more freely to class discussion”.

Others summarised similar sentiments, saying they “did not have to care about what

people think”, in reference to teacher-directed discussions in class. These comments

were reported in the questionnaire by a number of students, in different ways, and

reflected the benefits of the smaller size class, where students were of comparable

ability and could participate in a more supportive peer environment.

Some students expressed partiality for the employment sections of the

teaching units as being useful in knowing how to respond to job advertisements and

how to conduct themselves in interview situations. The On the Road—English for the

world of travel unit was very popular, and the students particularly enjoyed

delivering PowerPoint presentations on the destination of their choice. The English

Studies teachers felt that this enhanced participation in their learning was a positive

outcome for the students undertaking the pilot course.

The English Studies teachers suggested that in the future, students should be

encouraged to pursue the HSC path that was most suitable for them, and be

counselled to consider realistic English course options. The English Studies teachers

concluded that this course was valuable, was an appropriate alternative for students

who would have been early leavers in the past, and was integral to addressing the

needs of students who preferred a non-university pathway. Thus, the introduction of

this course (as one aspect of the action plan) was vital in meeting the literacy needs


of students, and provided purpose and relevant links to post-school options. The third

component of the action plan for examination in the next section was the taster

courses.

3. Taster courses

Another area in the curriculum which is viewed as problematic for a number

of schools, including WHS, is the time between the external School Certificate (SC)

examinations and the last day of term, as nominated by the DoE. This period has

been a vexed issue for school Principals, generates fervent discussion at conferences

and receives considerable attention on the Principals’ shared email system (which is

the method of communication for secondary principals).

WHS traditionally managed this challenging period of time by organising

camps, arranging work experience and other school-based activities. The students

know that these activities were unrelated to their School Certificate study, as grades

had already been submitted to BOSTES. Consequently, the onus is on schools to

keep students actively engaged, and a directive from the Deputy Director General of

Education affirms this stance. The directive arrives annually and outlines attendance

requirements, then mandates the last day for the completion of Year 10 and even

suggests programs for the intervening period (usually five weeks approximately).

After a few years at WHS (as Principal) and after observing a pattern of non-

attendance and a lack of application of Year 10 students for the period in question, I

decided that another approach was necessary. This transition arrangement of fill in

activities resulted in poor levels of student attendance and participation. However,

with the impetus of the NSLA policy and the completion of the audit tool for NP

funding, came the opportunity to be innovative in this transitional period between the

junior and senior years. I could see that this period of five weeks was a loss of


valuable teaching and learning time. To an educational leader set on improving

outcomes for all students, this break in “real learning” sent all the wrong messages to

the students who were about to embark on their senior studies the next year.

I sought information about what other schools were doing, examined the DoE

suggested programmes (on the website) and held discussions with the senior

executive team. Other schools were experimenting with camps, work experience,

study skills sessions and roll-over courses. Roll-over, or taster courses as they were

sometimes called, referred to the process of rolling over the whole school to begin

the next stage of schooling but not at the conventional time, the beginning of the

academic year. Thus for Year 10, the students would be rolling over to begin Year 11

taster courses in the final weeks of their Year 10 study. After examining these

options and deliberating on the context of the school, I decided that the best course of

action was to embark on a roll-over or taster period for Year 10. The reason for

choosing this option was that the schools which had embarked on this approach

could verify (with their attendance data) that students were now attending school

regularly. Further conversations with their executive relayed that there was active

participation of students in the classroom as a result.

The decision for taster courses involved a paradigm shift for students and

teachers, because Year 10 students would now be in transition and would treated as

senior students for the last five weeks of Term 4. Senior students at WHS have the

distinction of wearing a different coloured shirt/blouse to the juniors, and enjoy other

privileges, such as different break times, senior status in the school, and the use of

the senior study centre. Thus, the students’ subject selections for the next year (Year

11 preliminary course) determined their interim timetable for the five week period.


The move to taster courses for Year 10 needed the support of the teachers.

First, the general idea was presented and discussed at the executive meeting. Hughes

and Brock (2008) in their book Reform and Resistance in NSW Public Education

discuss strategies for improving the effectiveness of education reform. They provide

a short-hand checklist for planning and implementing the reforms, which I adopted:

Involve the teaching profession; bring stakeholders together to share interim

findings; involve those who will be affected by them; highlighting the teaching and

learning dimensions of such changes; critical questioning should be recognised and

rewarded; innovation should be encouraged; build feedback mechanisms into any

new reform. (Hughes & Brock, 2008, p. 193)

The consultation process and planning meetings began with the staff, where

they had the opportunity to ask questions and voice their viewpoints. Some teachers

who had seen this idea of taster courses work in other schools, were already on

board, and their support at these meetings was valuable in promoting the scheme in a

favourable light. The advantages emphasised were improved attendance, a more

settled school environment and a greater focus on student participation in the

classroom.

The goal of improving retention and student participation had been mentioned

at all staff and executive meetings. The history of erratic attendance and the lack of

participation in class lessons for Year 10 students was uppermost in some teachers’

minds, and it was helpful therefore to reiterate to staff at every possible opportunity, the

benefits of the proposed change. The teachers (approximately five) who had worked in

other schools and who had experienced firsthand the notion of Year 10 taster courses

were helpful in promoting the idea to teachers who had not experienced the benefits of

this approach at the end of Year 10 studies.


The other important factor was that key personnel in the school were in

favour of the rollover/taster courses. Some of them had also observed similar

transition procedures in other schools, and being in leadership positions could

thereby influence and persuade other staff. Another element was the relational trust

that the senior executive had cultivated, where greater transparency of decision-

making, consultation with and communication to stakeholders were all given high

priority.

The outcome of this new initiative was tangible on the first day of operation.

Year 10 turned up to school in their senior shirts, and there was an air of anticipation

at the student and teacher year meeting. This was the first occasion Year 10 students

had to distinguish themselves as being seniors, as they were no longer wearing the

white shirts—symbolic of the junior school. Teachers were clearly excited, as some

of them recounted that the students “looked all grown up” and “that they had

matured over the weekend”. Timetables were issued, and classes started. The main

outcomes of improved attendance and class participation were revealed in the daily

absentee sheets, with most students attending consistently for the five week period. It

was noted also that there were fewer referrals to the Head Teachers and Deputy

Principals for disciplinary issues.

The success of this period of rollover/taster courses was such that the school

continued this practice in successive years. A culture was developed of maximising

the five week period to gain study skills and experience taster courses for the senior

years. Even when the external School Certificate examinations were abolished

(announced by the Minister of Education on 4 August 2011, and discontinued from

the beginning of 2012) the school continued this taster course component. Year 10

student grades were submitted to the BOSTES at the usual time in mid-November


and a sign-out procedure was held. This was symbolic in delineating the end of

junior schooling and the beginning of preparation for the senior years of study. The

practices of wearing the senior uniform, accessing senior privileges and having taster

courses in preparation for the senior years may be viewed as a transition process.

The process of moving from the junior to senior years marks a successful

milestone, and transition to the next phase of a student’s educational journey (Liu

and Nguyen, 2011). The move to the senior school can be a reason for celebration, a

recognition of their completion of Stage 5 curriculum requirements. Thus, the

continuation of education in the senior years can have positive benefits for an

individual, affirming their capacity to continue learning and to engage in a

meaningful way at school with their peers and teachers. The next component in the

action plan was that of mentoring senior students in supporting their transition to the

senior years.

4. Student Engagement Mentors

An important aspect of the multicomponent action plan was supporting

individual students. The notion of mentors to guide and counsel students, whilst not

new in itself, is one strategy that the DoE has promoted over the years, but without

the corresponding funding. On this occasion, with the opportunity of extra funding

(NP), the school was able to appoint teacher mentors for individualised guidance and

mentoring for students who were finding schooling difficult in terms of attendance

and/or completion of assessments, assignments and classwork.

The aim of this aspect of the action plan was for targeted students to be

mentored by Student Engagement (SE) mentors to facilitate an improvement in

specific dispositions. For instance, the conceptual model of completion and early


leaving that was devised by Lamb, Walstab, Teese, Vickers and Rumberger (2004, p.

95) was adopted. The model consists of four dispositions:

School engagement: attendance/truancy, participation in school

activities, behaviour in school, detentions, suspensions and expulsions,

attitudes towards school and teachers;

Academic engagement: homework, preparation and application;

Education and work: school completion plans, post-school education

plans, work plans and career aspirations; and

Academic Achievement: early achievement, literacy and numeracy

skills, academic progress, task assessments and academic grades.

In this context, the main role for the SE mentors was to motivate, provide

support, advocate and mediate for the student. The importance of this involvement

had been emphasised by the DoE, saying that “resilience research confirms that the

presence of a caring adult in their life is important in assisting students to overcome

adversity and achieve at school” DoE (2005, p. 3). Therefore, the specific caring

adult in this case was the SE mentor, who had clear aims in supporting certain

students in staying on at school in an empathetic, non-judgemental and

understanding manner.

An Expression of Interest (EOI) was issued for the SE mentor positions. The

criteria for selection included having previous experience in year advising or

mentoring, skills in guidance, and a proven record in implementing strategies to

change behaviour.

The next step was to identify the students who were to be mentored. This was

achieved through examining available data, which included:


Year Advisor reports;

School reports: half yearly and yearly;

Attendance data: partial and whole day absences;

Sentral data system: the school’s internal system used by teachers to

indicate and record positive and negative reports from class and

playground incidences;

Assessment records of teachers/head teachers: indicating marks and non-

completion of tasks; and

Review panel records: this was an internal system of monitoring senior

students and a compilation of some of the above data with a record of

interviews by the Year Advisor, Deputy Principal and Review Panel

Coordinator. These records outlined the issues a student was having at

school, together with the corresponding strategies that were adopted to

rectify these matters.

Initially in 2010, using the above criteria, 90 students were selected from

Years 10 and 11. Three staff members were appointed as SE mentors, and student

mentees were allocated their mentor on the basis of having a familiar rapport or

having previously taught the student. It was also important that the students felt

comfortable with their mentor, and at the outset they were given the opportunity to

voice their acceptance, or otherwise, confidentially. It should also be noted that once

students were selected, they were not required to remain on the program indefinitely.

Hence, students demonstrating marked progress for a suitable period of time could

exit the program.

In 2011 a number of refinements were made including the major change of

introducing the SE mentoring program for Years 7 to 9. Previously (in 2010) the


program focused on students in Years 10 and 11 only. It was considered that a

greater impact could be made by addressing disengagement in the junior years before

these students developed ingrained behaviours. The behaviours of concern were

underachievement, poor academic motivation, disengagement from school, and poor

peer relations (Lamb et al., 2004, p. 28).

Initially, the mentors utilised a student engagement profile which identified

motivational boosters and deflators. The personal profile of each student revealed

specific target areas and appropriate strategies to counteract student disengagement.

Students were advised to use the UCP (Urgent, Coming Up, and Postpone) study

method, and the term planner template for structuring regular study patterns and the

tracking of assessment dates. It was reported by the SE mentors that these

approaches for planning were effective in counteracting the patterns of student

procrastination. It was also recommended that students use a diary, and instructions

were provided in its correct use. In addition, students were also taught how to write

study notes and how to study. Students were also provided with assistance in

structuring assessments, in understanding terminology, in marking criteria and

ensuring that they were clear about the expectations of each task. For some students

the SE mentors worked closely with the careers team in assisting those whose

primary goal was to enter the workforce. The relevance of their current schooling

status was therefore reinforced by working on job resumes and interview skills.

Professional development in the form of a program for school-based mentoring of

students was provided for the SE mentors in the form of Accidental Counselling with

Rocki Biasi (a school counsellor and clinical member of the Counsellors and

Psychotherapists Association of NS). This resulted in marked improvements in the

questioning and listening skills of the SE mentors.


At the end of 2011 the SE mentors and the Senior Executive reviewed the

number of students on the SE mentoring program and the short-term results. In

2010, approximately 90 senior students were partaking of the program. In 2011 the

number had increased to 105 students from the junior and senior year groups. Most

students were demonstrating signs of improved attendance, improved participation in

class, and submission of assessments. These results were evident in yearly reports,

year adviser meetings and the referral numbers on the school’s Sentral system.

However, there were also some areas which required further adjustment, including

expanding the SE mentor program to the Welfare team, and further professional

learning.

In order to enhance the SE mentoring program, it was proposed that all junior

year advisors (Years 7-10) would be trained in mentoring in 2012. This was viewed

as a natural extension of the current program, where year advisors would be allocated

more time to support students in their particular year group. Also, the thinking from

the senior executive was that the notion of teachers as mentors fitted in with the role

statement of year advisors, and was a sustainable way to prolong the benefits of this

initiative once NP funds ceased, at the end of 2014.

It was also suggested by the SE mentors that avenues for further staff

professional learning should be explored. The emphasis on professional learning of

all staff therefore continued in 2012 and 2013. Professor Martin (formerly from the

University of Sydney) addressed the whole staff at the beginning of the academic

year on the class teacher’s role in identifying and strengthening student participation

in the classroom. Furthermore, the SE mentors in 2012 and 2013 offered

professional development to the rest of the teaching staff on the goals, strategies and

outcomes of this initiative, at the annual staff conference. The next section examines


the fifth component of the action plan, which was the implementation of the role of

the Transition Adviser.

5. Transition Adviser

The final component of the action plan was the implementation of the role of

the Transition Adviser. This role was crucial in supporting retention and the

engagement of students staying on because of the increased leaving age policy. The

rationale for, development and impact of this position are examined in greater depth

in PPI 3. The following is a brief overview of this fifth component of the action plan.

The role of the Transition Adviser (TA) is where a teacher works as a

member of the school’s Career and Transition Team. The TA’s role is to support

students in re-engaging with their senior studies, or to plan their transition from

school to further education, training and/or employment.

The senior executive ascertained that this position was necessary, with the

increasing numbers of students staying on beyond Year 10 (who would have

traditionally exited the system prior to 2010) and the need for expert careers

guidance in supporting students who wished to move on from school to other post-

school destinations. The flexibility in staffing under the NP funding created the

opportunity to resource such a position.

The criteria from the DoE guidelines identified a TA as a person who could:

Demonstrate an ability to make strong connections with students and have an

interest in supporting students’ transition through and from school, in collaboration

with other staff members . . . and be positioned to confidently make connections

with the school’s community and create “link-ups” with relevant external agencies.

(DoE, 2011, p. 4)


This component strengthened and enhanced the other four aspects of the

action plan, and as stated at the outset of this section, the role of the TA is explored

more fully in PPI 3.

Section 4: Evaluation of the Multicomponent Action Plan

The data which were most valuable in measuring the effectiveness of the

multicomponent action plan were the school’s ARR. As discussed earlier in this

paper, WHS’ retention data for the years 2007 to 2010 was typical of low SES

schools. With the implementation of government policy, and the corresponding

internal school curriculum and welfare support changes, it was anticipated that an

increase in the retention rates would take place. The notable increase of 10% from

2010 (the year that NSLA policy was introduced) to 2011 was the direct result of

students being required by the new legislation to stay on, and the school’s inclusive

school structures and strengthened individual student support strategies.


Table 8:

Apparent Retention Rates for Woodstock High School from 2007 to 2014

Base

Year

Total

students

Comparison

Year

Final

total

Retention

Rate

%

Year 10 2005 246 Year 12 2007 158 64

Year 10 2006 236 Year 12 2008 165 70

Year 10 2007 243 Year 12 2009 180 74

Year 10 2008 257 Year 12 2010 194 75

Year 10 2009 257 Year 12 2011 219 85

Year 10 2010 240 Year 12 2012 205 85

Year 10 2011 238 Year 12 2013 212 89

Year 10 2012 226 Year 12 2014 209 92

Source: School’s internal data on enrolments

It is evident that the school’s overall ARR increased from 64% for the Year

12 cohort in 2007 to 92% for the Year 12 cohort in 2014. This was a remarkable

trend (an increase of 28% over the seven year period), compared to 82.5% retention

for all students in all schools in Australia—an increase of only 6.8% in the same

period. Admittedly, the school started at a lower rate in the base year (2007) of 64%

compared to the national rate for all schools in 2007 of 75.7%. However, the trend

data before 2010 for the country as a whole would validate concerns by the state and

federal governments in legislating for changes in the school leaving age. The

possibility of federal bonus payments to the state governments for attaining certain


targets, as well as deterrents for school leaving (such as the non-payment of youth

allowance unless a person is in education or training) may see the aspirational

national retention rate of 90% being achieved sometime in the next five years.

WHS’s apparent retention rate, as seen in Table 8, increased by 28% over the

years 2007 to 2014. This is in contrast to the small gain by the State overall to

72.5% (ABS, 4221.0 Schools, Australia 2014). Thus, it can be said unequivocally

that the innovative action plan was successful in raising retention rates, as schools

state wide, improved by only 4.7%. The effectiveness of this research-based action

plan shows that relying on legislation alone will not lead to significant changes, but

that being “condemned to innovate” has given the impetus for one low SES

secondary school to make an impact on student retention in the senior years.

3. Scholarly Paper 1: Examining the implications and

challenges of the new school leaving age in New South

Wales

This paper will examine and reflect on policy changes that relate to the New

School Leaving Age (NSLA) legislation, with particular reference to the challenges

and unintended consequences for disadvantaged schools in New South Wales

(NSW). Since disadvantaged schools (referred to more recently with the

interchangeable term Low Socio-Economic [SES] schools typically have lower

retention rates than high and middle SES schools, the NSW government in 2010, like

other state governments at the same time, sought to address the issue of low retention

rates through legislation. The change in policy meant that all students in NSW

secondary schools were now required to stay on at school until they reached 17 years

of age. Consequently, low SES schools were faced with the challenge of improving

retention rates to meet the government target of 90% of young people completing

Year 12.

This paper investigates the NSLA policy through the lens of governmentality

theory: the background for the policy change; the reasons for students leaving school

early; drivers for the change in policy; the assumptions and unintended consequences

of the NSLA legislation for low SES schools; and critiques school-based

interventions aiming to facilitate increased retention, as proposed by The Mitchell

Report (2009).


The argument advanced in this paper informs my propositions that legislation

alone will not improve retention rates in low SES schools, and that the government’s

ambitions in increasing the compulsory school leaving age relegate low SES

secondary schools to the task of being “condemned to innovate” (Teese, 2008). Both

the assumptions of the NSW government and the unintended consequences of this

change in policy are investigated with reference to a specific NSW secondary school.

The NSLA policy reflected the government’s assumption that the

introduction of legislation would result in students staying on, and that the target of

90% retention would be met. The reality was, though, that at Woodstock High

School (WHS) the aspirations of some students were not aligned with those of the

government, as reflected in the lower levels of retention (70% to 75%) in the period

preceding the introduction of the legislation. Thus, approximately three in ten

students at WHS did not aspire to continue on to the senior years of schooling, but

had the ambition to leave school at the end of Year 10 and pursue other pathways. It

was clear that legislation alone would not change the aspirations of early school

leavers, and that low SES secondary schools would be required to implement

innovative methods of raising expectations and aligning students’ educational

aspirations to those of the government. Whilst the task of being innovative and

improving retention levels at one low SES secondary school in South Western

Sydney (SWS) was the main focus of this research, in this paper I consider the extent

to which government policy influences schools and their goals. In so doing I draw on

Foucault’s theory of governmentality, in order to foreground the government’s role

in shaping both social institutions and individuals.


Governmentality and NSLA

Foucault’s (1978, 1978-79) theory of governmentality is an account of

historically specific relations of power and technologies through which the “conduct

of conduct” is regulated. In this account of the regulation of conduct, Foucault

identifies three technologies of governmentality: diplomatic/military, economic and

policy. Policy, as a technology of government, constitutes and regulates conduct

through state intervention in the everyday lives of citizens. Foucault observed that

governments endeavoured to produce citizens who were best suited to fulfil

government policies through “the conduct of conduct”. As described by Dean (1999)

government is:

Any more or less calculated and rational activity, undertaken by a multiplicity of

authorities and agencies, employing a variety of techniques and forms of knowledge,

that seeks to shape conduct by working through our desires, aspirations, interests and

beliefs, for definite but shifting ends and with a diverse set of relatively

unpredictable consequences, effects and outcomes. (Dean, 1999, p. 11)

From the point of view of Foucault’s analytic of government the push for

increased retention rates in secondary schools (with the resultant benefit of increased

workforce participation, productivity and personal happiness) may be seen as an

“attempt to shape with some degree of deliberation aspects of our behaviour

according to particular sets of norms and of a variety of ends” (Dean, 1999. p. 10).

However, these practices of government often have unpredictable consequences.

Some of the implicit assumptions of the focus on increased retention were that senior

schooling is good for everyone, and that students were a homogeneous mass with the

same desires, beliefs, interests and aspirations.


But are all students compliant, interested in and engaged with the ambition of

completing Year 12? Some students are keen to leave school at the end of Year 10

and pursue other interests, or have aspirations such as taking up an apprenticeship,

traineeship or an employment opportunity. Nevertheless, governments, globally,

have increased rather than decreased the compulsory age for leaving school (Reid &

Watson, 2016; Woodin, McCulloch & Cowan, 2013). As I show later in this paper,

staying on at school was, and remains, equated with positive outcomes in much

education policy.

The authorities and agents that employ various techniques and forms of

knowledge to shape schools as institutions and the conduct of educators, students and

their families and communities, include: DoE, Government Departments, Business

Groups, and politicians who collectively reinforce the mantra that increased

schooling is of universal benefit. That is, if you do not finish Year 12 you are more

than likely to be unemployed, unhappy, involved in crime and have ill health (Reid

& Watson, 2016; Rumberger, 2001; Woodin et al., 2013). While it is the ambition of

government to encourage children to be at school, there is also an assumption that

higher levels of education will also lead to secure employment in the future.

Given that analyses of government foreground those practices that “try to

shape, sculpt, mobilize and work through the choices, desires, aspirations, needs,

wants and lifestyles of individuals and groups” (Dean, 2000, p. 20), this research was

mainly concerned with the reasoning, thinking, calculating and responses to a

problem limited to one group within the population: namely, students who leave

school early. Students who do not have the same ambitions as the government

(staying on until 17 years of age) were viewed as a “problematisation”, calling into

question some aspect of the “conduct of conduct” of those students (Dean, 1999, p.


27). This problematisation is located in broader assumptions of the economic

relationship between education and wealth, for both the individual and the country.

These regimes of practices, as defined by Foucault, refer to the “relatively

organized and systematized ways of doing things, such as curing, caring, punishing,

assisting, educating and so on” (Dean, 2000, p. 268). The practices governing

students’ school leaving age were framed in the NSLA policy as a concern for the

early leaver and their future wealth, health and happiness. Schools were therefore

expected to keep students on at school and, in increasing retention rates, contribute to

the social and financial benefits associated with higher levels of participation. For

example, in the information sheets to staff, parents and secondary school students

issued by DoE in July 2009, the following statements were made:

There is a great deal of Australian and international evidence which demonstrates a

high correlation between students’ levels of education and their prospects in life. The

research shows that early school leavers are two and a half times more likely to be

unemployed, earn lower wages and have poorer quality of life outcomes. (DoE,

2009)

The expected benefits of the government policy of increasing the school

leaving age are based on the assumption that longer years at school and higher levels

of education will lead to a highly skilled workforce. The other benefits to the

government would be the increased participation in the workforce and an increase in

government revenue, along with a corresponding reduction in the cost of welfare

benefits. But how were these assumptions formed, and how were they manifest in the

NSLA policy?


Background

The proposal to raise the school-leaving age to sixteen (16) years in NSW

was officially flagged to the community by the NSW State Government in February

2008, in the form of a consultation paper. The paper (with a foreword by Premier

Morris Iemma) outlined the benefits to Year 12 students of staying on at school,

including individual and community considerations such as higher wages, better

health, and lower dependency on social services. It was suggested that increasing the

leaving age would also help fill the critical skill shortages in the workplace

(interestingly however, the types of skill shortages were not named in this paper).

The consultation paper outlined how the leaving age for NSW had remained

at 15 years for over 60 years. It was in 1943 that the Youth Welfare Act of 1940

raised the leaving age to 15 from 14 years. The consultation paper acknowledged the

changes in the nature of work and the labour market from the period of the 1940s,

when one in five Australian workers was employed in the primary sector

(agricultural or mining industries) and one third in the manufacturing or secondary

sector. In the early twenty first century a large proportion of employment was now in

the service industries (the tertiary sector), with the requirement therefore of a more

highly skilled workforce, to compete internationally in a more globalised world. The

consultation paper further stated that whilst schools played a key role in developing

the skills of most students for the workforce and/or for tertiary education, there was

also a governmental concern that early school leaving meant a long-term loss of

productivity, reduced participation in and contribution to the economy (NSW

Government, 2008, pp. 3-6).

The community consultation that I attended was held at Fairfield High School

in 2008 and conducted by the Local Member for Parliament, Joe Tripodi. The


community members present were asked what age (16, 17 or 18 years) they thought

the school leaving age should be increased to, and what strategies would be needed

to ensure that students were supported to stay on at school. Most community

members at the Fairfield meeting agreed that families should be supported financially

if their sons and daughters stayed on for the senior years.

In the following year (2009) the legislation came before the NSW parliament

and was passed. On the 1st January 2010, the introduction of a new compulsory

school leaving age of 17 years was realised in NSW. From 2010, all young people

were required to complete Year 10 and then engage in education or training until the

age of 17. The Education Act of 1990’s section on compulsory school-age reads as

follows:

(2) The minimum school leaving age is:

(a) the age at which the child completes Year 10 of secondary education, or

(b) the age of 17 years,

whichever first occurs.

(3) A child who completes Year 10 of secondary education but who is below the age

of 17 years is of compulsory school-age unless the child participates on a full-time

basis in:

(a) approved education or training, or

(b) if the child is of or above the age of 15 years-paid work or a combination of

approved education or training and paid work. (NSW Government, 2009, No 25, pp.

31-35)


The change in the leaving age was a challenge for the secondary school

where I was Principal. There, the model of education had been a comprehensive,

broad curriculum in the junior school, leading to a more academic pathway in the

senior school. Consequently, the recurring pattern was that at the end of Year 10 the

school would witness a substantial number of students signing out after the School

Certificate (SC) graduation ceremony. For example, in December 2008, after I had

been at the school for only one year, forty students (15% of the year group) exited

the secondary schooling system. While a minority of these forty students had secured

apprenticeships and employment, the majority had no obvious planned career path.

Moreover, these students had not signalled their intentions to complete further study

or training, and did not seek assistance from the school in planning for their

transition. Whilst the school was retaining 85% of the Year 10 cohort for senior

schooling, further analysis of the school data revealed that this rate was further

reduced by another ten percent when students left during Years 11 and 12. Overall,

the school’s retention rates in the years preceding the change in the leaving age

policy were well below the government’s target of 90%. After examining the

retention rates for WHS prior to 2010, it was obvious that some understanding was

needed of the types of students who were likely to leave school early, and the reasons

for their decision.

Early school leavers

In the body of literature on the subject of students leaving school before

attaining senior high qualifications, young people are variously referred to as

“dropouts”, “students at risk”, “non-completers”, “quitters” and “early leavers”

(Grossnickle, 1986; McIntyre, Freeland, Melville, & Schwenke, 1999; Rumberger

2001; Weis, Farrar, & Petrie, 1989). Most of these terms have negative


connotations, suggesting that young people have given up or have not finished the

race. Te Riele (2006), in advocating for a vocabulary that replaces labelling of young

people based on personal characteristics, proposed “replacing the concept of youth

‘at risk’ with that of ‘marginalized students’” (p. 140). Te Reile (2006) further asserts

that when twenty-five percent (25%) of Australian students leave secondary

schooling early, such students have not been served well by the system. Where the

term “at risk” has been used in the literature, I have used that term: otherwise, for the

purposes of this research the term early school leavers is preferred. The reason for

this preference is that not all leaving before Year 12 is dropping out or withdrawing

from learning opportunities. This theme is in line with the report Staying on at

school: Improving student retention in Australia, which stated that:

Australian research has tended to use the term “retention” to refer to the numbers of

students who remain to Year 12, and the term “early school leaving” to define those

who leave school before Year 12. More recently, official reports and research studies

have adopted a narrower meaning of the term “early school leaving” by restricting it

to young people under the compulsory school leaving age. (Lamb, Walstab, Teese,

Vickers & Rumberger, 2004, pp. 133-4)

Anecdotal information from Principals and school exit surveys suggests that

many students leave with the purpose of taking up apprenticeships, traineeships or

full-time employment. Individual students may have different reasons for leaving

school early, from personal reasons (financial, health, homelessness, mental health

problems, mobility, and lack of family support) through to behavioural problems

(truancy, suspension, expulsion) to alienation (dislike of school, poor academic

performance, pregnancy, low self-esteem).


Marks and McMillan’s (2001) research on early school leavers found that

students who had low levels of achievement or parents working in manual

occupations, an Aboriginal/Torres Strait Islander background, who came from

regional/rural areas, attended government schools and were male, had higher rates of

early leaving than their counterparts. This supports the attributes of early school

leavers without tertiary qualifications, identified by McKenzie (2000):

Table 9:

Attributes of Early School Leavers

More likely to leave early % Less likely to leave early %

Male 62 Female 52

Parents low SES background 70 Parents high SES background 39

Parents low Education level 67 Parents with university degree 33

Australian-born

Other English speaking background

58

61

Non-English speaking background 48

Rural location 67 Urban location 52

Attended Government school 65 Attended Catholic school

Attended Independent school

40

35

Had a disability /health issue 63 No such disability 56

Left school early 92 Completed Year 12 44

Source: McKenzie (2000), p. 6

Table 9 highlights the individual and institutional predictors that could lead to

early school leaving. Being male from a low SES background, with parents who have

low levels of education and/or qualifications, located in a rural setting, attending a

government school, and having a disability or health issue, would appear to make a

student more vulnerable to leaving school early. Certainly at WHS (a government

school), it was the case that the majority of early leavers were male rather than


female, and were from a low SES background, with parents who had low levels of

education and/or qualifications. The authors of How Young People are Faring also

found that “the rates of non-completion of Year 12 among 15 to 24 year-olds in 2009

is distinguished by family background—these being the level of parents’ school

education and their employment status” (Foundation for Young Australians, 2010, p.

42).

The differences between these findings and the research site was that WHS

was located in an urban setting and the majority of students at the school who had

identified disabilities—for example, sensory impairment and/or an intellectual

disability—successfully completed Year 12. This was due to the intensive support

provided by the school in ensuring individual education and transition plans were

devised in consultation with parents/caregivers and specialised educational

consultants.

Conversely, other studies identified demographic and school-related factors

that were protective factors in facilitating school completion. These factors include

successful development in literacy skills, increased academic performance,

participation in school activities and raised educational aspirations of students and

their parents (Chu and Willms, 1996; Paolidano, Hanel & Buddelmeyer, 2012;

Rumberger, 1995; Suh S. & Suh J., 2007).

When the careers team at WHS tracked the destinations of leavers, through

exit interviews, the main reasons for leaving reported by WHS students were

opportunities for employment and apprenticeships, to not doing well and/or having a

negative experience of school life. These findings were in line with research on How

Young People are Faring (Foundation for Young Australians, 2010, p. 43), which

found push and pull factors for the early exiting of the school system. Push factors


are forces that operate from within the school setting to drive students out: for

example, not liking school, not learning, not coping with or being interested in

school. Pull factors, conversely, are forces attracting students away from the school

setting: for example, the desire for work, an offer of a job or apprenticeship, through

to personal reasons. Personal factors include ill health, the need to care for family

members, having a disability, or the pressure of finances. For females generally, the

situation was that leaving school at the end of Year 10 was problematic, because of

the gender segregation in the Australian youth labour markets. Indeed, the decline in

full-time jobs has been more pronounced for females than for males (Lamb et al.,

2004, p. 20; Teese, 2002, p. 9). Therefore, early leaving for employment was not an

option, and this had led to issues of non-participation in the senior years for a sub-

group of female students at WHS. This is explored in greater detail in SP 2 and PPI

2.

Early school leaving is often construed in the literature as a negative

consequence described in monetary terms. In King’s (1999) report commissioned by

the Dusseldorp Skills Forum, The Cost to Australia on Early School Leaving, it was

assessed that the cost to the country for each young person who did not complete

secondary schooling and did not further their formal education and/or training

qualification was $74,000. The conclusion was that the cost to the nation for one

year of early school leavers was an estimated $2.6 billion (King, 1999, p. 1). This

amount was derived from calculations of lost individual wage earnings, the payment

of unemployment benefits and the cost to the economy of lower participation of

unskilled workers. This estimated cost of $2.6 billion has been widely used in

reports and research since the 1990s (Hodgson, 2011, p. 117). Interestingly, the

figure remains the same despite the passing of time, and without the corresponding


inflation adjustments, suggesting the power of policy rhetoric over reality. Further, it

is interesting to note the conflation of targets for educational participation with the

economic ambitions of government, despite the less than certain transition from

school into stable and well paid work.

A 2005 report by Access Economics calculated that there were 45,000 to

50,000 “early education exits” per year and that these young people did not move

into education/training or ongoing full employment (2005). The report added that for

the future sustainability of an ageing population there will need to be increased

productivity and participation of a highly skilled workforce.

Early school leavers have traditionally had a low level of literacy and

numeracy skills and possessed lower corresponding participation rates in the labour

market (Pienaar, 2006; Marks, 2007; McMillan & Curtis, 2008). Furthermore, early

school leavers were seen as a drain on the country’s welfare system. Applied

Economics computed that if half of all early school leavers over a five year period

were provided with a Year 12 or equivalent education, unemployment benefits would

be reduced by approximately $80 million per annum.

Economic modelling such as this reinforced the message from government,

business groups and economists that young people who do not complete secondary

schooling will be a direct monetary and social cost to the country. The assumption

that increased knowledge and skills leads to monetary gain was constantly reiterated

in the literature that was disseminated to students, parents and community groups

during the introduction of the NSLA legislation.

In examining the Australia Bureau Statistics (ABS) figures on early leavers

and employment rates, Lamb et al. noted that “changes in the Australian economy

place early leavers, particularly those without post-school qualifications, at greater


risk of low income, unemployment and dependency on government welfare” (Lamb

et al., 2004, p. 2). This was validated by McKenzie, in examining the longitudinal

data of early school leavers over a seven year period from the late 1980s to the mid

1990s. His emphatic conclusion was:

Those who leave school early find it harder to overcome any initial poor start in the

labour market, and face greater risks of exclusion in a society that requires active

learning over the lifespan. (McKenzie, 2000, p. 11)

However, Lamb et al. (2004), taking into consideration the unsatisfactory

experience of learning and of school for some students, concluded that not all

retention was “good”. Lamb et al. further asserted that “not all early leaving is ‘bad’ .

. . many young people who leave school early and enter an apprenticeship have had a

positive experience of school and report favourable attitudes” (Lamb et al., 2004, p.

147).

This was certainly the case at WHS for those few students who had a planned

pathway from school to an apprenticeship in bricklaying, plumbing or hairdressing.

These particular students, when interviewed by the careers team, had specific career

aspirations and were clear as to their post-school pathways. Therefore, the challenge

for Principals of low SES schools in meeting the targets of the new NSLA policy was

to be innovative and to align the government’s ambition of 90% retention with the

aspirations of all students. An examination of the drivers for change, in the next

section, will give an understanding of the assumptions and ambitions underpinning

the NSLA legislation.


Drivers for change

The main drivers of change that were framed by the State and the Federal

Government were to increase the participation and productivity of all citizens in the

workforce. The changing demographics of Australian society (with an aging

population and the resultant increasing health bills), along with the retirement of

baby boomers, will mean fewer workers in the future contributing to the Australian

economy. The solution advocated by Federal Treasury reports was to increase both

productivity and participation by having a more highly skilled workforce. The

assumption was that if more students stay on at school (and therefore become more

skilled) they will in turn participate more fully in the workforce, and thus increase

productivity—hence increasing overall economic output.

In what follows I examine the ways in which a number of intersecting events,

policies, and government-initiated reviews impacted on the change in the school

leaving age. These included (but were not limited to) the role of the State

Government, the Federal Government, the Melbourne Declaration, Council of

Government Meetings, and the Bradley Review. These intersecting events, policies

and reviews show how the ambitions of government are reproduced across different

times and places, to align the conduct of citizens with the ambitions of government.

State Government

In the State Plan of November 2006 one of the major goals of the NSW

Government was to improve the retention rates of students. In particular, “Priority S5

was that more students either complete Year 12 or a recognised vocational training.

The target was to increase the proportion of students completing Year 12 or

recognised vocational training from 82.5% to 90% by 2016” (NSW Government


2006, p. 54). It became apparent, after an examination of the historical retention

figures, that this would not be achievable without a corresponding change in the

legislation to raise the school leaving age. In the State plan the ambition of the policy

attempted to align the ambitions of students, with the government saying:

In an increasingly high-skill workforce, completing Year 10 is no longer a sufficient

ambition for young people. Students who do not complete Year 12 or an equivalent

vocational qualification, such as apprenticeship, are now more likely to experience

restricted work and limited further educational opportunities over their lifetime.

They are also more likely to experience periods of unemployment. Research shows

that increasing completion of schooling raises the level of economic growth, reduces

poverty and can improve health and crime outcomes. (NSW Government, 2006, p.

54)

The generic term research was utilised in the state plan, in validating the

truth of a particular perspective or view of the world. Where this is presented as a

statement of “fact” the undiscerning reader may not contest this further, even though

there has been contradictory evidence about retention—the completion of Year 12

and life outcomes. For example, McMillan & Marks (2003) found that early leavers

were not unequivocally worse off than school completers who subsequently did not

progress in their education or training.

The Parliamentary Secretary for Education (the Hon. Penny Sharpe) moved

the Second Reading to the Education Amendment Bill on the 12 May 2009. She

spoke of the extensive consultation period and the implementation of research-based

policy developments in drafting the compulsory school leaving age. The Hansard

records recorded that:


Early leavers tend to be less likely to work and earn less when employed . . . and are

two and a half times more likely to be unemployed. . . . there is also evidence of

health benefits . . . the Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research suggests a lower

likelihood of criminal conviction or imprisonment the longer an individual is in

school. (NSW Government, 2009, p. 2)

Sharpe’s comments were aligned with the body of knowledge outlined in the

consultation paper and the assumptions of the outcomes of early school leavers and

their destined path. However, Sharpe’s comments did not refer to specific research or

cite particular researchers, but again, reproduced assumed knowledge to justify the

claim of raising the school leaving age.

The Director-General of the NSW DoE (Dr. Bruniges) in her paper,

Developing and implementing an explicit school improvement agenda, said:

For individuals, higher levels of education are linked with a greater likelihood of

being employed, higher levels of remunerations and other benefits such as better

health, which have both personal and quantifiable social benefits. (Bruniges, 2012,

p. 9)

Since she was the most senior bureaucrat (or senior government agent) in the

DoE, Bruniges’ statements may be viewed as an aspect of what Foucault called

“governing of mentalities”: that is, attempts to shape the minds of the population.

Another attempt to shape the minds of the population was in the form of the

“Education Revolution”.

Education Revolution

The policies of the Rudd Labor Government were another important factor that

impacted on the compulsory school leaving age. The Labor Government came into


power in December 2007 with a platform of election promises for Education,

referred to as The Education Revolution. The then Minister for Education, Julia

Gillard (in March 2008), outlined the Government’s plan for reinvesting in Higher

Education and to establish the Bradley Review. Gillard also signalled the

government’s intention regarding secondary education. stating: “We will also ensure

that nine out of 10 children complete Year 12 or the equivalent vocational training by

2020” (Gillard, 2008). She went on to outline and reiterate the benefits of education:

OECD analysis of human capital suggests significant positive correlations between

rising levels of educational attainment on the one hand, and both economic growth

and improved physical and mental well-being on the other. The organisation has

estimated that one year of average additional educational attainment for a population

adds between 3 to 6% to long term GDP growth. (Gillard, 2008)

The role of the OECD in global governance, for instance in education, was to

analyse and compare the data of different school systems in member countries and to

recommend policies for improving young people’s futures. Such policies were

economically based on improving a country’s GDP and ultimately, the overall

productivity and prosperity of countries. Data were collected, analysed and discussed

by the OECD, with decisions being made concerning the implementation of policies

to better the livelihood of member countries’ citizens. The Labor Government

subsequently embraced the recommendations from OECD research in raising the

school leaving age as a lever to increase Australia’s domestic productivity. In this

way, the OECD as global government impacts national policy and decision-making,

achieving global conformity in Western nations in respect of the purpose of

education, conflating education and economics, GDP and labour markets, and

cementing causal relationships between them.


The responses from the States were reflected in the Melbourne Declaration on

Educational Goals for Young Australians (2008), which set the direction for

Australian schooling for the ten year period 2009 to 2018. The Melbourne

Declaration articulated nationally consistent future directions and aspirations and had

two overarching goals:

Goal 1: Australian schooling promotes equity and excellence

Goal 2: All young Australians become successful learners, confident and creative

individuals, active and informed citizens

All State and Territory Education Ministers supported the new commitment

towards secondary education, and were united in the view that:

The senior years of schooling should provide all students with the high quality

education necessary to complete their secondary school education and make the

transition to further education, training or employment. Schooling should offer a

range of pathways to meet the diverse needs and aspirations of all young

Australians, encouraging them to pursue university or post-secondary vocational

qualifications that increase their opportunities for rewarding and productive

employment. This requires effective partnerships with other education and training

providers, employers and communities. (MCEETYA, 2008, p. 7)

Following on from the endorsement of this declaration was a plan endorsed by

the Education Ministers, and aligned with the key Council of Australian

Governments (COAG) and other national agreements.


Council of Australian Governments (COAG) National Education Agreement

(NEA) Meeting

Apart from the tentative push revealed in the NSW State plan of 2006 to

increase the participation requirement of students, it was evident that one of the other

main drivers for raising the school leaving age was the National Education

Agreement, which was signed by the States and Territories at the Council of

Australian Governments (COAG) meeting on 29 November 2008. The agreement

included a mandatory requirement for young people to remain in school until Year

10, and to then be either earning or learning until age 17. For instance, at this COAG

meeting, all states and territories agreed that from 1 January 2010:

young people will be required to participate in schooling until they complete year

10; and, young people who have completed year 10 will be required to participate

full-time in education, training or employment or a combination of these activities

until age 17. (COAG, 2008)

The agreement at this meeting was “to lift the Year 12 or equivalent

attainment rate to 90 per cent by 2020”. A further meeting on 30 April 2009, in the

midst of the Global Economic turndown, brought forward this target from 2020 to

2015 specifying that:

COAG agreed to immediate, concerted action to increase young people’s

engagement with education and training pathways, including seeking the support of

all stakeholders to commit to additional effort and tailor the delivery of services to

maximise youth engagement, retention and attainment. (COAG, 2009)

The title of this preamble was Jobs, Training and Youth Transitions. Further

targets were stated in the Rapid implementation of a Compact with Young


Australians: these included the entitlement to an education or training place for

young people 15-19 and 20-24 years. In order for States and Territories to comply,

an incentive in the form of competitive performance-based funding of $100 million

was provided. This money was to reward outcomes that were commensurate with

improved retention from Year 10 to Year 12, and improved Year 12 attainment rates

in 2012. The monetary rewards were a technology for securing compliance, and

further ensembles of technologies were evident in the changed preconditions by the

Commonwealth in respect of the payments set down for Youth Allowance and the

Family Tax Benefit Part A, where recipients had to be participating in education or

training. Another major push for increased retention rates came from the Review of

Australian Higher Education, which was led by Professor Denise Bradley (in

December 2008).

The Bradley Review

This higher education review, known as the Bradley Review, “was

established to address the question of whether this critical sector of education is

structured, organised and financed to position Australia to compete effectively in the

new globalised economy” (Bradley, 2008, p. xi). The report says that:

Australia is losing ground. Within the OECD we are now 9th out of 30 in the

proportion of our population aged 25 to 34 years with such qualifications, (degree-

level), down from a 7th a decade ago. Twenty nine per cent of our 25- to 34- year

olds have degree-level qualifications but in other OECD countries targets of up to 50

per cent have already been set. (Bradley, 2008, p. xi)

The Bradley Report emphasised the need for better educated and skilled

people, if the needs of a rapidly changing technological global economy were to be


met. Moreover, the report suggested that certain groups needed to be better

represented in higher educational institutions, and recommended a range of measures

to address this. Some of the groups mentioned as being under-represented were

people from Indigenous backgrounds, regional and remote areas, and people from

low SES backgrounds. Bradley stated that:

An agreed target for the proportion of the population that has attained a higher

education qualification by 2020 will provide a focus for action. . . . The target

proposed for higher education is that 40 per cent of 25- to 34-year-olds will have

attained at least a bachelor-level qualification by 2020. This will be quite testing for

Australia as current attainment is 29 per cent. Another important target is one to

ensure that those from disadvantaged backgrounds aspire to and are able to

participate in higher education. By 2020, 20 per cent of undergraduate enrolments in

higher education should be students from low socio-economic backgrounds.

(Bradley, 2008, p. xiv)

Here again we see the rhetoric advocating for students from low SES

backgrounds to align their aspirations for schooling and post-school with that of the

government. The assumption was that to do well economically at the individual and

country levels (and this latter globally), greater access to university places should be

available to students from disadvantaged backgrounds.

The report also said that in order for Australia to remain internationally

competitive, improved retention levels of secondary students would be the obvious

stepping stone to increasing the levels of participation and qualifications in the

tertiary sector. Retention thus was a mechanism for increasing participation in higher

education.


Further, the NSW legislation (as detailed in the NSLA package of July 2009)

aligned with the Federal Government’s aim to increase school retention rates and

increase the skills base of the Australian workforce. The norm in NSW had been a

comprehensive lower secondary school system of a general nature, with the more

traditional (or academic) pathway in Years 11 and 12 for more academic students.

The senior courses have also served as a preparatory step to the university path. This

change in the leaving age policy has therefore resulted in a paradigm shift for the

leaders of schools, particularly in low SES areas. Such a shift has meant the offering

of a more diverse curriculum and more intense welfare structures to support students

to stay on.

In times of recession and high youth unemployment, retaining students at

secondary schools and encouraging the attainment of higher qualifications has

prevented even higher levels of unemployment. During times of vulnerability to

global economic trends (like the oil shock in 1973 and the recessions of 1982-1983,

1990-1991), access to secondary education has meant students have stayed on

because of a decline in the full-time and permanent job market (Karmel, 2014).

Nevertheless, it could also be argued that Australia has enjoyed relatively low levels

of unemployment of late (6% in 2015) and has avoided the global economic crises

that other developed countries have experienced. Youth unemployment in Australia,

for those 15 to 24 years of age, was at 14.2% in June 2015 whereas in Greece and

Spain it was 50%.

Be that as it may, the raising of the school leaving age may have been

overdue. The majority of students across NSW in government and non-government

schools progress from Year 10 to Year 12 with the ambition of attaining the HSC as

an exiting credential. Moreover, only seven of the 31 countries in the OECD had


leaving ages below 16, and the consequences of change were also being debated in

those countries. Not one of these OECD countries has lowered the minimum leaving

age since the period of industrialisation; this indicates the importance of education

and training for young people. The compulsory leaving ages for each state in

Australia in 2008, before the initial consultation period in NSW, were as follows:

Comparisons with other states and territories as at 2008:

• reaching 15 years of age (NSW, ACT and NT)

• reaching 16 years of age (Victoria, SA and Tasmania)

• reaching 16 years of age or completing Year 10 (Queensland)

• the end of the year in which students turn 17 years of age (WA)

(ABS 2009, cited in COAG, 2009, p. 3).

All states as part of the National Youth Participation Requirement, raised the

minimum school leaving age. Between 2006 and 2008 Queensland, South Australia,

Western Australia and Tasmania extended the age for participation in learning or

earning, and in 2010 New South Wales, Victoria, the Australian Capital Territory

and the Northern Territory followed suit. However, the impetus to lift retention rates

without a change in the barriers of access, achievement and aspiration, led to the

imposition of a number of assumptions for low SES schools.

Assumptions of NSLA for low SES schools

The assumption of the NSLA policy was that by increasing an individual’s

educational attainment and by acquiring skills and qualifications, economic success

and increased employability and earnings will follow. This view was often reflected


in the rhetoric of politicians and the business sector, in the discourse of raising the

school leaving age. This has also been observed in the educational policies of

systems overseas, where “the interaction between education and the labour market

lies at the heart of the economics of education” (Machin & Vignoles, 2005, p. 220).

These same advocates go on to say that:

If we continue to let students leave the education system at 16 with very poor basic

skills, these individuals will be disadvantaged for life. Going back and trying to

repair the damage in mid-career is unlikely to help them, at least from an economic

perspective. (Machin & Vignoles, 2005, p. 224)

The argument was also reinforced in papers from the corporate sector. The

Dussledorp Skills Forum Report on The Economic Benefit of Increased Participation

in Education and Training (2005, p. 2) points to research by Kennedy and Hedley

(2003) and notes that “for both males and females, those who had not completed year

12 schooling had noticeably lower participation rates (in the workforce) than those

who had completed year 12”. In addition, the report argued that early leavers have

been estimated to be about 50,000 per annum in number and “face significant

challenges in the workforce”. They also reported that early leavers receive lower

wages . . . [, are] less likely to participate in the labour force, and are much more

likely to experience periods of unemployment”. The figure of 50,000 early leavers

per annum has been calculated as the difference between current retention rates and

lifting the retention rate to 90% (Access Economics, 2005, p. 26).

These findings were based on understandings of Australia’s economic

situation relating to the risks of slowing growth and rising deficits. At first, this may

sound quite logical and rational: that is, increasing the schooling leaving age will

lead to a more highly skilled workforce, which in turn will result in higher rates of


participation, which will in turn boost productivity and hence contribute to increasing

the GDP of the nation. However, the task of accurately predicting the appropriate

types of jobs required in the future, and how secure employment opportunities will

be, is not entirely assured. Nevertheless, the challenge for leaders in low SES

secondary schools was to retain those students currently leaving earlier than Year 12.

In the student feedback project, New School Leaving Age: Consulting Young

People (prepared for the NSW DoE by Ground-Water Smith and Mockler), the

authors acknowledged the challenges in the literature on the “returns from schooling

per se and the fact that if everyone completes the full complement of school years

then it will lose its positional good” (2012, p. 2). Hirsch (1976), in his book The

Social Limits to Growth, wrote how some products and services have positional

value as a result of their scarcity. Education is seen as a positional good subject to

positional competition, whereby a university qualification indicates membership of

an elite group.

Similarly, Dockery’s report (2005) Assessing the value of additional years of

schooling for the non-academically inclined, asserts that in the literature on retention,

“the concern is with the implicit assumption that because those who complete school

achieve superior outcomes, therefore those who did not complete school would also

have achieved better outcomes if they had instead stayed on at school” (2005, p. 39).

He goes on to say that:

Heterogeneity in the returns to schooling exists because individuals are

heterogeneous. The objective of policy should be to ensure that there are alternative

pathways and institutional arrangements available to meet the varying needs,

abilities and preferences of young people and to make available the information that


they require to make informed decisions on what is optimal for them. (Dockery

2005, p. 42)

What then is the policy trying to achieve in relation to the role of government

in keeping students at school, especially when for some students it may be more

harmful than good? In my interview with the Senior Project Manager of the Student

Engagement and Program Evaluation Bureau (SEPEB) within the DoE, the view was

expressed that the role of government assumed that students were all the same and

that they wanted to stay until the end of Year 12. The official said that:

The assumption is that everybody wants to stay at school, everybody wants to get an

education at a higher level. In this report (New School Leaving Age: Consulting

Young People), there is research that not all kids should stay at school. That in fact,

for some kids, staying on at school is never going to improve their chances of

employment.

The official went on to say:

The change to the school leaving age was a political imperative. It is tied to bonus

payments from the national government, and that’s why we had to have more kids

staying on till 17. Really, if they wanted kids to actually get an HSC, then why didn’t

they use the HSC rather than an age? It just simply doesn’t make sense . . . make the

credential the requirement for leaving school, because we do know that all around

the state kids are turning 17 and just going, not returning a text book, not paying a

fee, not saying goodbye, just going, just simply never returning, and that’s

happening because 17 is 17 is 17. It’s not a credential.

This concern was also raised by the NSW Auditor-General, Peter Achterstraat,

(in his report of October 2012) on the impact of the change of leaving age. The report

stated that the government did not know of “the whereabouts” or the post-school


options of the Year 10 students who did not return to enrol in Year 11. The Auditor-

General said that these 6,912 students “essentially dropped off the radar . . . they

may be on an approved alternative pathway. They may be enrolled in a non-

government school. Or they may not be participating at all” (AAP, 1st November,

2012). He went on to say: “that some of those who do stay at school until 17 have

proved disruptive or simply don’t turn up”.

The additional task for schools, however, was consideration of what

constitutes the active participation of students for those who stay on (this focus on

girls’ participation is more fully explored in PPI 2 and SP 2). Nevertheless, such

regimes of practices often have unintended consequences.

Unintended consequences of the NSLA policy

Some of the unintended consequences which Principals of NSW Secondary

schools faced included:

Behavioural issues by non–serious seniors who were “forced” to stay at school,

Non-attendance of 15-years-plus students;

Perceived lack of departmental resources to support the change;

Difficulties in the introduction of less-academic subjects;

Disengaged students;

Lack of support from the local Technical and Further Education (TAFE);

Cost of setting up alternative structures; and

Cessation of some Centrelink payments to young people resulting in financial

stress. (SPC, Personal email communication, May, 2011)

The above list was reported to the Student Engagement group (of which I was

a member) after surveying secondary Principals. A further, in-depth survey of

principals on their experiences in managing the effects of the change to the school


leaving age was conducted by SPC representatives in 2011. This survey occurred

approximately one year after the introduction of the legislation and was conducted

via the NSWSPC share email system. The respondents were fifty three (53) in

number and consisted of the following: (remote/rural 20, regional 15; metropolitan

16; Special Education 1, distance education 1). The main issues that had emerged for

these principals were:

The provision of appropriate subjects to meet the learning needs of students

staying on;

The cost of retraining teachers in new subjects;

The challenge of student engagement in senior classes;

Patterns of irregular attendance and an increase in truancy by some senior

students;

A reduction in staffing for senior students undertaking VET subjects at TAFE;

An increased percentage of disinterested and disengaged senior students; and

An increase in suspensions and misbehaviour by senior students.

After listing these unintended consequences, the reference group did add that

there were also “great stories of innovation to meet the changing landscape, some of

these made possible by National Partnership or devolution money but others have

come directly from school global funding” (personal email communication, 2011).

Nevertheless, other complexities and concerns had also evolved.

In Groundwater-Smith and Mockler’s Report, Consulting Young People, the

consequences of the new school leaving age for some students were that they felt

depressed that they now had to stay on, especially when some teachers did not make

them feel welcome. These students went on to say that teachers treated them as less

able and did not explain the course content to them, and that they felt isolated in the

classroom (Groundwater-Smith & Mockler, 2012, p. 35).


Stuart Middleton (2012), the director of external relations at Manukau

Insitute of Technology in New Zealand, questioned the policies of increasing the

school leaving age within the comprehensive system of education. In the Education

Review of March 2012 he asserted that:

In the modern world, there is no evidence that the school leaving age acts to prolong

the schooling of students who are disengaged or disengaging . . . the fact is that

policies that equate raising the school leaving age with improved outcomes are

deluded. (Middleton, 2012, p. 6)

Middleton’s argument was that students should have earlier access to

vocational education and be offered multiple pathways. He suggests, “let’s have a

system based on choices rather than compulsion . . . link[ing] education to their

aspirations” (2012, p. 6). Such a viewpoint reaffirms the notion that some student

aspirations are not aligned with those of the government.

The question remains, what do Principals and teachers need to consider and

do differently to transform current practices and thereby improve student retention

levels? Some answers to this question (from the perspective of DoE) were addressed

in the publication of The Mitchell Report.

The Mitchell Report

This report was an example of policy as technology, produced by the

government to mandate practices for schools in order to direct or guide the conduct

of teachers and students. In this instance it was part of the “explicit, planned attempts

to reform or transform regimes of practices by reorienting them to specific ends”

(Dean, 2010, p. 211).


In October 2009 the DoE engaged John Mitchell to document examples of

best practice across NSW secondary public schools in relation to the NSLA

(Mitchell, 2009, p. 4). The benefits that were stated in the Mitchell report of staying

on for the senior years were that:

Completing Year 12 will probably do more to improve the individual’s prospects of

labour market participation than any subsequent post-school study . . . a chance for

schools . . . to think laterally, to think creatively and to think positively and to really

put the student at the centre . . . creation of more pathways . . . [and] the provision

of range of different types of training opportunities. (Mitchell, 2009, p. 2)

The implication here is that the school (as part of a highly regulated

bureaucratic structure and subject to accountability practices) can also be creative

and innovative, offering the benefit of supplying the requirements of the labour

market. However, it may also be advocated that schools are not institutions for

producing labour outputs or for moulding individuals into workers for the state. The

constraints to such opportunities were those that schools confronted everywhere. On

the one hand, if your goal were to reduce class size for the provision of

individualised learning, this would be an additional pecuniary cost for the school. On

the other hand, if you need to liaise with TAFE, or other providers, this would be an

expense in reduced staffing as the students would no longer be classed as full-time.

The research of particular schools for the Mitchell Report was originally

based on the recommendations of four DoE officers (who were not named), and the

criteria for their recommendations were that these schools were examples of

“innovative activity” (p. 4). The report was distributed to schools, and coincided with

the implementation of the change in the new leaving age in January 2010. The focus

was on secondary schools and on the support structures and programs for secondary


students. While the report was about student retention, not one student or

parent/community member was interviewed in the report. Further, the twelve case

studies consisted of interviews with Principals of various campuses who had

developed innovative practices ranging from providing mentors, alternative

programs, VET courses and links with other institutions.

Throughout the report, Pam Ryan, the Senior Project Officer for the

implementation of the NSLA legislation, constantly reiterates the discourse

advocated by the business sector and government policy makers in promoting

retention, saying that:

The critical importance of raising school retention rates was noted by Campus

Review (06/10/09) in its reports on research by Treasury which found that

completing Year 12 will probably do more to improve their prospects of labour

market participation than any subsequent post-school study. (Mitchell, 2009, p. 1)

The issue that may appear problematic to some readers of the report was the

use of case studies highlighting schools that already had high retention rates and that

were not struggling with the introduction of the NSLA policy. The Mitchell Report

lacked case studies from South Western Sydney (SWS) schools—a region which in

2010 had the highest number of students in the state, and the highest percentage of

disadvantaged students. This may not have been the deliberate intent of the report, as

the SWS region was approached to feature their best practice schools, but did not

oblige. However, the institutions of Illawarra Senior College, Kempsey High School

and Arthur Phillip mentioned in this report as best practice schools. These schools

were all classified as disadvantaged and were funded accordingly; therefore, their

experience in supporting students to stay, offered opportunities for useful insights.


The report also focuses on the benefits of raising the school leaving age, and

was therefore overly positive in the presentation of various school structures and

programs. The understanding was that Principals and executive members could

examine the case studies, decide what is best for their context, and seek out further

information from the respective schools that were showcased in the report.

After the introduction of the NSLA policy, the DoE set up structures and

provided support for secondary schools. One major initiative of a structural nature

was the establishment of a unit called the New School Leaving Age (NSLA) Unit

within the Student Engagement and Program Evaluation (DoE) portfolio. The unit’s

main goal was to support schools with information to implement innovative

programs. Whilst this appears to be an “attempt to deliberate on and to direct human

conduct” (Dean, 1999), it was also a recognition by the head office that, in the

practices of governing, schools needed support in the implementation of the leaving

age legislation, and a undertaking that they were there to provide assistance.

School structures and strategies

In May 2010, the President of the NSW BOSTES, Tom Alegounarias, stated

that, “abandoning study before completing at least 13 years is generally regarded as

regrettable” (Alegounarias, 2010, p.17). Alegounarias also acknowledged that

changing the legislation by itself was not going to increase retention rates in NSW

and said that, “If the change is really to benefit these students, much more needs to

be done to make schooling more flexible and tailored to their need” (p. 17). The

assumption was then, that more innovation and radical restructuring was necessary

than that which was already being undertaken by schools. Some recommendations

included changing the times of the school day, organising a 4 day school week with

one day work experience, flexible timetabling for TAFE courses, broad curriculum


offerings, and the provision of alternative educational settings. In NSW some schools

have already introduced such practices, and have been quite successful: for example,

Bankstown Senior College and Illawarra Senior College.

The senior years of schooling have had flexible pathways for two decades,

and most schools have enjoyed a non-traditional curriculum for students whose

intentions are not to go to University. The introduction of Vocational Education

(VET) over the last two decades has seen students across NSW increasingly take up

one or more VET subjects in their final years of schooling.

Jen Rosenberg in the Sydney Morning Herald (2011) wrote that “the report,

The Vocational Equivalent to Year 12, commented there was no true comparison

between the HSC . . . and certificate training”. This both reflects and reinforces the

belief that whilst alternative pathways exist in the upper secondary school in NSW,

they are not all equal.

Conclusion

The challenge for low SES secondary schools has been to provide alternative

curriculum structures and programs that will adequately address retention rates to

meet the aspirational target of 90%. Teese (2008) raised the question of equity with

regard to retention and concluded that:

Not all retention is good. It is only good if there is quality of learning behind it.

Some of it is accompanied by under-achievement, student dissatisfaction and low

morale and motivation . . . If the retention rate of the poorest students is

accompanied by low achievement while the retention rate of the most advantaged

young people is accompanied by high achievement, is that equity? (Teese, 2008, p.

3)


Therefore, low SES secondary schools were condemned to innovate with the

introduction of the NSLA policy in NSW. The opportunity to be innovative, utilising

National Partnerships funding provided a solution for the executive team at WHS.

Therefore the tension between the unintended consequences of the NSLA policy and

WHS’s retention data prior to 2010, led to the formation of a Multicomponent Action

Plan, detailed in PPI 1. As Principal, and an agent or representative of the

government, I ensured that the implementation of the NSLA policy at WHS led to

improved retention rates and enhanced student participation through strategic,

research-led practice.

4. Professional Practice Initiative 2: Exploring the issue

of retention for girls through engaged research

Overview and purpose

As an educational leader and researcher endeavouring to realise the ambition

of improved student outcomes, I ensured that the report written for the Transition

Adviser at WHS, which follows these introductory comments, addresses questions of

student retention, participation and transition to work and/or further study. The report

specifically identifies problems regarding the participation of a particular sub-group

of senior girls at WHS, thereby extending the Action Plan (PPI 1) and providing

further detailed guidance to the Transition Adviser. As Principal, leader and

researcher I sought to scope responsibilities for the role of the Transition Adviser

through the systematic analysis of school data and students’ perceptions, including

the sub-group of girls discussed here, regarding their school participation in the

senior years. My expectation was that this information could assist, lead and shape

the role of the Transition Adviser for the context of WHS.

Prior to the introduction of the New School Leaving Age (NSLA) legislation,

students who did not aspire to go to university, or another tertiary provider, usually

left school at the end of Year 10 after completing their School Certificate (SC). Prior

to the implementation of the Action Plan (PPI 1), school data revealed that on


average, twice as many boys as girls left school after the compulsory leaving age of

15.

For example:

in 2008: 44 boys were early leavers, compared to 27 girls;

in 2009: 39 boys were early leavers, compared to 24 girls; and

in 2010: 43 boys were early leavers, compared to 20 girls.

At the end of 2010 WHS was informed that under the Federal Government

umbrella of National Partnerships (NP) Low SES, it would receive the amount of

$1,000 per student, to a maximum of $1,000,000 over the years 2011-2014. The

funding was to improve the educational outcomes and life opportunities of students

from low SES backgrounds. As part of the accountability process, a Situational

Analysis of the school was carried out.

It was during the process of data collection for the situation analysis that it

became clear that there was a fundamental difference in the attendance and retention

rates between boys and girls in the senior school. The data revealed that whilst girls

were staying on for the senior years more than boys, the boys who stayed on were

participating more fully in their senior years of study (as measured by attendance,

school application and completion of assessments). The difference in the retention

and attendance rates had not been apparent in past measurements, as data relating to

boys’ and girls’ retention and attendance rates had been collected and reported as one

group. As a possible explanation of this difference between retention and

participation, the research pointed to a situation where the boys had more

opportunities to leave school and pursue meaningful pathways—for example,

apprenticeships and full-time employment—whereas for girls the opportunity to


leave school earlier than Year 12 was restricted by limited labour market

opportunities.

My role as Principal and researcher therefore was to examine the historical

patterns of student data at WHS. In trying to comprehend the complex factors

affecting a sub-group of senior girls, the opportunity arose, with the extra NP

funding, to support students (boys and girls) in planning a successful transition to

productive post-school pathways. The funding enabled the establishment of the

positions of Transition Adviser and Student Engagement Mentor (outlined in PPI 1).

These supportive roles within the school reinforced the key argument (established in

SP 1) that legislation alone will not improve retention rates in low SES schools, but

that the funding of innovative strategies and the investment of extra support

personnel will, as my research demonstrates, improve participation and retention.

It appeared that a sub-group of senior girls were staying on, which was in line

with the government policy of raising the school leaving age, but they were not

participating fully in school life, as measured by a range of school data, including:

retention, attendance, student application, subject selection choices, career plans and

part-time work statistics.

The key questions that informed the systematic collection and analysis of this

data were:

1. What do the data say about students staying on for the senior years?

2. Why are some girls staying on but not fully participating?

School-based data is used to analyse Question 1, and interview data is used to

analyse Question 2. Analyses of this data informed the preparation of this report,

which aims to assist the Transition Adviser to identify and support targeted students

to plan their school participation, and later, their transition to successful post-school


pathways. It is anticipated that this research will ensure that the Transition Adviser is

both better informed and more fully utilised in their intended role of promoting the

active participation and retention of targeted students and developing personalised

programs of career and transition support.

Background to the study

This report is one element of a larger program of research that examines the

NSW government policy of raising the school leaving age to 17 years of age, and the

implications and challenges for low SES schools.

The findings that inform the report specifically address the challenges for a

particular group of senior girls who were not actively participating at school prior to

the implementation of the NSLA legislation. In measuring student attendance and

school application it was clear that WHS faced a challenge in supporting some girls

to participate fully in their Stage 6 courses of study. Whereas the school had

historically retained boys at a lower rate than girls, the senior boys who stayed on

were attending and participating in their senior studies. Was it the case that the boys

who decided to stay on were committed to their studies and had goals that involved

further training and education? Were some girls staying on for the senior years

because the option to move on was not viable? That is, unlike their male

counterparts, were they staying on because there were no prospects of secure

employment or the possibility of an apprenticeship or traineeship? Or was it simply

that this sub-group of girls had restricted post-school options because of their low

levels of academic achievement? Perhaps their low level of achievement resulted in

low academic self-esteem, and this hindered their educational aspirations in the

pursuit of viable post-school pathways.


As Teese and Poelsel (2003, p. 10) write, if “the prospects of success at school

are not good, the perceived value of investing time and effort in studies declines . . .

(whilst) . . . economic vulnerability keeps many young people at school, but at the

price of scholastic vulnerability”. Whilst the sub-group of girls addressed in this

research were staying on at school, which was in line with the NSLA policy, they

were not demonstrably benefitting from the experience of being at school. It

appeared that their educational aspirations were not aligned with the ambitions of the

government in ensuring that the extra years of senior schooling resulted in positive

educational outcomes.

The research discussed here informs the preparation of a report to the

Transition Adviser at Woodstock High School (WHS).1 This report to the Transition

Adviser (PPI 2) focuses on the results of the qualitative and quantitative data

collected between 2008 and 2014. Demographic and school-based data were

collected from seven main categories: retention, attendance, student application,

subject selection choices, career plans, part-time work rates and labour market

opportunities in the area. Concurrently with the collection of quantitative data during

the research process, interviews were conducted with selected students (individual

and focus groups as detailed in the narrative), which provided a greater

understanding and explanation of the reasons for girls staying on but not fully

participating. These data will therefore assist the Transition Adviser to support girls’

retention, participation, and transition to further education/training and/or work.

1 Further, this PPI, as a report to the Transition Adviser, and drawing on the body of research

undertaken in the Professional Doctorate in Education, necessarily contains some repetitions

of discussions in other items in the portfolio. This is essential, as the Transition Adviser read

the report that follows this introduction but not the full portfolio.


A report to the Transition Adviser at Woodstock High School:

Exploring the issue of retention for girls through engaged research

Hillman (2010), in her research on attitudes, intentions and participation in

education found that:

Students’ intentions to continue their education, as reported in the early years of

secondary school, are powerful predictors of their subsequent participation in post-

compulsory schooling. (p. 1)

If students’ intentions are formed and are known in the early years of

secondary school, interviews with students enable educators and researchers to find

out their reasons for staying on, to ascertain (if it is the case) why they are not fully

participating in the senior years of schooling, and to gain insight into their intentions

and educational aspirations.

The research reported here adopted a mixed method approach to the

collection and analysis of quantitative (school-based records and surveys) and

qualitative data (individual and focus group interviews). Each stage of surveying and

interviewing was designed both to elicit a greater understanding of the challenges

hindering full school participation and to inform curriculum design and welfare

support that could more comprehensively support the educational aspirations of all

students.

In the first stage of the research, all Year 10 students (male and female) were

surveyed regarding their intentions for the senior years of schooling (as explained in

PPI 1). Subsequent individual interviews were conducted for particular groups,

namely Year 10 students (male and female) who had indicated that they were

intending to leave school. The individual interviews, whilst being helpful to the


research, were impacted by the power imbalance between the interviewer (as

researcher and Principal) and the students. This led, in some cases, to short answers

without any detailed elaboration. A move to focus group interviews, where girls were

interviewed in pairs, seemed to mediate this imbalance of power and to provide more

illuminating and detailed information. The sub-group of senior girls that were

selected for focus group interviews were chosen on the basis of the criteria of

attendance, application to school work and assessment data (all three areas will be

explained at length later in this report).

The following sections of this report systematically address the quantitative

and qualitative data, as represented in Table 10:


Table 10:

Collection of Quantitative and Qualitative Data

Quantitative Data

Retention Apparent retention rates for boys and girls from 2008 to 2014 from

Department of Education (DoE) data collections site and school

internal records.

Attendance Attendance rates for the school, South Western Sydney region and

New South Wales state for the years 2009 to 2014.

Student application Data from the senior review panel for the years 2009 to 2013.

Subject selection Data for the years 2011 to 2012 on students’ subject choices for the

senior years.

Careers plans Data from an online survey collected by DoE on the Students’

Pathways Survey/Plan.

Part-time work Data from an online survey collected by DoE on the Students’

Pathways Survey/Plan.

Labour market

opportunities

Qualitative Data

Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) census & Department of

Education, Employment and Workplace Relations (DEEWR) Industry

projection data.

Interviews Individual interviews with early leavers (girls) and focus group

interviews (pairs of girls).

Each of the seven categories of collected data, as indicated in Table 10 is

systematically addressed in the order in which they appear in the table. An

indication of how each category informed an understanding of the educational

aspirations of a sub-group of girls at WHS will be afforded.

Quantitative Data: Collection and analysis

The types of quantitative data collected during the research period were

school, state and national retention rates, student attendance rates, school senior

review panel numbers (regarding application to school work), subject selection


choices for the senior years, career planning responses, numbers of students working

part-time, and local labour market statistics. All data are analysed, expanded upon

and explained with regard to the educational aspirations of girls and their post-school

opportunities. The main focus of the research overall was the policy change in the

school leaving age ,with the goal being to improve the retention of students in one

low SES public school. The first category of data collection and analysis is that of

retention rates from the years 2008 to 2014.

Retention

An examination of the school’s retention rates from 2008 identified clear

gender differences regarding those students who left early and those who stayed on.

Retention rates have been considered for the period both prior to and following the

intervention mobilised through the school multicomponent action plan (detailed in

PPI 1).

Retention data is collected by the Department of Education (DoE) from the

school’s enrolment entries and collated each year for inclusion in the Annual School

Report (an annual summary of the school’s achievements). Therefore, DoE supplies

each school with the retention data commonly referred to as “real retention rates”

(explained in PPI 1), and includes students staying within the sector of DoE. For the

purposes of this research, Apparent Retention Rates (ARR) are used, as the data for

year groupings are accessible from internal school records, and able to be analysed.

Data in Table 11 were extracted for the Year 12 enrolments numbers for each year

(Term 3 as the end point: when Year 12 officially finish school) and correlated with

the enrolment numbers for each respective cohort when they were in Year 10 (Term

1 as the starting point) to calculate apparent retention rates.


Table 11:

Apparent Retention Rates (%) for Boys and Girls at WSHS 2008-2014

Year Group Boys

Numbers & %

Girls

Numbers & %

Total Retention

Numbers & %

Yr 12, 2008

Yr 10, 2006

85 (66%)

129

80 (75%)

107

165/236 (70%)

Yr 12, 2009

Yr 10, 2007

85 (69%)

124

95 (80%)

119

180/243 (74%)

Yr 12, 2010

Yr 10, 2008

87 (67%)

130

107 (84%)

127

194/257 (75%)

Yr 12, 2011

Yr 10, 2009

99 (84%)

118

120 (86%)

139

219/257 (85%)

Yr 12, 2012

Yr 10, 2010

99 (83%)

119

106 (88%)

121

205/240 (85%)

Yr 12, 2013

Yr 10, 2011

96 (86%)

112

116 (92%)

126

212/238 (89%)

Yr 12, 2014

Yr 10, 2012

93 (87%)

107

116 (97%)

119

209/226 (92%)

Source: WHS internal enrolment data

The difference in retention between the genders before 2010 (the first year of

NSLA legislation implementation) was of concern to me as Principal and researcher,

with boys’ retention levels lower than those of girls. These retention rates were also

below the state and federal aspirational target of 90%, which was to be reached by

2015.

When comparing retention rates there is a notable positive difference in the

percentage of girls, compared to boys, staying on to complete the Higher School

Certificate (HSC). For each of the years above there is a critical difference in


retention rates. For example, in 2008 there was a difference of 9%, in 2009 a

difference of 11% and in 2010 a difference of 17% between the rates for boys and

girls (to the advantage of girls).

For the period of 2008 to 2010 the total rate of retention for girls (when

averaged out) was 12% higher overall. This figure is comparable to national data

where the retention rates for males have usually been lower than for females. For

example, in 2010 the gap between male and female retention rates nationally was

10%, with females at 83% and males 73%. There are multiple reasons for this

difference: for example, labour market structural changes since the 1970s, which

have seen the loss of full-time jobs for teenage girls; the relative lack of access to

apprenticeships for females; the growth of the services sector, requiring higher

qualifications; and the changes in entry level qualifications in traditionally female

domains—for example, nursing (Lamb, Jackson, Walstab & Huo; 2015, p. 43).

During the period 2008 to 2010 at WHS, the overall number of boys who did

not continue schooling from Year 10 to 12 was 126, compared to 71 girls during the

same time—a total difference of 55. The data indicated that in the years preceding

the implementation of the NSLA policy, and before the implementation of the

multicomponent action plan in 2011, WHS was able to retain senior girls at a higher

rate than senior boys. However, it should not be assumed that girls value school

more highly than boys, as it appears that some girls are simply not at liberty to leave

school early, through lack of viable options.

Since 2011 the overall numbers of WHS students leaving after Year 10, and

before the end of Year 12, have halved. For instance, only 116 students in the years

2011 to 2014 moved on to other destinations, whereas in the three year period from

2008 to 2010 there were 197 early leavers. In 2011 there was a difference between


girls’ and boys’ retention rates of only 2%; in 2012 a difference of 5%, and in 2013

the difference was 6%. Interestingly, in 2014, when the girls’ apparent retention rate

peaked at 97%, there was again a ten percentage difference, with the boys’ retention

rate only reaching 87%. Nevertheless, the retention rate is trending in the right

direction in respect of attaining the government’s aspirational target of 90% retention

by 2015.

The government’s policy of raising the compulsory leaving age from 2010 for

secondary students led to a reduction in early leavers at the end of Year 10 from that

year on. A gradual cultural change was also taking place, as students became aware

of, and understood, the legislative requirements to stay on at school until 17 years of

age. As noted in the report on The New School Leaving Age: Consulting Young

People by Groundwater-Smith and Mockler (2012), “students were aware of the

changes that had been recently made to the school leaving age” (p. 9) and this was

impacting their decision to stay on.

Moreover, the structural changes in curriculum offerings and student

mentoring interventions (PPI 1) over the four years from 2011 to 2014 resulted in

positive changes in retention rates for both girls and boys. However, retention in and

of itself is not an indicator of academic achievement. Rather, it is the value students

ascribe to, and draw from staying on, that needs to be addressed. In order to benefit

both academically and vocationally from staying on, attendance at school is a

primary requirement.

What then, was the correlation between retention and attendance in the senior

years?


Attendance

Data on attendance (Figure 2) are provided yearly by the DoE to the school,

for the purposes of inclusion in the Annual School Report. However, the following

in-depth data (Table 12) are internal, more sensitive and hence, more useful in

looking at the school’s attendance rates with regard to gender. Such internal in-depth

data are also supplied by the DoE from daily attendance documents, and recorded on

the Principal’s administrative network system.

Figure 2. Total School Attendance 2008-2014 (WHS compared with all NSW state

schools)

Source: DoE Data Collections

Overall student attendance rates for the school (WHS) and state (all DoE

schools) show that the school is above the state average, both before and after the

research period. The state attendance rate has hovered around 89% for a number of

years, and it was only in 2014 that a rate of 90% attendance was realised. In contrast,

WHS has maintained a consistent trend of attendance rates in the 93% and 94%

2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

School 93.3 91.9 94.2 94.3 93.6 94.7 93.7

State DEC 89.9 89.7 89.9 89.2 89.1 89.9 90.2

0

25

50

75

100

Student attendance rates


range. Considering the Family Occupation and Education Index (FOEI) of the

school, which is currently 172, this is an impressive achievement. The FOEI is a

school-level measure of relative socio-economic disadvantage. It was developed by

DoE using students’ parental education and occupation information provided on

enrolment forms. The average FOEI value across all NSW government schools is

100. A higher FOEI value indicates greater disadvantage, and only eight percent of

other NSW government schools have higher FOEI values than WHS. Generally, low

SES schools have higher absenteeism rates than high SES schools, as revealed in the

research of Lamb et al., (p. 56, 2015), which found a gap of 10% or four weeks of

schooling between high SES (94.1%) and low SES (84.2%) students. As absenteeism

is a predictor of school participation, and students need to attend consistently to

succeed, attention to attendance rates is paramount in ensuring academic success and

school completion.

The attendance rates for boys and girls (Table 12) was therefore more useful

in teasing out the issues of gender difference. Note that for reasons of clarity the

years of 2008 and 2009 (before introduction of the NSLA policy) and the subsequent

two years—2010 and 2011—have been included. The attendance rates for boys and

girls for the years 2012 to 2014 repeat the pattern of data for 2011, and therefore

Table 13 has not been extended beyond those particular years.


Table 12:

Attendance Rates for Boys and Girls in each year group at WHS 2008-2011

Year 2008

Boys

2008

Girls

2009

Boys

2009

Girls

2010

Boys

2010

Girls

2011

Boys

2011

Girls

7 94.60 95.40 94.60 95.52 94.55 96.20 94.35 95.75

8 92.75 92.90 90.95 93.50 94.00 93.45 94.80 94.60

9 93.00 91.80 91.95 90.75 92.00 93.55 93.80 92.00

10 91.15 91.00 92.35 90.85 94.30 93.55 90.95 93.75

11 93.40 91.05 9390 92.00 95.30 93.75 92.40 94.45

12 92.70 92.40 91.75 91.25 95.40 91.90 94.70 94.00

Total 92.93 92.44 92.58 92.22 94.23 93.73 93.50 94.10

Source: WHS internal attendance data and DoE data collections

Examining Table 12, it appears that this more sensitive internal data reveals a

trend at WHS, where Year 7 and 8 girls’ attendance rates are higher than boys’

attendance rates for the same years. Then however, conversely, in Years 9 and 10,

girls’ attendance rates are lower than that of Year 9 and 10 boys. For the years 2008

to 2010 this was the pattern, and it is apparent in the senior years, where girls’

attendance rates were lower than those of the boys.

From 2011 there has been a noticeable turnaround in this trend. In 2011,

girls’ attendance rates were higher than those of the boys in Years 10 and 11. In the

data (Table 12) there was a noticeable reversal in the trend of the preceding years,

with the total attendance of girls (as a percentage) being higher in 2011.


The other table on attendance that is of interest here is the Average Days

Absence for Boys and Girls in each of the years 2008 to 2011 (Table 13). In the data

collection process for the National Partnership Situational Analysis, conducted in the

school at the end of 2010, the student annual absences for the year 2009 were

analysed. Consequently, a picture of daily absences became clear, and highlighted

the concerns of attendance rates for girls which led to this particular research. The

findings for this year group only are outlined in Table 13.

Table 13:

Average Days Absence for Boys and Girls in Each Year Group, 2009

Year

Group

Average days

absence per boy

Average days

absence per girl

Difference in average annual

absence between boys and girls

7 5.5 4.2 - 1.3 days

8 6.6 6 - 0.6 days

9 9.7 8.1 - 1.6 days

10 7.7 8.3 + 0.6 days

11 5.2 8.7 + 3.5 days

12 4.6 8.9 + 4.3 days

Source: WHS internal attendance data

In Table 13, for Year 7 students the absences were evenly spread between the

genders, with an average of 5.5 days absence for boys and 4.2 days absence for girls.

In Year 8 there were 6.6 days absence for boys and 6 days absence for girls. In Year

9 the average absence rates were 9.7 days for boys and 8.1 for girls. In Year 10 it was


7.7 for boys and 8.3 for girls. From Years 7 to 9 the gap between boys and girls in

average annual absences was to the advantage of the girls (advantage in the sense of

fewer days off school). Table 13 indicates that there was a significant change in

Years 11 and 12, with the difference being inverted, where the girls had a significant

increase in the number of absent days from school. The question raised then, was

why did the number of days that girls were absent increase from Years 7 to 12? Or

conversely, why did boys’ absences increase up until Year 9 and then decrease over

the senior years?

The positive turnaround in girls’ attendance since 2011 was due in part to the

implementation of the multicomponent action plan of 2010 (PPI 1) and to the

introduction of supportive welfare roles (Student Engagement Mentors). The

research at the school site had begun in July 2010, and the plan was taking effect.

Indeed the impact of the research-informed intervention on the site strongly reveals

the importance of specialist teachers taking an active and caring role in mentoring

students, and the provision of additional funding (NP) to support interventions that

are innovative.

In Australia nationally, attendance is stable at around 85% to 90% for

secondary students, with no obvious differences in the rates of females to males

(National Report on Schooling in Australia 2008-2011, p. 60). Despite increased

attendance at WHS, compared to students in the state, there was still evidence of

problems with some senior girls’ application to their school work.

What was happening with a sub-group of senior girls in terms of their

application to their subjects?


Application to school work

Application, for the purposes of this research at WHS, refers to the time spent

at school in class, and submission and completion of assignments and assessments.

Conversely then, lack of application (as used here), is measured by the number of

incidents, and letters sent home to parents and carers. These incidents and letters are

recorded on the school’s welfare system if a student does not submit or does not

complete assignments, assessments or classwork. The Board of Studies, Teachers

and Educational Standards (BOSTES) in NSW provides guidelines and procedures

for schools to implement when students in their courses of study do not apply

themselves with due diligence and sustained effort.

In the late 1990s, WHS implemented the Senior Review Panel system to

ensure clear and transparent procedures for the issuing of N determinations (the

process as outlined by the BOSTES to notify students and their parents and carers of

unsatisfactory completion of course outcomes for preliminary and HSC subjects).

The setting up of the Senior Review Panel at WHS was designed to support students

to successfully fulfil school and BOSTES requirements. The panel was comprised of

staff members to manage the process and included two Senior Review panel

teachers, the Deputy Principal and the relevant year adviser. The two senior review

panel teachers gathered data and support documents from the teachers and the

administration system which related to the students in Years 10, 11 and 12 who had a

documented pattern of not fulfilling school assessments and attendance requirements.

All students were given a copy of the school’s assessment policy (each year)

to ensure compliance and understanding of appeal procedures for sickness and

misadventure. The data collected consisted of attendance records; negative incident

records; individual subject teacher reports on each student’s attendance lessons,


attitude in class, application in class and completion of class-work, completion or

non-completion of assignments and assessments; and supporting statements. All the

information was compiled and used to formulate a picture of how the student was

progressing in class and at school in general. A time was then set down for the

meeting of the panel, and the students and parents and carers were also notified. The

student subsequently attended the review meeting and had the opportunity to talk

about the issues that were hindering their progress. At some review meetings

students discussed personal concerns and barriers to participating successfully at

school. Conversely, some students revealed that they did not want to stay at school

but felt pressured by their family members to continue their studies. Either way, the

review panel offered recommendations and support to enable the student to be

successful in the senior years, or gave advice as to alternative options and the

exploration of viable pathways.

The data in Table 14, gathered over the period 2009 to 2013, details the

academic year and corresponding number of senior students interviewed by the

panel. Note that data for earlier years was not available, and the Senior Review Panel

was disbanded at the end of 2013 with the introduction of a more proactive system

where the Deputy Principal responsible for each year group now monitors student

application. The senior review panel could be viewed as a reactive strategy in

monitoring and dealing with a lack of student application. With the resourcing of

extra student welfare personnel and structures (PPI 1), the school has a more

proactive approach in supporting students to attend school and complete their school

work.

The results for the years 2009 to 2013 for Years 10, 11 and 12 are included in

Table 14.


Table 14:

WHS Senior Review Panel Interviews (numbers) of Boys and Girls 2009-2013

Calendar

Year

Year 10

Boys

Year 10

Girls

Year 11

Boys

Year 11

Girls

Year 12

Boys

Year 12

Girls

2009 10 9 9 9 27 12

2010 30 4 11 6 10 27

2011 2 11 2 6 13

2012 8 12 12 6 25 17

2013 3 4 18 6 9 5

Frequencies

Total 53 29 61 29 77 74

Source: WHS internal data collection by the Senior Review Panel

It was evident that boys were fronting the review panel more frequently than

girls, except in Year 12, where a similar number of girls and boys were represented.

Further analysis of the frequency of appearances revealed that in Year 10, boys were

reviewed nearly twice as often as the girls: 53 times, compared to 29. In Year 11 the

boys were reviewed twice as many times: 61 times, compared to 29. But in Year 12

girls were similar in number to boys in their visits to the review panel: 74 times

compared to 77 interviews of boys. Why was there a doubling of the number of girls

reporting to the review panel in Year 12? What was happening to girls in terms of

their school application that resulted in as many girls as boys fronting the review

panel in Year 12?

There may be two explanations for such an outcome. First, girls are able to

“keep under the radar” in the lower grades with regard to participation and

application in class (Vickers, 2005; Jones & Myhill, 2006; Francis, 1999, 2000). On

the whole, girls at WHS are less disruptive and more compliant than boys, taking


into account the number of suspensions, and reports in the school disciplinary

system. Class teachers readily articulate statements like, “girls display all the correct

behaviours in class” (Mary, Senior Review teacher. Boys on the other hand, are

usually described by teachers as louder and more extrovert, resulting in more

disruptive and defiant behaviour. As a consequence, more entries are put into the

school welfare systems concerning boys’ non-compliance and their disruptive

behaviours in lessons.

The second issue in understanding the disparity in numbers in Years 10 and

11 can be explained by the numbers of boys who found the senior years challenging

and therefore exited the school and entered into apprenticeships, traineeships and

employment. Thus, the boys who do stay on for Year 12 are more inclined to cope

with the rigours of the HSC course, and thereby develop skills for managing senior

courses of study.

Girls who find school challenging and want to leave have more restricted

options, as there are limited post-school options that are accessible and appealing for

girls aged 15 and 16. (Lamb et al., 2004; Teese & Polesel, 2003) Thus, some girls

who have poor literacy and numeracy skills (but can not leave school at the end of

Year 10), stay on and confront the inevitable challenge of their academic work. The

response in some cases to such a frustrating struggle with academic work, and the

resultant stress of failing, is to stay away from school, truant class and not be

concerned about handing in set work. The next section of the report moves on from

application to work, to look at the actual subjects students are choosing to study.

If some girls are finding their application to school work problematic in the

senior years, to what extent is it because of their subject choices or the difficulty

of the theoretical component of the course content?


Subject selection

The school’s data in the field of subject selection choices are useful in

ascertaining what subjects girls are choosing, in the light of concerns regarding their

attendance and application in the senior school. In this section, only the subject

choices for the years 2011 and 2012 (immediately after the introduction of the NSLA

legislation) are examined. This was the most relevant data after the implementation

of the multicomponent plan (PPI 1) in 2011. One aspect of the plan was the modified

subject selection support mechanisms put in place at WHS, with the aim of improved

subject counselling by staff in the decision making process.

All students are encouraged to have a free choice of all the subjects offered.

The data collection in Tables 15 and 16 was obtained from the school timetablers

once students had made their subject choices for the senior years. Students by this

stage had attended subject selection information talks and been given the opportunity

to speak with subject teachers about the courses on offer. Also, parents and

caregivers had been invited to the school’s subject selection evening for information

on the BOSTES guidelines and regulations.


Table 15:

WHS Subject Selection Choices in Visual Arts, & Technology & Applied Studies for

Girls & Boys 2011 and 2012

Subject Choices

2011 Girls 2011 Boys 2012 Girls 2012 Boys

Visual Arts &

Visual Design

49 11 41 20

Industrial

Technology

8 56 2 44

Community &

Family Studies

25 0 20 2

Software Design

& Development 0 19 1 20

Engineering

Studies

1 14 6 19

Textiles &

Design

13 0 18 2

Source: WHS timetabling data

Table 15 holds the data of most interest to me as researcher and Principal of

WHS, in the area of subject selection preferences. The numbers reflected wider

societal choices of women being primarily responsible for child care, nurturing and

looking after the home (Connell, 2013; Francis, 2000) with girls in 2011 and 2012

predominantly choosing Community and Family Studies and Textiles, whilst the

boys in the same years were mainly choosing Engineering, Industrial Technology


(involving electronics, graphics and timber), Software Design and Development,

Information Processes and Technology. Notably, in Visual Arts. girls outnumbered

boys four to one in choosing subjects in this area in 2011, and two to one in 2012.

This gendered pattern was also replicated in choices for Vocational and Educational

Training (VET) subjects.

Table 16:

WHS Subject Selection Choices for Girls & Boys in VET 2011 and 2012

Subject

Choices

2011 Girls 2011 Boys 2012 Girls 2012 Boys

Business

Services 14 3 28 14

Retail Services 30 2 18 3

Construction

1 18 20

Hospitality (CC) 27 12 13 6

Information

Technology 5 18 2 15

Source: WHS timetabling data

Over 70% of all students chose a VET subject that was either Commercial

Cookery (Hospitality), Business Services, Information Technology, Retail or

Construction. In these courses there were strong gender divides, with boys

predominantly choosing Construction and Information Technology. Noticeably,

more girls than boys chose Retail and Business Services courses. Hospitality

(Commercial Cookery) was one subject with a strong pull for boys and girls, which

reflects societal acceptance of males as chefs, and popular cooking shows on

television, where both males and females compete.


Similarly, the national figures of students in VET courses reflected similar

findings to the school data, where males were predominantly in information

technology, architecture and building, and engineering and related technologies.

Females were more dominant in Management and Commerce, Society and Culture

and Food, Hospitality and Personal Services. An article in the March 2012 issue of

PISA in Focus revealed similar gendered patterns of choice. The article’s findings

were that: “ . . . more men than women pursue careers in fields such as science,

technology, engineering and mathematics, while women are over-represented in the

humanities and medical sciences” (OECD, 2012, p. 1). The article concluded that

“gender differences in career aspirations and expectations may be one of the factors

that lead to gender-segregated labour markets . . . associated with large differences

in wages and working conditions” (OECD, 2012, p. 3). Thus, the existing system of

gender based division is preserved and reproduced where women are over-

represented in lower status occupations, and their earnings are on average 17.5% less

than men. These differences start at the beginning of women’s careers (COAG,

2013) and follow on from subject selection at all levels of schooling and education.

This view of gendered career aspirations and expectations may in part explain

some of the choices that girls make at WHS. Even though school policy, and

teaching staff, actively encourage boys and girls to access all aspects of the

curriculum and school life, girls make choices at the end of the junior years that

channel, and therefore limit, their range of tertiary educational and work pathways.

Another aspect that impacts on girls’ post-school work options is the question of

career plans.

If some senior girls are making subject selection choices that limit their post-

school pathways, what career options do they think are available for them?

What responsibility does the school have to support the balance between

making interesting subject choices for girls and future employment options?


Career plans

Each year the students from Years 9 to 12 voluntarily participate in an online

survey regarding their career planning, called the Student Pathways Survey/Plan

(DoE). Their responses to some of the selected questions are self-graded as either yes

or no, or on a sliding scale from very important, important, and not important to

don’t know. Some examples of the questions asked are:

Have you thought about the kind of job you want as a career?

Do you have a plan on how to get the job you want as an adult?

Do you have a written version of your plan?

Table 18 records the school and state data for the years 2008 to 2012. At the

time of data collection (2013) the role of Transition Adviser was being refined from

the general DoE guidelines to include more-specific school-based parameters and

practices. Therefore, the data for 2008 to 2012 only was analysed. For each of these

years, students from Years 9 and 10 completed the online survey and were provided

with personalised feedback. Given the purposes of this report, the data on girls only

will be analysed in addressing the question of career plans. The WHS student

numbers completing the online survey for each year are detailed in Table 17.


Table 17:

Number of Respondents to Pathways Survey

2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

Girls 217 170 266 262 249

In the student pathways survey, the question of relevance to this research was:

Do you have a plan on how to get the job you want as an adult?

The assumption here (as stated on the survey) is a formal plan formulated by

the student, with or without the support of teachers and career advisers. A formal

plan implies a well thought out plan with dates and goals, assumes that secondary

students know what pathway they want to take, or their ideal career, and how to get

there.

The response options were either Yes or No. For each year, the numbers who

responded and their associated percentages were recorded.


Table 18:

Students at WSHS and in NSW With (yes) and Without (no) a Job Plan 2008-2012*

Year Yes

School

Yes

%

Yes

NSW

Yes

%

No

School

No

%

No

NSW

No

%

2008

(9)

(10)

61

41

47.66

47.67

1212

1340

47.75

49.26

67

45

52.34

52.33

1326

1380

52.25

50.74

2009

(9)

(10)

24

11

35.82

61.11

1443

2064

44.43

54.26

43

7

64.18

38.89

1805

1740

55.57

45.74

2010

(9)

(10)

31

38

40.99

47.50

1162

2366

44.18

49.28

45

42

59.21

52.50

1468

2435

55.82

50.72

2011

(9)

(10)

46

38

42.99

37.62

1125

2190

44.18

49.28

61

63

57.01

62.38

1532

2224

42.34

50.39

2012

(9)

(10)

69

79

41.32

47.88

2264

3950

44.05

51.25

98

86

58.68

52.12

2876

3757

55.95

48.75

* Expressed in whole numbers of respondents and percentages of school and state.

Source: DoE Pathways Survey (2008 - 2012)

The overall picture from Table 18 is that compared to the state, the girls at

WHS (who have accessed and answered questions to the survey) generally did not

have a written plan, compared to students from the state. However, both groups of

girls (school and state), appeared to increasingly have a plan in the higher grades,

while in some years, such as Year 10, the indications were that they had a plan that

may have been completed during their Year 10 career lessons. The broad impression

obtained from the pathways survey was that some respondents were making


decisions about career planning and the associated subject choices for the senior

school without reference to goal setting, targets, and future intentions. Therefore, it

appeared obvious that the school needed to put into place individual educational

plans for junior students, focused university visits and career seminars to inform and

guide students in future choices and career options. In terms of individual senior girls

who were experiencing difficulty with their application to senior study, it would be

prudent for the Transition Adviser to work with individual students to plan steps for

successful participation at school, with the goal of transitioning into viable post-

school pathways.

Another domain for data analysis was that of part-time work, which links

with the building of confidence in the workplace and the refining of educational

aspirations for students.

What career options were available in the local area for part-time work

experience and full-time employment/training for females?

Part–time work

It became clear that the students at WHS were not so engaged in the world of

work, in comparison to other students in the state (see Table 19). This is important,

as skills and experiences gained from part-time work help build a young person’s

confidence and increase their employability for future job positions (Lamb et al.,

2004; Marks, Fleming, Long & McMillan, 2000).

Questions from the DoE Survey also included the following:

Do you want a part-time job while at school?

If you have a part-time job, approximately how many hours a week do

you work?


Table 19:

Girls (School and State) Working Part-time for the Years 2008-2012 (%)*

Year Context

2008

Girls

%

2009

Girls

%

2010

Girls

%

2011

Girls

%

2012

Girls

%

Year 9 Working P/Time In School 16 8 11 6 14

Year 9 Working P/Time In State 24 23 20 21 22

Year 10 Working

P/Time

In School 27 11 17 9 13

Year 10 Working

P/Time

In State 37 39 37 35 37

Year 11 Working

P/Time

In School 20 21 16 22

Year 11 Working

P/Time

In State 39 38 44 34

*Categorised by year group—Source: WHS Student Pathways Survey (2008 – 2012)

Table 19 shows that in comparison to other girls in the state, lower numbers of

girls at WHS were working part-time in Years 9, 10 and 11. Whilst in some years,

the actual numbers reporting were smaller, the trend remained the same: State wide

figures recorded twice as many girls working part-time, compared to the school’s

Year 9 girls; three times as many Year 10 girls in the state worked, compared to the

school’s Year 10 girls; and two and a half times as many girls in Year 11 in the state

worked part-time, compared to the school’s Year 11 girls. Thus, WHS girls were

getting the experience of part-time work later in their secondary schooling life and

were therefore less exposed to the world of work when they left school.

Anlezark & Lim, (2011) found that in 2004, 41.8% of Year 9 students

combined study with part-time work. The LSAY survey showed that approximately

one quarter to one fifth of students in the state were working part-time. Vickers,


Lamb and Hinkley (2003) in the LSAY No. 30 report found that “working more than

five hours per week increases the likelihood of dropping out before the end of Year

12” (p. 8).

This figure of five hours per week appears to be a benchmark for supporting

students in combining study and part-time work. Whilst working builds confidence

and skills, too much part-time work can impact on a student’s ability to successfully

navigate the senior years and manage the demands of a rigorous HSC course. Thus,

the balance of encouraging part-time work to gain employability skills, in

combination with time management for studies, and flexibility by an employer in

setting work hours, can greatly assist students during their secondary schooling.

In the WHS findings the numbers of girls not actively seeking work compared

to students throughout the state also revealed a variance in percentages.


Table 20:

Girls at WHS and in NSW not Actively Seeking Part-time Work, 2008-2012

Calendar year Year Group School (%) NSW (%)

2008 Year 9 22 7

2008 Year 10 11 7

2009 Year 9 14 6

2009 Year 10 22 7

2009 Year 11 42 17

2010 Year 9 21 7

2010 Year 10 21 7

2010 Year 11 40 16

2011 Year 9 18 7

2011 Year 10 17 8

2011 Year 11 24 12

2012 Year 9 14 8

2012 Year 10 21 8

2012 Year 11 33 19

Source: WHS Student Pathways Survey (2008-2012)

It may be the case that girls at WHS were not working or seeking part-time

work because of the limited opportunities in the labour market. Other reasons could

have been the emphasis given at home to concentrating on school work and tutoring,

as well as cultural constraints, where females in some families are discouraged from

working outside the home. Another reason was the limited availability of part-time

jobs in the South West area of Sydney (Reid & Watson, 2016), where preference is


given to adult females over teenagers (anecdotal information from local employers

and school careers advisers). Thus, the girls at WHS could be competing with their

mothers for part-time work, and the option for some is to stay home and mind

siblings while their mother works. Finally, in the labour market in Australia, as

detailed in the Report Tracking Equity: Comparing outcomes for women and girls

across Australia (COAG, 2013, p. 28), women are more than twice as likely to work

part-time, compared to men. This reality therefore undermines the government

argument that staying on at school will lead to better outcomes. More girls are

staying on at school than boys—87.8%, compared with 84.1% in 2012 (COAG,

2013, p. 8), yet they are less likely (73.9%, compared to 79.3% males; 18-24 age

bracket), to transition to full engagement in further education, training or

employment (p. 9). Females in low SES communities are doubly disadvantaged, with

only 53.6% of females engaged in work or study, compared to 82.1% of males (p. 9).

This raises the question as to why some girls in low SES communities are not

making the transition to further study, training or full-time employment.

Why are our girls not engaging with the world of work, or why do they have low

levels of participation of part-time work? How does this affect their future plans

and employment options?

It is important to create post-school work options and ambitions within the

context of actual labour market options.

Labour market options

In analysing the collection of school data for this report, it is important to

examine the local area concerning the employment opportunities that girls from the

school have in the labour market. Identification of work opportunities in the

Fairfield West area and beyond will contextualise students’ actual and perceived

opportunities, and their relationship to their subject choices. A brief overview of


how women are tracking in Australia will assist in setting the scene, before

examining the opportunities for females in Fairfield West.

Labour force trends in Australia

According to the rhetoric of government, increasing the school leaving age

will result in better personal and societal outcomes. In particular, an increased school

leaving age with improved educational qualifications of school leavers will result in

a workforce with increased levels of skill.

In the same report on Tracking Equity (COAG, 2013), the following was

revealed:

A higher proportion of women under 30 (64.8%) have educational

qualifications at or above Certificate 111 level, compared to men under

30 (62.7%);

Fewer women transition from school to full engagement in work,

education or both: 73.5% of women, compared to 79.3% of men in 2012;

Graduate starting salaries are lower for women than men: $50,000 median

starting salary for women, compared to $55,000 for men;

Women’s average weekly earnings were 17.5% lower than men’s in

2013; and

Women earn less and therefore retire with less—an average of 36% less

than men.

With this national overview in mind, a review of the labour force trends in

context of Fairfield West is useful, to remind the reader of the challenges faced by

some girls in making the transition from school to further education, training and/or

employment.


Labour force trends in Fairfield West

The number of people in Fairfield West (15 years and over) in the labour

force (and employed full-time) totals 59.6%, which compares favourably to the rest

of the Australian labour force, at 59.7% (ABS, 2013). The population in part-time

employment is 24.5%, with 8.9% unemployed. This unemployment figure is in

contrast to that of persons (aged 15 years and over) in Australia as a whole, which

was 5.6% at the time of the 2011 census. The majority of occupations in Fairfield

West are trades, technicians, machinery operators, drivers, labourers, clerical and

administration: totalling 61.4% (all categories), with professionals and managers at

18.5%. While Australia as a whole has 21.3% of its population in professional

occupations, Fairfield West has only 11.8%. Thus, the local area leans heavily

towards employment for males, and excludes opportunities for females to source

employment locally.

According to information provided by ABS labour market information on

Local Government Areas (LGAs), Fairfield West has one of the highest areas for

youth unemployment in the South Western region. The average period of

unemployment in 2011 for long-term unemployed in Fairfield West was 46 weeks.

Jobless families with children under 15 years, as a proportion of all families that

were unemployed, were highest in the Fairfield LGA in 2011.

The implication for students in the Fairfield West area is that the role

modelling of parents and carers going to work is not present for 31% of families, and

these families are dependent on welfare and other forms of income support.


Job opportunities for school leavers in South Western Sydney

Opportunities for apprenticeships/traineeships in the South Western Sydney

(SWS) are available in construction, metal trades, automotive, telecommunications,

business administration, beauty services, child care, hairdressing, retail and

hospitality. Again the concern here for girls is the skew towards caring and service

opportunities.

Part-time and full-time employment opportunities in hospitality (including

fast food stores) and retail are available in the local area, but are offered as casual

employment, without any planned career pathways. Employment in beauty services,

child care, hairdressing, retail and hospitality may be attractive to some girls who

exit the school system earlier than Year 12. But the pathway for advancement and

taking up managerial roles would require further training and development of the

essential employability skills. These skills in turn are reliant on high order literacy

and numeracy skills, which some of the early leavers do not have.

The areas of future growth in the Australian market are expected to be in the

area of the services sector, “ranging from health and education to retailing,

hospitality and recreation, communications and property and business services”

(Tiffen & Gittins, 2004, p. 55).

Whilst there are also challenges, the opportunities for service sector jobs mean

that school leavers need to be job ready: That is, to have experience, qualifications,

training, and employability skills, and to be proficient in English. Thus, part-time

work, higher order literacy skills and the ability to pursue further education and

training are crucial in supporting girls to break into, and stay in, the labour market.


Key findings from the quantitative data:

The majority of girls at WHS stay on for the senior years of schooling.

Retention does not guarantee participation.

Retention is impacted by school-based, familial, societal, political,

economic and labour market factors.

Some girls stay because of restricted opportunities in the labour market.

Curriculum choice can limit transition pathways and future employment

opportunities.

For a sub-section of girls, planned individual transition pathways need to

be developed.

Qualitative data

Qualitative data collected during the research period consisted of transcribed

recordings from individual and focus group interviews. All interviews were audio-

recorded and transcribed by a professional transcribing service. The transcripts from

these individual and focus group interviews were analysed thematically, with the key

themes emerging being the following: reasons for staying on or moving on,

educational aspirations, post-school intentions, support from and influence of

significant adults. For this report, the interviews of particular importance were those

conducted with individuals (girls only) and focus groups (girls in pairs). The broad

purpose of the interviews was to elicit an understanding of the reasons for leaving

school early or staying on. In this report, the particular focus is on exploring the

girls’ experiences and perceptions of the benefits of staying on at school, in relation

to their future aspirations, and to ascertain the reasons why some girls stay on but do

not fully participate.


Interviews

In the initial stages of the research three girls (Jennifer, Tiffany and Tracey)

were interviewed separately and asked questions about their reasons for leaving

school early, reasons for staying on for the senior years, about part-time work,

subject choices, sources of support and educational aspirations (Appendix C). Later,

two focus group interviews were conducted with senior girl students, in pairs (Kathy

and Tina; Gemma and Diana), to elicit further information regarding the aspirations

of girls, their experiences of schooling, family and school support and their perceived

benefits of staying on and reasons for not fully participating in the senior years.

Kathy and Tina had experienced difficulties with their Preliminary years of

schooling (Year 11) in terms of attendance, application and submission of

assessments, but had managed to improve their overall participation by the beginning

of Year 12. Gemma and Diana were in Year 11 and were beginning to demonstrate a

lack of participation. Their attendance was erratic, they were not completing

classwork and they were not submitting assessment tasks. Thus, the comparison of

the pairs is helpful in ascertaining the girls’ goals, career plans and the types of

support and initiatives the school could provide to re-connect them with school or

learning beyond the school.

The focus group interviews allowed for in-depth probing of students’ views.

Assistance from the appropriate year adviser was sought, to inform the targeted

students of the research. Students were given the information and consent forms and

were advised that if they consented (and the voluntary nature of their involvement

was emphasised), they should then submit the appropriate forms to their year adviser.

The analysis of each interview was conducted by reflective engagement with

the audio recording, reviewing written transcripts of each interview, colour coding


key themes and emerging patterns. This report concentrates on the reasons girls gave

for staying on for the senior years, and the challenges they faced in participating fully

in their studies.

Reasons for staying on

The first pair of girls (Kathy and Tina) interviewed were adamant about

staying on, and were cognizant of their intentions. For example, Kathy talked about

her decision to stay on for Years 11 and 12:“First of all I didn’t want to do Year 11,

but then later on I thought about it, I really wanted my Year 10 School Certificate

and my HSC”. Her parents and the Careers Adviser had provided Kathy with careers

guidance: “They told me it’s better for me if I stay to gain more knowledge and more

education”. Gemici, Bdenarz, Karmel and Lim (2014) found that for secondary

students, the most important predictor of Year 12 completion, after academic

achievement, was parental influence. This gives weight to the need for parents and

carers in low SES environments to receive relevant and up to date information in the

range of post-school transition pathways.

When Kathy was asked what she would have done if she had left school at

the end of Year 10, her response indicated a sketchy plan: “I was going to actually

just work and then do policing when it’s the right time”. The type of work was not

clear but the end goal was to pursue the career of policing. She went on to say: “But

then I thought that’s a waste of time because either way I have to wait until I’m 20 to

get into Goulburn, [police academy] so I just thought I might as well finish Year 11

and 12 and then do it when I’m done with Year 12”. Apart from the advice she

received from her parents it was evident that she had other role models. Kathy went

on to say that: “Some of my family friends are police officers”. She viewed the

stepping stone of the senior years as improving her chances of entering the police


force. Kathy’s plan was now clearer and more precise, and she was able to articulate

the steps to achieving her post-school goal of policing.

I’m going to get my HSC this year, then I want to do personal training. So I’m going

to do a Certificate 3 and 4 and then hopefully a Diploma after that. So that’s going

to take a year and a half and then after that I want to be a secretary for a lawyer.

Then after that, that will be the perfect age to apply for Goulburn for policing.

Tina had had a number of family responsibilities in Year 11 which had

impacted on her school participation, but by the beginning of Year 12 her reasons for

staying on, clearly demonstrated her intentions for a business career. “I knew what I

wanted to do. I was really certain that I wanted to do business, so I thought for me to

excel later on in life I’d have to finish school.” Concerning her educational

aspirations for the future Tina said “Hopefully I will get into university, but since I’m

not sure where in business I want to go, because it’s so broad, I think I might go to a

business college”. Tina had chosen Business Studies and Legal Studies for the senior

years in order to align her studies with her ambitions.

In contrast, the second pair of girls (Diana and Gemma) had less-practical

plans, where their stated intentions for post-school were in some measure fantasies

that did not line up with their subject choices. For example, Diana said she wanted to

“be a singer . . . like being a celebrity”. In probing further, it emerged that Diana

was not considering music as an elective. When asked about other options she said,

“probably a receptionist in a business”. Likewise, Gemma stated that she wanted to

be “an actor . . . in the movies”, but was not interested in drama and had difficulty

with the basic requirements of Year 11 in terms of attendance, class participation and

completion of assignments. In a similar vein, Tracey (individual interview) wanted to

be a veterinarian but had not achieved strong results in science in the junior school:


“I don’t want to continue to Year 12. I never really saw myself getting my HSC. I just

want to go to TAFE, do animal studies—get that course finished and then go to

university from that and become a vet.” Tracey continued talking about her personal

obstacles: “last year I was away from school so I flunked most of my subjects, I think

I got pretty good marks for someone who ran away”. Tracey had experienced some

family problems, and as a result, left home and travelled interstate for a period of

time, thereby disrupting her schooling year.

Other challenges that prevented the girls from fully participating in the senior

years ranged from difficulty with the theory components of the senior courses, to

personal and home life issues. Tina talked about the family pressures that impacted

on her senior studies and therefore on her attendance. She mentioned her concerns,

saying she had time management issues because she was caring for younger siblings:

being late for school, not sleeping well, family pressures, I can’t fall asleep early,

having a family that has a lot of children. I have two siblings—a baby sister and

baby brother, they keep me up late a little bit. Both of my parents work now, my Dad

goes to TAFE, so I have to play a motherly role as well at home.

Gemma also struggled with family pressures and the demands of the Year 11

course. When asked about her aspirations post school, she stated that she: “Would

like to do child studies at TAFE—I wouldn’t do that as a job though”. She later

commented that she enjoyed babysitting her younger sister but did not necessarily

want a career in child care. Her mother’s influence in supporting Gemma was

demonstrated in the interview by this comment: “My mum wants me to stay in school

until I finish, [ . . . she then digressed and talked about her brother who left school

early]. She kind of let him do whatever. She regrets that and she’s not going to let

that happen with me.”


Working part-time

Some students spoke about their part-time work and how this activity

positively and negatively shaped their intended career outcomes. For example, for

Kathy the experience of working part-time shaped her thinking about the post-school

choices available to her if she left early, “I was working at Woollies, so I was

probably just going to work there, but then I thought about it, it’s not worth it

because it’s not something that good”. Similarly, Tina’s part-time work positively

affirmed her desired course for the world of business: “I‘m already having

experience outside of school, because I’m a casual part-time worker as a medical

receptionist, so that helps me a lot”.

In examining the reasons for not working part-time, some students stated that:

their parents and carers would not allow them to work; their parents and carers did

not want them out late at night; their parents and carers wanted them to concentrate

on their studies; that there were few part-time jobs available and that they had no

personal connections to find any work.

Tina appreciated the importance of minimising the time she spent working

whilst completing her senior studies, saying, “I work just a day a week because my

manager understands that we’re going through HSC”. Tina was already stretched

with her family commitments: therefore, her manager’s support in providing the part-

time work and school balance was essential in ensuring that she complete Year 12.

Research by Vickers, Lamb and Hinkley (2003) found that participation in

employment beyond five hours per week is associated with an increased likelihood

of leaving school early. This may be due to a lack of interest in the subjects at

school, or the effects of late nights and working weekends conflicting with the


demands and time needed for study in the senior years, and the subsequent impact on

a student’s academic achievement.

These findings from girls in a low SES school community are consistent with

Teese and Polesel’s (2003) observation that:

. . . the links between scholastic failure and socio-economic status mean that it is

manual workers’ children who most often pay the economic penalties of low

achievement. It is they who will leave school early or will be refused a place in

tertiary education if they do finish school; it is they who will find it more difficult to

get part-time work while at school and who have a greater chance of being

unemployed at the end of school (Teese & Polesel, 2003, p. 9).

If the employment opportunities for girls are restrictive in the local area, and

females historically earn less over their lifetime, then it is imperative that secondary

schools support girls in building a strong foundation in the junior years in the areas

of literacy and numeracy, to facilitate academic success. In addition, developing

individual transition plans in the junior years, with sustained and systematic careers

counselling and advice in choosing subjects for the senior years in line with students’

plans, is essential. If part-time work is necessary for financial reasons but the work

hours are impacting on full participation at school, then flexibility needs to be

provided in the form of student assistance, or by directing students to appropriate

avenues for support. After reviewing retention, attendance, student application,

subject selection choices, career plans, part-time work and labour opportunities for

girls at WHS, it was evident that the issue of some girls staying on and not

participating was complex and multidimensional. Therefore, the school had to be

strategic in developing support structures and strategies for individual students with

respect to the individual factors that were amenable to change.


Key findings

The problem of girls not fully participating is multidimensional, having structural,

institutional, social, familial and individual factors;

Understanding these multiple factors is necessary in addressing adequate

and equitable intervention for girls;

Students need to be supported to develop realistic ambitions and plans that

align with subject choices and work experience.

Recommendations

Based on the data analyses and key findings, the following recommendations

are made to support the work of the Transition Adviser at WHS. These may also be

of relevance to other low SES schools in addressing student retention and transition

to work.

The need to strengthen the Careers and Transition planning and individual case

management of some students:

Start planning in Year 8 for individual educational and career plans that

then can be aligned with students’ subject selections for Years 9 and 10;

In Year 8, begin to write these individualised plans down. Organise

personalised folders for each student, with a hard copy for personal

reference and a soft copy to be kept by the Careers and Transition team;

Organise visits to tertiary institutions in Year 8 to give students the

opportunity to familiarise themselves with, extend and explore their post-

school options;

Organise the provision of career days promoting various post-school

pathways and career choices. In addition, have career days where girls


and boys see adults in non-traditional roles: for example, female

mechanics and male nurses;

Invite guest speakers (ex-students and personnel from external

organisations) to address students and help broaden their horizons and

post-school possibilities.

Assist in making links with employers and arranging work experience and

part-time work, where applicable, for Year 9 and 10 students, in line with

their written career plans;

Arrange workshops at school for parents and carers, for information

dissemination on post-school options and alternative pathways;

Continue with Year 10 careers lessons and subject counselling during the

subject selection process for the senior years;

Examine growth areas in the local labour market and tailor courses or

channel students into, for example, aged care and health services; and

Be aware that the problems of retention, participation and transition are

multi-dimensional and need to be addressed in pragmatic ways that avoid

individualising the problem as a lack of ambition on the part of particular

students.

These recommendations, drawn from the qualitative and quantitative data,

provide weight and consideration to the notion of early intervention in the junior

years, especially the need for ongoing mentoring and career planning, and the

provision of academic counselling for both boys and girls throughout their secondary

schooling to overcome the multiple disadvantages experienced by students in low

SES communities. The role of the Transition Adviser was to support targeted

students who were likely to exit secondary education early and to plan their post-


school transition. Whilst the Transition Adviser role at WHS was initially focused on

students who were already disengaged (or not fully participating) in the senior years,

the data from this report and research give weight to intervention in the junior years

using a multi-pronged approach.

Therefore, the Transition Adviser role at WHS needs to be expanded to

develop proactive strategies for the case management of junior students needing

transition support. In summary, this report has highlighted the importance of not just

retaining girls at school but creating conditions for their full participation. Regardless

of individual achievement levels, the post-school outcomes can be positive. Girls

who drift and are without focus can be described as “lost talent” (Sikora & Saha,

2011) and will no doubt fall back on casual and part-time positions. Written career

plans, clarification of goals, planned work experience and high educational

aspirations can all work together to negate the effects of low SES environments.

5. Scholarly Paper 2: Girls’ educational aspirations

Introduction

The purpose of the research undertaken for this professional doctorate was to

study the effects of the New South Wales (NSW) government’s policy titled New

School Leaving Age (NSLA) on student retention in one Low Socio-economic Status

(SES) secondary school in South Western Sydney (SWS). This scholarly paper

focuses on the educational aspirations of a sub-group of senior girls in Years 11 and

12 in the particular secondary schooling context of Woodstock High School (WHS).

The proposition of this paper is that historical patterns of girls’ subject choices and

perceived and actual career/work options simultaneously shape and limit girls’

educational aspirations, especially in low SES contexts. The educational aspirations

of some girls from low SES backgrounds may therefore not align with the

government’s ambitions as set out in the NSLA education policy.

This paper firstly provides a brief reintroduction to the specific problem of a

sub-group of senior girls at WHS who were not fully participating at school, as

outlined in the Report to the Transition Adviser (PPI 2). After an examination of the

concept of educational aspiration, an overview of some of the individual and

institutional factors that are used to explain a lack of educational aspiration will be

analysed. The second half of this paper then argues that these broader contextual


factors focusing on students’ families and communities are ultimately inadequate in

explaining why some girls are staying on but not fully participating at WHS. I argue

that the reliance on individual and external factors is inadequate, for two reasons.

The first of these reasons is that students’ school experiences, and in

particular their subject choices at the secondary level, can result in a narrowing or

widening of educational and occupational aspirations (Suh-Hui Liu & Nguyen,

2011). Second, for girls in low SES environments, their perceived and actual career

options are greatly enhanced or restricted by teacher expectations, attachment to

school, prior levels of academic achievement, role modelling and knowledge of post-

school options (Curtis & McMillan, 2008; Dale, 2010; Homel, Mavisakalyan,

Nguyen & Ryan, 2010; Menzies, 2013).

As outlined in PPI 2, a sub-group of senior girls at WHS were staying on, and

whilst this aligned with the NSLA policy, they were not fully participating in their

senior studies, as evidenced by poor attendance, lack of application and weak

academic performance. A concern with this sub-group of girls became noticeable in

the process of completing the Situational Analysis for National Partnership (NP)

funding (outlined in PPI 1).

I propose that the ambitions of a sub-group of senior girls referred to in the

Report to the Transition Adviser (PPI 2) are different from those outlined by the

government in the NSLA policy. It may be that for this sub-group of girls, staying on

at school did not meet their individual ambitions, and this was evident in their lack of

participation at school. School participation, as explained in the Narrative, covers

the broad areas of school engagement, academic engagement, education and work

plans, and academic achievement. The data collected and analysed in PPI 2 cover

measures of attendance, application in class, completion of assessments, academic


progress and career plans (Lamb et al., 2004). Whilst this group of girls was staying

on at school because of the legislative requirements, it appeared that they were not

benefiting academically from the schooling experience. The school was retaining this

group, but there was little evidence of addressing these individuals and their needs.

The report to the Transition Adviser identified that leaving school was not an option

for these girls, as they did not have clear post-school plans or viable alternative

pathways.

After the implementation of the NSLA policy in 2010, in the particular

context of WHS, school life proceeded as normal for most students. That is, the

majority of students progressed from the junior years of schooling to the senior years

of study. However, for a small number of senior girls, the assumptions and ambitions

of the government’s policy (outlined in SP 1) regarding future education and

employment did not appear to be compatible with their individual aspirations and

ambitions. What then were the ambitions and aspirations of this particular sub-group

of girls, as reflected in their school participation? Was there a misalignment between

the ambitions and aspirations of the girls and those of the school and the

government?

Ambition and aspiration

One individual factor that is often overlooked in the literature attempting to

explain girls’ lack of participation and non-completion of school is that of ambition,

or aspiration. Ambition and aspiration are problematic terms to define precisely

(Carter, 2001, pp. 12-13). Carter has noted that these terms are fraught with multiple

meanings and that there are various terms that researchers use to define aspiration or

ambition in the context of education. These meanings range from an individual’s

educational plans, expectations, educational preferences, educational intentions, and


educational predictors to hopes and wishes. Homel and Ryan (2014), in their recent

Australian research, define the term educational aspirations as the plan to remain at

school until Year 12, or to participate in university (p. 8).

Marks, Fleming, Long and McMillan (2000) found that young people’s

plans—in other words, their stated intentions—were the most significant predictor of

whether these individuals would complete school. Similarly, Homel and Ryan’s

(2014) research confirmed that individuals who had intentions to complete Year 12

were 20 to 25% more likely to do so, and that planning to undertake university

studies increased the likelihood of doing so by 15 to 20%.

This relationship between intention and corresponding participating actions

was borne out by Fuller’s (2009) research focusing on the different educational

aspirations of three groups of girls from working class backgrounds in England.

Fuller adopted the deviant case approach and chose to focus on a setting where

certain outcomes would be expected, such as an underperforming school “where low

academic achievements and consequently low aspirations would be the expected

norm, and looked for deviations” (Fuller, 2009, p. 2). She conducted focus group

and structured individual interviews with Year 10 and Year 12 students and

categorised the girls into the following groups:

1. low aspirers: students who intended to leave school at the end of their

compulsory education and who considered school largely irrelevant;

2. middle aspirers: students who intended to continue with further education

and training at vocational colleges at the end of their compulsory schooling. These

students were generally more positive about school and valued education, deeming it

necessary for future job security; and


3. high aspirers: students who intended to pursue a higher education at

university. These students were mostly positive about school and valued education

highly because of a strong belief that there was a clear correlation between higher

education, future security, choice, and the potential for independence.

Fuller suggests that self-identification was the clear differentiating key in

considering these different levels of educational aspirations. That is because, “how a

student identifies oneself within an educational context will have important

consequences for how they then engage within it and their trust in meritocracy”

(Fuller, 2009, p. 159).

Fuller’s United Kingdom study clearly revealed lost opportunities for low and

middle aspirers. Similar research in Australia has also uncovered the underutilisation

of human potential when educational aspirations are not supported. Sikora and Saha

(2011) examined the area of “lost talent” (defined as the underutilisation or wastage

of human potential), arguing that this loss can occur when students lower their

educational or occupational expectations, or fail to achieve their educational or

occupational plans. Using data from LSAY 98, Sikora and Saha examined the

academic achievement of high achievers in Year 9, their educational and

occupational expectations whilst at school, and their educational and occupational

attainment by age 25 years, to determine talent loss. The authors suggested that the

factors which can lead to a lowering of educational aspirations for students include

low SES background, lower levels of perceived academic ability and dissatisfaction

with school. They also observed that having and holding high expectations for a

career plan was crucial in realising such ambitions, and that not having career plans,

especially for young women, was detrimental to these students’ future attainments

(Sikora & Saha, 2011, p. 9). This research was particularly relevant to WHS, in that


the data on career planning (PPI 2) revealed that a number of girls did not have

formal written career plans or practical plans that aligned their school subjects and

future employment.

Conversely, on the positive side, research in Australia by Hillman (2010)

found that students who are positively oriented and have a sense of connectedness to

a school, and who actively participate in academic work and extracurricular

activities, are more likely to fulfil their intentions to finish school (p. 5). The report

also ascertained that there was a strong relationship between students’ intentions

(educational aspirations) and their actual participation and subsequent chosen

pathway. Furthermore, students “who had positive attitudes to school in the junior

years were more likely to continue at school to Year 12 and beyond, and those who

intended to remain at school and go on to further study were more likely to do so” (p.

3).

Reeves (2014) examined certain groups in the United States of America to

ascertain why some achieved their plans, while others experienced less success.

Reeves makes the distinction between active aspirations and vague hopes. He defines

active aspirations as having a goal, or set of goals, and diligently working towards

them. For example, if a student has the educational aspiration to complete Year 12,

then the corresponding actions of attending school, participating in class and

completing assessments follow naturally. In contrast, Reeves defines vague hope as

loosely-stated goals which are not grounded in the corresponding investment of time,

effort and application (Reeves, 2014, p. 3).

In the focus interviews with Diana and Gemma (detailed in PPI 2), some

examples of these vague hopes were evident. When asked about their future plans,

Diana was aspiring to be “an actor” and Gemma “a singer”, but there was no


corresponding investment in time (attending school), effort (choosing the subjects of

drama and music) and application (participating and completing set classwork).

Neither girl participated fully in the senior years; nor did they complete the Higher

School Certificate (HSC) examinations at the end of Year 12.

While aspiration has been synonymous with educational plans, goals and

intentions, the term educational aspirations as used in this paper broadly refers to

meaningful educational and career intentions. In other words, it is the goal(s) that a

young person would like to achieve at school and post-school. As young people

progress through the junior and senior years of school, their educational aspirations

are reassessed and refined, as they experience both success and failure in their

academic studies and grow more certain of their strengths and interests (Fuller, 2009;

Reid & Watson, 2016). Coupled with their school experiences are the intersecting

individual attributes and demographic factors of family and community that

influence students’ educational aspirations. Such factors are largely unmodifiable by

the school, and therefore are less amenable to policy or practice responses (Anlezark,

2011; Robinson & Meredith, 2013). This next section therefore reviews the

individual characteristics and broad contextual factors which are sometimes used to

explain a lack of participation in, and hence non completion of, the senior years of

schooling.

Retention and vulnerability

A large body of research on early leavers and young people who were not

participating and not completing secondary school. has primarily focused on the

characteristics and attributes of these young people. These attributes or vulnerability

factors have included gender, ethnicity, race, indigenous status, academic ability,

special needs, self-esteem, homelessness, income, part-time work, health issues,


relationships with peers, drug and alcohol usage (Dale, 2010; Lamb et al., 2004;

Marks et al., 2000; Robinson & Meredith, 2013; Rumberger, 2001).

Whilst these individual attributes may be helpful in identifying particular

students in order to prevent low levels of participation at school, and subsequently

early school leaving, a word of caution is needed here in viewing early school leavers

as the problem and “at risk”. By emphasising individual and family characteristics,

the focus is placed on the individual student rather than on the wider context of

schooling and associated policies and social practices. Te Riele (2006a) has

suggested that labelling early leavers as marginalised students is more beneficial in

reframing this complex issue and in ultimately advocating for appropriate

interventions. She emphasises that “young people may face significant personal

problems or adverse structural or cultural circumstances” (Te Riele, 2006a, p. 140),

but that the term “at risk” is negative and not inclusive. Te Riele further recognises

that the senior secondary schooling system does not met the needs of some students;

this results in educational marginalisation. Te Riele (2006a) therefore advocates for

high quality educational policy to “enable schools to respond creatively and flexibly

to the variety and complexity of reasons which made schooling in one way or

another unsuited to students’ needs” (p. 142). In this regard Liu and Nguyen (2011)

similarly promote “a rich and varied school education” (p. 1) as the best intervention

in the transition to adulthood, to prevent early leaving and the consequences of

under-employment or unemployment. Therefore, during my research the question

arose for me as to the types of creative, flexible and varied structures and support I

could implement in order to make WHS a more inclusive school.

As researcher and principal of WHS a prime area of interest for me was the

relationship between gender, achievement levels and school participation. The sub-


group of girls who were of concern to me were all from the local area of Fairfield

West, a low SES community. They were from different cultural groups but were all

attending the same public comprehensive school. Why then did most girls at WHS

achieve value-added results, progress to university and other tertiary providers,

whilst a specific sub-group were not participating and benefitting from the senior

years of schooling?

When I commenced this research into the NSLA policy in 2010, the apparent

retention rate nationally for males was 74.1% and for females 82.9%. (ABS, 2013).

Thus, there was a difference of 8.8 points between male and female students.

Interestingly, this pattern has continued for successive years thereafter. Researchers

have explained this difference in part as a result of changes in youth labour markets

and a contraction in full-time permanent positions (Lamb et al., 2004; Lamb &

McKenzie 2001; Teese, 2002). Lamb et al. (2004) have noted that the decline in full-

time jobs over the last three decades (1980-2010) has been more severe for teenage

females than for teenage males. Thus, girls who might have left school at the end of

Year 10 have been constrained to stay on. Vickers (2010) observed that, in regard to

the gender gap in high school completion rates, the rate of early leaving was greater

among young people with weak Year 10 results. However, she also noted a gender

gap in this phenomenon: “Girls who perform poorly in Year 10 are more likely to

stay on at school than boys who perform poorly . . . low-performing girls tend to

battle on at school, while boys with similar levels of ability leave” (Vickers, cited in

Connell et al., 2010, p. 228).

With the gender gap observed by Vickers, it was emphasised that boys were

advantaged in their choice to leave school and find full-time work, an apprenticeship

or traineeship, as it was easier for them than for girls to find such work or training.


The world of apprenticeships is male dominated, giving boys the option to leave at

the end of Year 10 if they have an apprenticeship offer. For girls, the options at the

end of Year 10 are limited, and if they leave school early the consequences are

usually unemployment, part-time work, limited opportunities for further learning and

low levels of pay (Lamb & McKenzie, 2001). Girls with low levels of achievement

may therefore be inclined to stay on and struggle with the rigorous demands of senior

studies. Nevertheless, as they grapple with theoretical subjects and the associated

school work requirements, the resulting decline in their motivation and self-esteem

may explain the poor attendance patterns, the lack of classroom application and non-

submission of assessments.

In examining the data on girls with lower levels of academic achievement, a

number of researchers have noted common patterns or trajectories. First, some girls

are more likely to be influenced by conventional gender roles in their career choices

(Fuller 2009; Reid & Watson, 2016). When they leave school early and face an

uncertain and precarious position in the labour market, some perceive motherhood as

the only viable option (Biggart, 2002). These girls may have a limited knowledge of

post-school options, and their aspirations reflect the opportunities they perceive to be

available to them in the labour market (Fuller, 2009). For some students, subject

choices at school, such as Child Care Studies, Food Technology and Textiles, limit

their subsequent work placements and exposure to a variety of careers.

Hattie (2009), in his synthesis of over 800 meta-analyses related to student

achievement, found that expectations from parents, schools, teachers and significant

others were either enhancers or inhibitors of school performance: “a major way these

expectations are manifested in the learning situation is via the student’s disposition”

(Hattie, 2009, p. 32). These dispositions include a learner’s openness to new


experiences, their investment in their own learning, or the effort displayed in the

classroom to their set work, homework, assignments and assessments. In addition,

these dispositions toward learning may be evident in the following: the motivation

behind a student’s interest in asking questions; seeking further clarification on

matters from a teacher; reading about a subject area on their own; forming a study

group; or the sharing of notes with other students. Therefore, Hattie advocated that

proactive behaviours on the part of the student will aid attainment, and thereby

retention. The limitation however, is that once again, the responsibility is on the part

of the student as learner and less on the teacher in connecting with students, building

rapport and trust, and delivering engaging and stimulating lessons.

Nevertheless, Hattie (2009) also strongly advocates for teacher quality, high

expectations for all students, and for the creation of positive student-teacher

relationships (p. 127). Similarly, Gray and Hackling (2009) argue that the

relationship between student and teacher is crucial, and that when a student likes the

teacher and feels that the teacher cares, then the student is more likely to feel socially

and academically connected to the school.

Individual level factors interact with institutional factors, including family.

This will be the focus of the next section of the paper. However, it is important to

note that research that examines family determinants and education aspiration and

success is inconclusive, and often contradictory. This is particularly the case in

understanding the relations between the SES of a family, community and student

aspirations, and educational outcomes. Some of these tensions are further discussed

below.

Dale (2010), Lamb et al., (2004) and Rumberger (2004) found that socio-

economic status (SES) background, parental education levels, family structure and


parenting style are some of the family-based factors that are most significant in

predicting whether a student will participate and complete school, or leave early. The

ABS defines socio-economic disadvantage “in terms of people's access to material

and social resources as well as their ability to participate in society” (ABS, 2016).

This definition includes income, occupation and education levels. In determining

funding for schools, the NSW Department of Education (DoE) uses information

about parental education and occupation provided by parents and carers on student

enrolment forms. This is called the Family, Occupation and Education Index (FOEI),

and is a public school measure of relative socio-economic disadvantage. For WHS

the FOEI is 172, where 100 is the state average. A higher FOEI index indicates

greater disadvantage. Only six per cent of NSW government schools have higher

FOEI values (i.e. are more disadvantaged) than WHS. A total of 85% of students at

WHS are in the lowest quarters (Quarters 1 & 2) of SES in the state of NSW.

Students from low SES backgrounds often have parents who are unemployed

or are working part-time; even those who are working are usually employed in

unskilled work. Additionally, these parents tend to have lower levels of formal

education and lower levels of income. Research has demonstrated that students from

low SES backgrounds start school at a disadvantage academically, and that over time

this gap widens (Teese & Polesel, 2003). Lower reading and numeracy scores in

disadvantaged schools reflect the difference in cultural resources that these students

have, compared to students from middle and high SES families. These resources

include language skills, achievement, motivation and interpersonal skills, as well as

differences in physical health, mental health and well-being (Teese & Lamb, 2009).

As Ream and Rumberger observed, “Accumulative resource disadvantage not only

exacerbates low average grades and educational aspirations, but may deter . . .


youths from engaging in school-related activities that facilitate access to

educationally beneficial forms of social capital” (Ream & Rumberger, 2008, p. 125).

Given that local public schools reflect the local community, further disadvantage

may occur when students from low SES backgrounds are grouped together without

the benefit of peers from a heterogeneous mix of families of varying SES

backgrounds (Teese, 2006).

However, in the report So Who Goes to University (2012), the authors’

outlook was more promising. The authors stated that students from low SES

backgrounds who nurture the desire for a higher level of educational degree as early

as Year 8 were more likely to attain a higher degree in later years. Clearly, despite

the low SES background of their families, students who have high educational

aspirations in their early years of secondary schooling can successfully attain

relatively high educational outcomes in the form of completing school and later, a

university degree.

Hillman (2010) noted that “historically, student achievement in earlier years

has often been identified as one of the strongest predictors of continuation with study

. . . although . . . evidence [suggests] that this relationship has declined in recent

years” (p. 1). Interestingly, Marks et al. (2000) point to cultural factors (parents’

education) as having a stronger influence on school participation, and thereby

retention, than that of wealth (home possessions). Similarly, Traag and van der

Velden (2011) emphasised that for each additional year of parent education, the risk

of a young person leaving school early decreases by approximately seven percent.

Other researchers point to the structure of home to explain some of the

variables in academic achievement and retention. Curtis and McMillan (2008)

observed that 22% of young people in single parent, step-parent and foster parent


families did not complete Year 12, compared to 13% from intact families. Sole-

parent families may experience financial hardship in the years following a separation

and divorce. Subsequently, the financial struggle for sole parent families can

sometimes mean a reliance on government benefits and a more restricted income-

earning capacity, thereby limiting the family’s ability to access educational resources

like music lessons, tutoring and excursions (Robinson & Meredith, 2013).

Other studies (Homel, Mavisakalyan, Nguyen & Ryan, 2010) question the

reliance on parental education, occupation and family structure alone as the basis for

measuring disadvantage and its link to Year 12 completion. The complexities of

cultural and material components and other influences on student performance also

need to be considered. In this respect, Homel et al.’s (2012) research points to

parental income, education and occupation as having less influence on school

participation and subsequent completion. Rather, they suggest that alternative

measures of disadvantage are more important: poor school experiences, risky

activities (smoking and alcohol consumption), and a lack of aspirations.

Riddell (2010), sought to identify the reasons for the attainment gaps between

students from differing socio-economic backgrounds in Britain by examining the

development of ambition and aspiration in middle-class and working class students.

Riddell considered why, after so many years of government intervention with the

purpose of supporting students from disadvantaged backgrounds, there were still

significant gaps between the attainment levels of children from different

communities, and why the historical trajectories and patterns of family lives

continued. After analysing data from interviews with parents of children from

independent and working class schools, Riddell concluded that these parents “were

implementing a managed model of social reproduction: all the social experiences of


their children were constrained, maximising the emergence of the right sorts of views

about themselves and appropriate ambitions” (Riddell, 2010, p. 7). He also found

that middle-class parents pursue a proactive style of parenting. This type of parenting

involves more than attending formal school events, but includes actively asking

questions to educators, taking up extracurricular opportunities, and making informed

choices about post-school options (Riddell, 2010, p. 16).

Similar conclusions were seen in Dinham’s (2008) Australian research, which

analysed models of good parenting. The research builds on the work by Baumrind

(1989, 1991), which asserts that “two dimensions underlie parenting style:

responsiveness and demandingness” (Dinham, 2008, p. 62). The former,

“responsiveness, also described as warmth or supportiveness, is defined as ‘the

extent to which parents intentionally foster individuality, self-regulation and

assertion by being attuned, supportive, and acquiescent to children’s special needs

and demands’” (Baumrind, cited in Dinham, 2008, p. 62). The latter,

“demandingness, (or behavioural control) refers to ‘the claims parents make on

children to become integrated into the family whole, by their maturity demands,

supervision, disciplinary efforts and willingness to confront the child who disobeys’”

(Baumrind, cited in Dinham, 2008, p. 62).

The ideal parenting style proposed by Dinham (2008) is the authoritative

parent, who is high on both responsiveness and demandingness. This means that both

parents are supportive of their child but also make appropriate demands. In addition

they also set in place boundaries, and are sensitive to their child’s developmental

level and needs. Moreover, they have high expectations of their child and maintain

their parental authority by setting limits, whilst also being able to negotiate and

explain household rules.


Similarly, in interviews with middle class parents, Riddell (2010) ascertained

that these parents “draw on their social capital to help them navigate their children’s

trajectories, particularly at key decision making points” (Riddell, 2010, p. 19). Thus,

the middle and high SES parents are able to call on relatives, friends, school and

professional contacts to network for their children. At pivotal times these contacts

can be called upon to speak to their children, give guidance, information and even

provide work experience. In contrast, children from low SES backgrounds who do

not have the same social supports, are not as readily exposed to the spontaneous

narratives of university and professional career aspirations.

Riddell refers to this incongruity as a “learning disadvantage”, which arises

when the assumptions and cultural environment of the classroom are incongruent

with students’ home lives (Riddell, 2010, p. 5). He argues that the challenge for

schools and teachers is to be a bridge in supporting students from disadvantaged

backgrounds to gain wider social experience and advice. Hattie echoes this advice

,and advocates for parents to be educated in the language of schooling, in order to

provide advantage through encouraging and communicating their beliefs to their

children (2009, pp. 70-71).

Whilst this research about parenting is of interest and relevance to this study,

it was not my intention to investigate the parenting style or the family structure of the

senior girls in my study. However, one aspect of parenting that my research did not

investigate (which would have been of interest) was that of parents’ ambitions and

aspirations for their daughters. Unfortunately, time constraints precluded the

opportunity for parents to be interviewed.

An interesting post-research project would be to investigate the relationship

between parents’ educational aspirations for their children’s education, and parent


engagement at the school. Another area of interest would be to explore the

opportunities for building relationships with families that would strengthen their

engagement with school, and examine how school and home partnerships impacted

on aspirations. Suffice to say at this point however, that “most parents, however,

begin with positive aspirations for their children: certainly children are born into a set

of expectations and these expectations can be critical to the success of children when

they go to school” (Hattie, 2009, p. 61). Hattie argued not only that educating

parents in the language of schooling would lead to the sharing of high expectations

for students at home and school, but also that it would be beneficial in school and

community partnerships, especially in developing post-school transitions to work.

In considering student transitions to work it is important to understand labour

market opportunities within the local community. Whilst teachers at WHS can have

high expectations for all students and can support the building of inclusive structures

and strategies for student support, it is also imperative that the senior executive has a

good understanding of the opportunities for girls and aligns these with their

individual aspirations. This informs understanding of the possible employment

prospects for WHS students, along with a broader analysis of occupations in the

Fairfield West area.

The world of work

At WHS it has been predominantly the case that some boys at the end of Year

10 were able to find apprenticeships, traineeships and full-time work, in order to gain

approval to leave school before turning 17 years of age. This is consistent with the

findings of Teese and Polesel (2003) that job and training opportunities are open to

boys in the areas of construction, trades and family businesses. Vickers has noted

that this is partly due to “the gender bias in traditional apprenticeships . . . the


electrical trades, construction, motor mechanics, for example—remain

overwhelmingly male-dominated, reflecting the continuing gender segregation of the

labour market” (Vickers, cited in Connell et al., 2010, p. 228). However, with labour

market changes in recent times shifting from the mining and manufacturing sectors

to the service industry, previous occupations that were traditionally available to

males have now significantly decreased (Tiffen & Gittens, 2004).

Biggart (1991) found that in Britain, young males, compared to young

females, had a relatively privileged position in their early years in the labour market.

He argued that “low-attaining males have benefited from sheltered entry points

within particular segments, whereas low-attaining females, although fewer in

number, appear to be sidelined by employers in favour of adult women and better-

qualified school leavers” (1991. p. 145). The sheltered entry points within particular

segments in Australia may be the sectors of traditional trade that remain closed to

females in the labour market. Girls from WHS who wish to leave school at the end of

Year 10 are therefore competing in the labour market with mature workers who are

returning to part-time work or casual work. Thus, the pool of available work options

is more limited for girls than for boys.

For example, in the area of Fairfield West the following occupational groups

dominate (ABS, 2013): Technicians and Trade workers 17.2%, Clerical and

Administrative Workers 15.7%, Labourers 15.3%, Machinery Operators and Drivers

13.2%. The percentage of Professionals, 11.8%, and Managers, 6.7%, compared to

NSW as a whole, (22.7% and 13.3% respectively) reflects a community both with

lower levels of education and with more unskilled and semi-skilled employment. In

the last 25 years “we have lost more than 1 million lower-skilled jobs in

manufacturing, administration and labouring but gained more than 1 million jobs in


knowledge and service industries” (FYA, 2016, p. 7). This is problematic for the area

of Fairfield West, where currently over 60% of occupations are in the lower-skilled

categories.

Nationally, there is a trend towards a higher-skilled, service-based economy

with less reliance on the mining and manufacturing sectors (Tiffen & Gittins, 2004).

The following areas are predicted to provide half the nation’s employment growth to

2019: Health Care and Social Assistance; Education and Training; Construction;

Professional, Scientific and Technical Services. Consequently, the careers team at

WHS needs to be aware of changes in the labour market, in order to guide and advise

students on future growth areas such as community and personal service work,

technical services and professional opportunities.

A further challenge for females is the complexity of different starting salaries

for men and women who have furthered their education and gained university

qualifications. A recent study by the Australian government’s Workplace Gender

Equality Agency found that in 2012, males were earning on average $5,000 more

than their female counterparts. There is an assumption that an individual will enjoy

increased monetary benefits if they complete Year 12 and progress to university.

However, in reality, female graduates in certain sectors are still paid lower starting

pay in comparison to males.

Additionally, studies have shown that females’ total earning capacity is less

over their lifetime (COAG, 2013, pp. 8-9). Thus, the interrelated issues facing

females, including lower pay, time away from the workforce for maternity leave and

responsibility for care of children, mean that their capacity to work full-time without

interruption is limited, therefore reducing their monetary benefits and promotional

prospects relative to men (COAG, 2013, pp. 27-31). Yet for some females, the non-


completion of Year 12 can even more severely restrict their opportunities in the

labour market compared to male early leavers.

The consensus may also be that a sub-group of WHS senior girls are staying

on for Years 11 and 12 because of their less privileged position in the labour market.

As some researchers (Reid & Watson, 2016; Te Riele, 2012) have noted, staying on

at school does not necessarily translate into improved educational attainment levels,

job opportunities and planned career trajectories. The choices of the sub-group of

senior girls may have been in opposition to or tension with the government’s aim for

increased retention, with the school acting as an agent to hinder their early leaving.

The context of school practices as barriers or enablers is discussed in the next

section.

School-based factors

In Part 1, this paper surveyed an overview of the individual attributes and

institutional factors which have been used to explain a lack of participation and

educational aspiration. This outlook views the student as the problem in need of

adjustment, or as having some deficit (Te Riele, 2006). Most of these individual

attributes and institutional factors are unmodifiable, and therefore less amenable to

change. As the leader of WHS I need to concentrate on the matters that I can affect:

that is, the professional learning of my teachers, to increase their knowledge and

skills in developing a more inclusive learning environment and employing

appropriate strategies to improve participation and retention. These strategies, as

detailed in PPI 2, include the provision of a diverse range of curriculum subjects, the

implementation of supportive roles such as teacher mentors and Transition Adviser.

However, what can sometimes be overlooked is the influence of the school


environment on the student, and their schooling experience when attention is not

given to an inclusive curriculum and student support structures.

Rumberger (2001) outlined four institutional factors that impact on school

completion: the student composition (SES); school resources; school structure (size,

location, private/public); and school policies and practices (academic and school

climate). Rumberger suggests that it is the school-based practices that affect

academic and school climate and hold the key to improved performance for students.

Whilst Rumberger’s research highlights institutional factors of importance affecting

school-based practices, for WHS the context was one large low SES school in the

public system, and these factors were unmodifiable. Therefore what remained as

being able to be changed was the school’s policies and practices.

Similarly, Lamb et al.’s (2004, p. 95) analysis of school factors shaping and

modifying student attributes leading to completion or early leaving includes: school

type, pupil management, pedagogy, curriculum, resources, climate and culture, and

teacher quality. Whilst Lamb et al.’s, (2004) research covered a range of school

factors that impact on school completion and early school leaving, I have limited my

research to the factors where I can make a difference: namely, that of teacher quality.

For the purposes of this research into senior girls and their educational

aspirations, I focus on aspects of teaching quality, with particular reference to

teacher-student relationships, teacher expectations and support. In addition, in the

area of curriculum I give attention to subject choices. Whilst analysis of other factors

may enhance our understanding of the many interrelated influences on students, my

main goal was to understand the situation at WHS for a sub-group of senior girls, and

what I could do at WHS to effect change. As stated earlier, the sub-group of girls

were all students of a large government (public) co-educational, comprehensive


school. The school is located in a disadvantaged area of South West Sydney with a

student composition reflecting the local area. Most students have stayed on for the

senior years and attained their Higher School Certificate (HSC). The school employs

a range of teachers (male and female) with various pedagogical styles and years of

experience. The principal and a number of the school executive are female, providing

role models for female students to aspire to leadership positions. The school follows

DoE guidelines for subjects and hours of study. Class sizes are standardised

according to DoE regulations, and the levels of staffing are determined by a staffing

formula with some room for local flexibility. The school has high expectations of all

students at all levels, with a focus on individual success within a caring and

supportive welfare system. As the school is large in size, there is a diverse and broad

curriculum, with both academic and VET subjects on offer. Given this environment,

I was concerned with understanding what was occurring in both student-teacher

relationships and teacher expectations, and the ways in which these aspects promoted

or hindered the participation of some senior girls.

The report, The New School Leaving Age: Consulting Young People by

Professor Susan Groundwater-Smith and Dr Nicole Mockler (2012), was based on

surveys and interviews with senior students, and had the purpose of obtaining

students’ views on the NSLA. The research was carried out in 2011 and utilised data

that had been gathered across the twelve regions of DoE in NSW. In particular,

student plans and aspirations, and the effectiveness of strategies implemented by

schools to cater for student educational needs, were observed. While the report found

that students understood the purpose and legislative requirements of the raising of the

compulsory schooling age, some students reported a lack of appropriate respect and

lack of support from some of their teachers. Groundswater-Smith and Mockler


identified certain ways in which low expectations by teachers were communicated to

students in the classroom:

The teachers did not make them feel welcome, they were not asked in class to

answer questions, teachers provided them with few or limited explanations, they

experienced verbal put downs in class from teachers, they felt that they were treated

with less regard than high-achieving students, teachers had favourites, (and that) less

time was spent on students that required assistance. (Groundwater-Smith et al., 2012,

pp. 25-26)

Such experiences were referred to in the report as the result of the

“intersection between students’ aspirations and teacher expectations” (2012, p. 39).

Students said that they needed a strengthening connection in the teacher-student

relationship and that this in turn would provide more support and encouragement.

This finding was consistent with extensive research by Timperley (2011) in the area

of teacher professional learning. Timperley’s investigation into teaching practice

revealed the importance of extending high expectations to teachers’ and students’

learning (2011, p. 9). She further emphasised that teachers and educational leaders

have a responsibility to encourage students, to believe in their capacity to be

challenged and to be demanding but also responsive towards all learners.

Interestingly, the use of “demanding” and “responsive” reiterates the type of

parenting style advocated by Baumrind (1989). It is clear from student feedback that

respectful and caring teacher-student relationships, high expectations and an

inclusive curriculum are keys to supporting girls (and boys) in staying on and in

making aspirational subject and career choices.

Another school-based factor of relevance is the pattern of girls’ subject

choices, as these choices shape, and in some cases limit, girls’ educational


aspirations. As outlined in the Report to the Transition Adviser (PPI 2) the subject

choices of female students at WHS follow a state wide pattern of gendered subject

choices. In Table 21, the 2015 HSC enrolment patterns for selected subjects studied

for the HSC at WHS are compared with those for all students in the state of NSW.

Analysis of this data reveals that girls are choosing subjects that strongly reflect the

gendered patterns of society, where females traditionally take on the roles of care,

nurturance and human interaction, while males assume the roles of abstract and

analytical thinking and problem solving (Francis, 2000; Reid & Watson, 2016;

Vickers, 2005).


Table 21:

HSC Subject Enrolments by Percentages for Selected Subjects (2015)

Subject Woodstock High School New South Wales State

Males Females Males Females

English (Advanced) 10 90 41 59

English Extension 1 0 100 31 69

English Studies 56 44 59 41

Maths Extension 1 62 38 59 41

Maths Extension 2 71 29 64 36

Biology 53 47 39 61

Chemistry 57 43 55 45

Physics 66 34 78 22

Economics 57 43 65 35

Business Studies 47 53 53 47

Legal Studies 50 50 40 60

Modern History 29 71 46 54

Design and Technology 0 100 60 40

Engineering Technology 100 0 95 5

Industrial Technology 95 5 88 12

Information PT 100 0 82 18

Software Design and Development 84 16 95 5

Textiles and Design 0 100 1 99

Drama 37 63 31 69

Visual Arts 14 86 29 71

Community and Family Studies 19 81 8 92

Business Services 13 77 28 72

Construction 100 0 98 2

French Beginners 0 100 21 79

Hospitality 30 70 30 70

Retail Services 29 71 31 69

Source: BOSTES (2015)

The data in Table 21 were collected from the Board of Studies Teaching and

Educational Standards (BOSTES) website on 29 December 2015. The table details


enrolments in HSC courses and the percentage of candidates for each course, by

gender. In NSW, English is the only compulsory subject, and most students choose

to complete English Standard or English Advanced. It is evident however, that more

girls than boys choose Advanced English and English Extension 1. In contrast, a

greater percentage of boys choose the less rigorous levels of English Standard or the

non-ATAR course of English Studies. At WHS, the English teachers have reported

that girls typically enjoy the subject of English more than do boys. This view is

reflected in the small numbers of boys at WHS tackling the more rigorous course of

Advanced English. compared to other boys in the state. Teese and Polesel (2003)

note that for girls, “their social interactions from early childhood have been made to

depend much more heavily on words” (p. 98). Therefore, a subject which explores

feelings and emphasises writing, reading, listening and speaking is likely to be of

more interest to girls, and less interesting and accessible for boys.

Similarly, Reid and Watson (2016) found in their extensive study of the

experiences of students, parents, and teachers in 21 schools in South Western

Sydney, that “girls are choosing higher levels of English than are boys, and that

lower numbers of girls choose high-level mathematics, and that there are highly

gendered subject choices across all schools” (p. 184).

Whilst similar numbers of males and females are enrolled in the Mathematics

standard course, it is evident that only four girls to every six boys are inclined to

tackle the more difficult courses of Mathematics Extension 1 and 2. This is despite

the fact that females are more than capable of achieving well in the area of numeracy

throughout primary and lower secondary school (COAG, 2013, p.9). Correll (2001)

has argued that in self-assessments, males over-estimate their mathematical ability,

compared to their otherwise equal female counterparts, who tend to underestimate


their ability. As a consequence, females may reduce their application and effort and

be less persistent in selecting subjects in the areas of Science, Technology,

Engineering and Mathematics (STEM). Sheldrake, Mujtaba and Reiss (2015) found

that students’ self-belief influenced their intentions to pursue mathematics courses.

The authors argued that girls were generally under-confident about their

mathematical ability, with their previous attainments affecting their subject choices.

Other reasons for subject choices, aside from self-belief, were perceived usefulness,

enjoyment, and the complementary nature of some subjects (Sheldrake et al., 2015).

Sikora and Saha (2011) found that at the other end of the student achievement scale,

15% of high-achieving students did not attain the levels of their stated aspirations of

earlier years. Sikora and Saha suggested that:

The good performance of girls in mathematics accompanied by a positive perception

of their own ability in this area encourages expectations of careers which are more

gender-integrated. For boys, good performance in reading, combined with a positive

self-perception of ability in this area, results in a similar outcome. (2011, p. 33)

Further in-depth analysis of the sub-group of senior girls of concern (PPI 2) at

WHS revealed that only two out of the twelve girls selected mathematics as an HSC

subject. Mathematics courses in the HSC ranged from Extension 2 (the most

demanding) to Applied Mathematics (practical, and the least demanding). The two

girls attempted General Mathematics (a lower level course) and received a Band 2 in

the HSC examination (bands range from one to six, with six being the highest). In

contrast, Year 12 boys who, during the same year, were of concern in the areas of

attendance, application and assessments, were all enrolled in one of the mathematics

courses, and achieved varying degrees of success. This reinforces the finding that


boys report an exaggerated level of confidence in mathematics, regardless of

previous attainment.

All students complete Science to Year 10, but the demands of the specialised

science subjects in the senior years require higher order literacy skills for success in

Biology, and higher order mathematical skills for Physics. At WHS, the percentage

of males and females choosing science subjects was similar to state trends. The only

exception is that at WHS, more boys than girls chose Biology, whereas state trends

reveal that girls in NSW generally favour this science subject more; possibly due to it

being a prerequisite for most health science courses at university.

The strong link between Physics, Mathematics and Engineering means that

predominantly more boys than girls enrol in these subjects. Participation in the

subject of Chemistry reflects wider social and labour market trends, with girls taking

it up as a prerequisite for Nursing and other paramedical careers (Teese & Polesel,

2003, p. 69). Sikora, examining Organisation for Economic Development and

Cooperation (OECD) data for patterns in the take up of science subjects and the

related issue of occupational aspirations, noted that while males and females aspired

to professional careers in science, there was a distinct pattern in the types of science

they studied. Females predominantly enrol in the health sciences such as Biology and

Chemistry, whereas males take up Physics, Earth and Environmental Science and

Geology. Even though equal numbers of boys and girls are taught science in primary

and lower secondary school, there is still an under-representation of females in

STEM courses at university and subsequently in professions (Blickenstaff, 2005;

Correll, 2001).

To explain this phenomenon of a gender filter, the metaphor of a “leaky

pipeline” (Blickenstaff, 2005, pp. 369-386) has been used. As both males and


females proceed through the pipeline of life choices, there are leakage points along

the way, and these leakages result in the loss of females in the area of STEM careers.

Blickenstaff (2005) has argued that to improve this imbalance, schools need to

provide female role models in the areas of STEM, to address the issue of gendered

images in curriculum resources and ensure equal access of teacher attention to

females in the classroom. This reinforces the notion that girls can be encouraged to

take up STEM subjects through deliberate interventions at the school level, in the

form of employing female science teachers, attending to the choice of resources, and

teacher awareness of the need for equal access in the classroom.

The overall data at WHS and across the state, point to females’ interest and

subject choices being predominantly focused in arts, humanities and languages whilst

males generally lean towards subjects such as Physics, Chemistry, Mathematics

Extension, Economics, Engineering and Information Technology. Males tend to

choose a combined pattern of Mathematics, Science and Technology subjects, which

are generally regarded as more rigorous, and subjects that open up multiple related

career paths (Correll, 2001). Females, in contrast, are enrolling in a broad range of

subjects which are not necessarily linked, such as Legal Studies, Hospitality, Drama

and Biology. Consequently, these subjects do not provide them with a solid

foundation for launching into a specialised degree and/or dedicated career; thus, they

limit and restrict their study and work choices.

In the area of Information Technology, girls are just as competent as boys, as

evidenced by their participation and achievements in junior Computing classes.

However, low participation rates in Information Processes and Technology, Software

Design and Development in the senior years lead to fewer females in professional

level careers in the Information and Communications Technology (ICT) professions.


Anderson, Lankshear, Timms and Courtney (2008), surveyed 1,453 senior girls in

relation to their reasons for low participation rates in computing subjects. They found

that the senior girls interviewed perceived computing studies as boring, and generally

expressed an aversion to computers. In the paper ‘Odd Girl Out’, Trauth (2002)

examined socio-cultural influences on women employed in the Information

Technology (IT) profession in Australia and New Zealand. Trauth found that these

women had all experienced a range of socio-cultural influences which shaped their

inclination to participate in the alien world of IT. One interviewee remarked that,

“women see computers as a tool—something to help them get the job done”, (Trauth,

2002, p.112), to explain why more females were not in positions of designing and

developing software and hardware.

Correll (2001) found that females rated their online skills lower than males

did, whilst males overrated their ability in self assessments relating to computers.

Correll concluded that “gendered perceptions of competency may diverge from

actual skill levels” (2001, p. 1724). That is, when females underestimate their ability

this reduces their efforts; in contrast, when males overrate their ability they still

continue on a path towards STEM careers (Correll, 2001, pp. 1724-1725).

In the domain of Human Society and Environment (HSIE) subjects, more

girls than boys tend to choose Legal Studies and History courses. This may be due to

the tendency for girls to be attracted to courses that involve writing and higher order

literacy skills. Teese and Polesel (2003) have noted that, “To boys, it is words and

texts that supply the least agreeable medium for self-expression or for conviviality or

for the transformative experience of work” (p. 98). Francis (2000), in proposing

practical strategies for tackling boys’ underachievement, especially in the area of

literacy, concluded that “it is surely important that schools encourage all pupils


(students) to speculate and question, to ably consider and discuss different ideas and

to take a real interest in learning” (p. 139).

Conversely, males, both at WHS and in the state at large, are choosing

Economics and Business Studies in greater numbers than are females. While females

choose Retail Services and Business Services courses in greater numbers—where the

emphasis is more on the micro level of serving and assisting—males, in comparison,

choose Economics and Business Studies courses, which operate at the macro level of

the economy and trading in business.

In language studies at WHS, only females chose the language of French

Beginners and this was again reflected in state wide data, with 79% of enrolments in

French being female students. The BOSTES has 62 languages on offer, with

enrolments ranging from one to 728. Approximately 70% of students who enrol in a

HSC language course are female, and this was the reason for skewed statistics on

First in the State comparisons. Mr Piccoli, the current NSW State Minister of

Education, announced that females dominated the HSC in 2015, with 70% of first

place positions being awarded to females (Sydney Morning Herald, 2015). Yet

behind this statement, the data reveal another story. Of the 116 HSC subjects

examined, 62 subjects were language courses. As more females are enrolled in these

courses, it was statistically more likely that a female would achieve first place. What

was not mentioned in the article was the dominance of male enrolments and the

disproportionate awarding of first place to males in Mathematics Extension,

Engineering, Economics, Chemistry, Physics, Earth and Environmental Sciences and

Technology courses. Female participation rates were lower in all of these subjects.

Finally, females at both WHS and in the state are choosing Hospitality,

Textiles and Design, Visual Arts, and Community and Family Studies, in


disproportionate numbers to their male counterparts. These subjects cover the

traditional fields of cooking food, making clothes, beautifying the environment and

caring for children; thereby reinforcing traditional gender roles for females.

Meanwhile, males are overrepresented in the areas of Construction, Engineering

Studies, and Industrial Technology.

Francis (2000), in researching the impact of gender constructions on students’

learning and behaviour in the classroom, conducted classroom observations and

individual interviews with young people in three different secondary schools in

London during the late 1990s. Her analysis led her to concur with other writers that

the “biggest gaps between boys’ and girls’ achievement are in the areas of English

and languages” (p. 137). In interviews with the same students concerning their

educational aspirations and career ambition, Francis found that girls were now

considering a wider range of occupations (p. 88) than reported in earlier studies in

the 1980s. Whereas previous studies (Spender, 1982) found girls aspiring to

stereotypically feminine, non-professional jobs, Francis found that the girls she

interviewed were “exceedingly ambitious” (p. 89), aiming, for example, to become

doctors or lawyers. Interestingly though, whilst there was a greater diversity in their

career aspirations, Francis reported that girls were “tending to opt for artistic or

‘caring’ professions, and boys opting for occupations that were scientific, technical

or business oriented” (p. 90). Current course selection at WHS suggests that these

gendered patterns observed by Francis in the 1990s persist.

Examining the ambitions of students and resultant outcomes, an article in the

Programme for International Student Assessment’s (PISA) In Focus (OECD, 2012)

asked: What kinds of careers do boys and girls expect for themselves? The PISA

research asked 15-year-old students what they expected to be doing in early


adulthood and around the age of 30. In almost all OECD countries, girls were more

ambitious than boys. For instance, girls were 11 percentage points more likely than

boys to aspire to be involved in “high-status careers such as legislators, senior

officials, managers and professionals” (OECD, 2012, p. 1).

Clearly, if girls are educationally and occupationally ambitious, it appears that

for some of them, their secondary subject selections are restricting their choice of

tertiary courses. More particularly, if girls are not inclined to choose physical science

and technology subjects, they significantly curtail their options at the tertiary level.

In researching gender differences in science, Sikora (2015) makes the case that

societies are losing out on the participation of talented females in the labour market,

and that collectively, schools and families need to encourage girls to take up

specialised science subjects at secondary school. This encouragement may include

expressing confidence in females, ensuring that they experience success in science,

and encouraging parental role modelling.

Conclusion

In Australia, girls on the whole perform well at school, and most have

aspirations to attain tertiary qualifications (COAG, 2013, p. 8). Interestingly though,

whilst girls outperform boys in reading and writing at school, there exists a gender

gap (post school) in the amount of wages and salaries earned, with women receiving

17.5% less than men (COAG, 2013, p. 18).

Women from lower socio-economic areas are doubly disadvantaged. In 2011, 53.6%

of young women living in the most disadvantaged areas were fully engaged in work

or study after leaving school. In the least disadvantaged areas the proportion was

82.1%—28.5 percentage points higher. (COAG, 2013, p. 8)


The types and combinations of courses that students study in Year 12 were

found to be a greater influence than individual and institutional factors (LSAY No.

11, 2005) on entry to tertiary education. Therefore, schools can guide and inspire

girls from low SES backgrounds to raise their educational aspirations and choose a

combination of senior subjects that lead to an educational focus that is in line with

their post-school intentions. School factors matter for girls in low SES communities,

where subject choices and educational aspirations are strong determinants for entry

into tertiary study and further training. Importantly, subject choices determine career

and employment pathways. If girls in low SES communities have low confidence in

secondary school, and so choose subjects with which they are comfortable, but which

do not challenge them, this can lead to a fragmentation of knowledge and restrictions

for their post-school pathways. When girls decide not to choose Mathematics,

Science, and Technology subjects at secondary school they limit the range of tertiary

courses they can apply for in the future. As Teese and Lamb (2009) have highlighted,

“schools need to bridge the gap between the expectations embodied in curriculum

framework and resources which children bring to school” (p. 10).

Early intervention in the junior years is imperative in raising achievement

levels and building learner confidence. Intense subject selection advice and

counselling is needed at the end of the junior school, in making the transition to

senior studies. This was highlighted in PPI 1, with the first aspect being the

modification of the subject selection process from junior to senior school in the

multicomponent action plan. Understanding the world of work (especially if a

student comes from a home environment where parents and carers have limited work

skills, are underemployed or unemployed) and exposure to part-time work and work

experience are vital. Part-time work and work experience can reinforce theoretical


concepts encountered in the classroom, and assist in refining a student’s post-school

plans. The importance of the school in organising and making connections with

outside organisations for work experience may be the only way a student gains

exposure to a variety of career pathways. This was also one of the components of the

action plan (PPI 1), where attention was given to implementing the role of the

Transition Adviser.

Therefore, for the particular sub-group of senior girls of concern, it was

evident that early intervention by the school in the junior years to improve their

academic achievement and confidence levels, may have prevented a cycle of poor

attendance, lower levels of application and poorer academic esteem in the senior

years. This sub-group of senior girls may have given up on the idea of the schooling

system supporting their transition to varied educational and career pathways, as a

result of the narrowing of curriculum choices and restricted perceived career choices.

The need for specific and intense intervention for this sub-group of senior girls was

obvious. Whilst targeted Transition Adviser support would not be essential for all

students, it was vital for this particular sub-group.

Students from low SES backgrounds have been and can be, successful in

secondary and tertiary settings. To be successful, however, these students require

greater support from the school environment, to build their confidence and improve

their literacy and numeracy skills through the provision of extra tutoring and

financial assistance, and access to well-informed careers and post-school pathways

advice (Liu & Nguyen, 2011; Teese & Polesel, 2003).

In coming to understand the reasons behind the lower school participation

rates for a sub-group of senior girls, the research led me as Principal to embed the

WHS audit tool (detailed in SP 3) into the school structure and systems. The


principles outlined in SP 3 are of high expectations for all students, with trusting and

caring teachers within an environment of broad and inclusive curriculum offerings,

coupled with the provision of individualised mentoring and transition support for the

most vulnerable. The school experiences for this particular sub-group of concern

reinforced the need for subject choices aligned with future market opportunities, and

quality careers and transition advice and access.

6. Professional Practice Initiative 3: What difference can

a Transition Adviser make?

The introduction of the New School Leaving Age (NSLA) policy in New

South Wales (NSW) in 2010, and the anticipated National Partnership (NP) funding

the following year (2011), provided an opportunity for Woodstock High (WHS) to

devise innovative curriculum initiatives and welfare support that would address

lower levels of student retention. Following scholarly research on retention and

analysis of school-based data (PPI 1 and PPI 2), it was evident to me as Principal of a

Low Socio-Economic Status (SES) secondary school that to improve overall

retention rates, targeted interventions were essential. The school-based data analysis

pointed to a need to develop more inclusive school structures and to assist students

who had unclear post-school plans with the opportunity to cultivate and refine their

educational aspirations. One strategy promoted by the Department of Education

(DoE) in NSW is the employment of Transition Advisers to support students

considering leaving school early who have no clear and viable transition plan. As

defined by the DoE, the purpose of the Transition Adviser initiative is to:

Support targeted students, particularly those most likely to be disengaged early from

education or training, to plan their transition from school. The program focuses on a


team approach in schools as well as making connections with the school’s

community and create “link-ups” with relevant external agencies to support students

in their journey through school. (DET, 2009, p. 17)

This PPI 3 examines the development of the role of the Transition Adviser at

WHS, and the support provided to targeted students, particularly those students who

were most likely to not fully participate in their schooling, and who may exit school

earlier than the completion of Year 12. Prior to the NSLA, some students at WHS

took the option of exiting school at the end of Year 10 to an apprenticeship,

traineeship, employment or, in some cases, an unplanned pathway. However, with

the changes in the compulsory leaving age, students are now required to stay on until

the completion of their Year 10 studies and to “participate full-time in education,

training or employment, or a combination of these activities until age 17” (COAG,

2009, p. 6).

The position of Transition Adviser at WHS was implemented in 2011, and

was primarily funded by the NP program. One of the aims of the NP program is to

improve student outcomes in the areas of literacy, numeracy and engagement in Low

SES schools. Utilising NP funding, the position of a Transition Adviser was in place

at WHS from 2011 until 2014, when the funding ceased. If the role were to continue

after this date, it would require supplementation from school funds. Therefore, an

assessment of the impact of the Transition Adviser’s role was necessary to determine

its effectiveness and to justify the expending of school funds to ensure its continuity.

In this PPI 3, the impact of the Transition Adviser role was informed by

interviews undertaken by the researcher with the Transition Adviser and with

students who had been supported by this new role in the school. Analysis of the

interview data was accompanied by an examination of the retention rates for WSH,


and post-school destinations of targeted students, in order to measure the impact of

the Transition Adviser role.

The main questions for this PPI are:

1. What difference did the role of Transition Adviser at Woodstock High

School make to the targeted students?

2. What evidence was there that the role had been effective in both

improving retention rates and supporting students’ post-school pathways?

This PPI 3 is structured in two parts. The first gives a brief overview of the

research to date that informs the Transition Adviser role. This is accompanied by a

discussion of the school’s situation analysis and action plan (PPI 2) which clarifies

the reasons for, and processes involved in, implementing the role of the Transition

Adviser. The second section of this paper outlines how students were identified for

transition support and examines quantitative (school-based) and qualitative data

(interviews) to assess the effectiveness of the Transition Adviser role, which was

implemented in response to the NSW government’s change in policy.

Part 1: Context for Transition Adviser Role at WHS

As discussed in the other papers in this portfolio, the change in government

policy in raising the compulsory school leaving age is a greater challenge to schools

in low SES communities, where the retention rates from Years 10 to 12 are typically

below the aspirational targets set down in the State and Federal plans. The reasons

for lower retention rates have been explored in SP 1, and result from a complex mix

of demographic and individual factors, including, but not limited to, socio-economic

status, gender, scholastic achievement, work aspirations, cultural background,

indigenous status and geographical location (Lamb, Walstab, Teese, Vickers &

Rumberger, 2004; McGregor & Mills, 2011; Mac Iver & Mac Iver, 2010).


Te Riele (2012, p. 242) makes the valid point that changes in the school

leaving age policies, “do not impact equally on everyone but rather impinge on

specific young people . . . likely to experience major impediments to staying on in

school”. She further asserts that school-based and societal barriers to completion are

overlooked and given minimal attention in government policy documents. School-

based barriers include negative relationships with teachers, a lack of individual

support for learning outcomes, and school costs (Te Riele, 2012, p. 242). Societal

barriers comprise poverty, leading to family mobility and insecure housing (p. 245).

In relation to school-based barriers, some students for example express that teachers

are unsupportive in the classroom, disrespectful of their families, and feel that the

burden of school costs (elective fees, uniforms, excursions) limits the subjects they

can select and therefore affects their subsequent educational aspirations. Recent

research by Vickers, Barker, Perry & Dockett, (2014) reiterates factors that enhance

school participation, indicating “student engagement is strong when students believe

they are respected by their teachers, [and] when they think their parents believe that

education matters” (pp. 9 -10). Te Reile (2012) elaborates further, noting that the

added societal barriers of a disrupted school life due to residential mobility requires

the learning of new school systems and renegotiating friendship groups. In low SES

communities, the reliance on government housing and affordable rental properties

also has the effect of increased vulnerability and less security for young people.

The focus for government secondary schools like WHS, in a low SES context,

has therefore been the provision of alternative curriculum structures, extra support

personnel and early intervention programs that could satisfactorily address this trend

of low retention rates. A brief overview of both the school context and the current

support curriculum and welfare structures follows.


WHS is a multicultural, comprehensive, co-educational (Years 7-12) secondary

school with a population of approximately 1,400 students. The school is located in

South West Sydney (SWS), and 87% of students are from Culturally and

Linguistically Diverse (CALD) backgrounds. For junior students the school follows

DoE and Board of Studies, Teaching and Educational Standards (BOSTES)

curriculum and assessment guidelines. Because of the large number of students

enrolled in the senior years, WHS has the advantage of being able to offer a range of

courses. Apart from the standard Higher School Certificate (HSC) subject options,

there is a range of Vocational Education and Training (VET) subjects, such as

Construction, Hospitality, Business Services, Information Technology and Retail

Services. The variety of subjects means that senior students can choose a diverse mix

according to interest and ability, and still have a choice of post-school pathways at

the end of Year 12.

The school has welfare and curriculum structures in place that support the

majority of students for their personal and learning needs. For example, each year

group has two Year Advisers to guide and counsel students. The school uses equity

funding to provide financial assistance to individual students for school uniform,

subject fees, excursion costs, camp fees, and course materials. The welfare team

(comprising the Head Teacher Welfare, Year Advisers, School Counsellors and

Deputy Principals), utilise the services of external providers for health and welfare

matters. The school holds regular curriculum meetings and reviews, and whilst the

level of support for student wellbeing and curriculum initiatives has been a focus for

the leadership team at WHS, the historical data reveals that in the period 2007 to

2009 a number of students were exiting at the end of Year 10 without a valid post-

school pathway. A brief overview of the retention rates (detailed in PPI 1) will assist


in understanding the complexity of retention in low SES schools, and in particular at

WHS.

When I began as Principal at WHS in 2007 the Apparent Retention Rate

(ARR) for Year 12 completion was 64%. By 2010, when this research on the school

leaving age policy began, the ARR had risen to 75% without any planned school-

based intervention. Similarly, secondary public schools in the local area had an

average ARR of 67% in 2007, rising to 73.5% in 2010. The ARR for all public

secondary students in NSW was 67.8% in 2007 and 70.8% in 2010, respectively.

Increases in the ARR for public secondary schools were minimal overall, but were

steadily increasing for secondary schools in the local area. It may have been that

students chose to stay on at WHS and local schools because of limited opportunities

in the local labour market and a growing understanding of the importance of the Year

12 credential. In 2010 there was however, still much progress to be made at WHS in

reaching the government targets of 90% by 2015, to address early school leaving and

ensure full participation by all students in their senior secondary studies.

Early leavers

In what follows I provide a summary of research and data that will inform

reflection on the implementation and effectiveness of the Transition Adviser role.

Prior to 2010, a significant number of WHS students (over 25%) exited the education

system at the end of Year 10 and during Year 11, to go to other training

institutions—that is, Technical and Further Education (TAFE)—or to employment:

full-time, part-time or casual work, or unemployment. Whilst teachers did not

actively push students out, they also did not encourage students to stay on for further

senior studies. The senior years were viewed by some teachers as preparation for

tertiary study, requiring more application and academic rigour (Teese & Polesel,


2003). Consequently, some students at the end of Year 10 were excluded from

continuing their studies because of low grades, poor literacy and numeracy skills, or

disruptive behaviour. The students, as stated, were not asked to leave but nor were

they invited to consider staying on, or asked what staying on or leaving meant to

them.

Such students have been referred to in the literature on retention as “drop-

outs”, “at risk”, “non-completers” and “early school leavers” (Lamb et al., 2004,

2008; Rumburger, 2001). Labelling students, as outlined by Te Riele (2006, p. 129),

“draws attention to what is wrong with these youth, rather than to what may be

wrong with schooling”. The “at risk” label is pervasive in readings on early school

leavers, and identifies the problem as resulting from deficiencies in the student and

their family. Te Riele (2006), however, prefers to describe these students as

marginalised, as “those who are not served well by senior secondary schooling” (p.

140). For the purposes of this PPI 3 the students supported by the Transition Adviser

are referred to either as targeted students (vulnerable and marginalised students with

the potential to leave early) or early leavers (students who intend to leave before

Year 12 and move into other areas of education, training or work).

WHS students who left prior to 2010 reflected the nationwide trend. Some

were positive leavers and others negative leavers. That is, some students had

employment opportunities lined up using family connections and had ambitions to go

to TAFE. Others, however, disliked school, had experienced dissatisfaction in the

school environment and were glad to leave. Moreover, a few were alienated from

school and had been identified by their teachers as having attendance and behaviour

problems. Students with poor attendance and records of truancy, on returning to

school would be behind in classwork and at times become disruptive or forego the


opportunity to catch up, thus perpetuating the cycle of academic failure. Therefore, a

small group of students did not have a sense of connectedness to the school, were not

involved in any extracurricular activities that may have supported their

connectedness with school (Anlezark, 2011; Blomfield & Barber, 2011) and had, in

some cases, unsatisfactory relationships with their teachers and/or peers (as detailed

in SP 1).

Whilst the ambition of staying on at school until 17 years or the achievement

of the Year 12 credential is admirable, especially as the demands for a more skilled

and educated workforce have increased, the challenge for low SES schools has

entailed unintended consequences (detailed in SP 1) and a short time-frame in which

to respond to the policy change. The implementation date of January 2010 saw the

release of minimal additional funding by the State Government to support extra

classes and staff. Some low SES schools (like WHS) drew up action plans in 2010,

but could not implement interventions until NP funding became available in the

following year.

With the change in legalisation, and with more students staying on, there has

also been a commensurate requirement for guidance and mentoring by teachers, and

an increased level of partnerships required with outside agencies for work experience

places, project-based learning opportunities, and transition pathways. This PPI 3

specifically addresses how WHS addressed this issue of school-based change to

manage retention and support post-school opportunities for students through the

appointment of a Transition Adviser.

The Transition Adviser became part of the school’s career team in making

connections, building relationships and re-engaging targeted students in providing

support to stay on at school or in their transition to work, training or further study. In


order to understand how the role of the Transition Adviser fitted into the overall plan

of supporting students staying on or leaving with a planned pathway, it is important

to look at the audit undertaken by the school in preparation for the introduction of the

NSLA legislation.

Audit tool

As described in PPI 1 the school conducted an audit based on the model

drawn up by Lamb and Rice (2008). This audit tool is based on strategies that have

worked in Victorian schools to “improve student engagement and increase rates of

completion” (2008, p. 2). Three categories of Lamb and Rice’s audit tool—

supportive school culture, school wide strategies and student-focused strategies—are

of relevance to the Transition Adviser role and the development of interventions for

specific groups of students that need extra support and targeted pathways planning. I

recognised that further student-based interventions were needed, in particular:

pathways planning for vulnerable and marginalised students, project-based learning

for disengaged students, student case management and mentoring.

It was clear that in order to improve the school’s retention rate and capture

the leakage of early leavers, there would need to be strategic support for targeted

students. This recognised that some students were marginalised by existing practices

and structures, and that it was the school’s responsibility to intervene (Reid &

Watson, 2016). This intervention included individual case management, mentoring,

early pathways planning and project-based learning; all of which have a focus on

building relationships between the teacher (mentor, counsellor, and facilitator) and

targeted students. One aspect of the multicomponent plan outlined in PPI 1 was that

of providing Student Engagement Mentors, who would go some way to fulfilling part

of this need. However, in order to meet the needs of some students who did not know


how to navigate post-school pathways, it became obvious that WHS required a

suitably qualified teacher working as a Transition Adviser within the school. Both

Lamb and Rice’s research and audit tool (2008), and school-based data, informed the

development and direction of the role of Transition Adviser.

As Principal and researcher I implemented the role of the Transition Adviser

as one of the features of the multicomponent action plan (PPI 1). I had come to the

understanding that it was not feasible, with a school population of 1,400, for the

current Careers Adviser (one teacher) and Year Advisers (two teachers per year

group) to take on the additional management of individualised student cases, along

with pathways planning for marginalised and vulnerable students. The process of

planning, liaising with community networks, communicating with staff, parents and

employers would be onerous, and therefore specialised targeted individualised

intervention required another full-time person. Consequently, the role of the

Transition Adviser was essential in meeting the needs of targeted students for

successful transition pathways and providing planning advice.

The school already had a Careers Adviser working full-time, with the

responsibility of teaching careers in Year 10, along with the added duties of careers

guidance to all students in the school. The Careers Adviser’s responsibilities also

covered the oversight of work experience, practice job interviews, career surveys and

career days. Whilst the Careers Adviser role adequately met the needs of the general

student body for careers advice and teaching, the role of Transition Adviser would

comprise more in-depth individual case management, mentoring, pathways planning

and liaising with outside agencies for the targeted group of students (anticipated to be

approximately 5% of the 1,400 students; n = 70). As outlined in the DoE guidelines

for the role of Transition Adviser, the intended outcomes would be the building of a


relationship between the Transition Adviser and targeted students, planning an

individual transition pathway plan and the forging of strong connections with outside

agencies.

Interestingly, whilst the Transition Adviser role was new for WHS, it was

evident from the national research on retention that secondary schools in other

educational jurisdictions were already implementing similar programs to strengthen

relationships and connections between students, their school, and outside service

providers. In this respect, some roles which bore a resemblance to that of a

Transition Adviser were cited by Polesel and Rice in their paper to the Council of

Australian Governments (Polesel & Rice, 2012). These roles were referred to

variously as: Youth Learning Officers (Tasmania); Participation Coordinator

(Western Australia); Secondary Student Mentoring Program (South Australia);

Youth Support Coordinator Initiative (Queensland); and Every Child Every Day

(Northern Territory). Similarly, Vickers (2012) has outlined the various approaches

to transition planning, tracking and case management across the states. For example,

in Queensland all students complete a Senior Education and Training (SET) Plan;

Tasmania has a Pathways Planning and Transition Support system; Victoria has a

Managed Individual Pathways program; and South Australia has Flexible Learning

Transitions Plans (Vickers, 2012, pp. 11-12). These systems have been set up to

provide senior secondary students with an individual Career/Pathways Action Plan

and associated support in making a successful transition from school to further

education, training and/or full-time employment. As Vickers (2012, p. 181) has

reported:

While transition planning and various forms of case management are widespread

across all jurisdictions, the quality of implementation appears to vary substantially


from school to school. The level of systemic support for these activities also varies

by jurisdiction.

In NSW the Transition Adviser Initiative was developed by DoE as part of

the School to Work division within the Vocational Education in Schools (sVET)

Directorate. This initiative commenced in 2011 as a pilot project, with the following

eleven schools:

Belmont High School (Hunter/Central Coast)

Boorowa Central School (Illawarra/South East)

Callaghan College (Hunter/Central Coast)

Cootamundra High School (Riverina)

Duval High School (New England)

Endeavour High School (Sydney)

Maitland Grossmann High School (Hunter/Central Coast)

Newcastle High School (Hunter/Central Coast)

Rooty Hill High School (Western Sydney)

Tuggerah Lakes Secondary College (Hunter/Central Coast)-The Entrance

Campus

Wyong High School (Hunter/Central Coast)

Most of the schools in the pilot project are categorised as low SES schools,

with an Index of Community Socio-Educational Advantage (ICSEA) between 928

and 978. The national average is 1,000, according to data supplied on the My School

Website (set up by the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority

[ACARA]). The exceptions are Duval, Maitland Grossmann and Newcastle High

Schools, which have ICSEA values of 1004, 999 and 1003 respectively. Thus, the


majority of these pilot schools located in low SES communities are likely to

encounter similar challenges to WHS (ICSEA of 917).

The resultant report from the case studies above, The Transition Adviser

Initiative: Outcomes, Achievements and Lessons Learnt, was produced in 2011. The

author, Dave Turner, who has a background in vocational and career education,

enterprise education, youth work and community partnerships, co-designed the

Transition Adviser concept and training requirements with the NSW Vocational

Education directorate. Turner’s report included target groups, lessons learnt,

challenges met and the crucial impact and benefits of the Transition Adviser role.

Some of the challenges Turner identified in his report were helpful to the WHS

Transition Adviser in taking on this new role. These included: understanding the

aspirations of early leavers; the need to be positive in outlook about young people

and their potential to change; being swamped with requests for support from young

people in schools; managing working alone; forging new territory with the

introduction of new structures and procedures; and devising preventive actions and

early interventions within the traditional school structure. The function of the

Transition Adviser is described in the report as:

The bridge over that gap between life and work; a first sign of hope to the student “at

risk” of leaving school early, a true and consistent source of support—getting the

student over the humps. (Turner, 2011, p. 4)

The report identifies students requiring support as those who are disengaged

from school, have low attendance and/or behavioural challenges, who are

underachievers, from a disadvantaged background, have low aspirations and are

potentially early school leavers. These marginalised students are most likely to leave

school early, or not to stay on for the senior years of study. Similarly, some of the


students at WHS (who would have left at the end of Year 10 but were now required

to stay on) had poor or erratic attendance, low literacy and numeracy achievements

in their junior years of schooling, were disruptive in class and were disengaged from

their school work. It was this group of students who were to be the target group for

the Transition Adviser. The DoE guidelines for the Transition Adviser role in schools

clearly defined the responsibilities and expectations of the Adviser.

The role of the Transition Adviser

DoE Transition Adviser Guidelines outline the role of the Transition Adviser

thus:

A teacher from the school who works as a member of a school Career and Transition

Team. This teacher undertakes to be trained to support targeted students to plan their

transition from school, working closely with other members of the Team and

relevant people beyond the school. (DET, 2011a, p. 2)

The Transition Adviser role includes responsibility for student-focused

strategies, and in line with Lamb and Rice’s (2008) principles of effective

intervention, involves drilling down to the individual level, intensive case

management and personalised support. For instance, the DoE guidelines for the

Transition Adviser’s responsibilities are:

promoting the active engagement and retention of targeted students

collaborating with targeted students to develop a personalised program of

career and transition support

developing and strengthening partnerships between schools, industry,

business, government and non-government organisations, to provide

authentic learning opportunities for targeted students


promoting effective communication strategies between schools,

employers and local communities

seeking opportunities through community support agencies for students

most likely to be experiencing disengagement from learning

linking with community youth support organisations such as Youth

Pathways Providers and other local initiatives available to the school

community. (DET, 2011a, p. 3)

Moreover, in the DoE Guidelines there is a clear delineation of the

responsibilities of the Career Adviser from that of the Transition Adviser. The

guidelines emphasize that the role of the Transition Adviser does not include welfare

guidance, but rather is concerned with developing relationships and forging

connections with targeted students: “to facilitate each student’s successful transition

through school and from school to employment, or further education and training”

(DET Transition Adviser Guidelines, 2011, p. 3).

The forging of connections referred to in the guidelines is about building

relationships with the student, parents and carers, teachers, business groups and

community agencies. Given this responsibility for building relationships I recognised

that the professional and interpersonal skills required of the appropriate person for

this role would include sensitivity, compassion and excellent communication skills,

in order to be able to build relationships both internally at school, and with external

agencies.

With the increasing number of students staying on beyond Year 10, it was

clear that the position of Transition Adviser was necessary for providing expert

advice in retaining students at school and in planning for students in the transition to

work or further education. Further, it was also clear that school resources would need

to be directed to support pro-active strategies to build quality transition programs.


School-based decision making regarding the implementation of the Transition

Adviser role was shaped by conditions which had significant implications for

resource allocation. These conditions were:

1. A capacity and commitment to allocating adequate time to facilitate the

role, ideally no less than 0.4 non-teaching time;

2. A willingness to establish and sustain, or maintain, a Career and Transition

Team; and

3. A willingness to participate in on-going evaluation of the role of Transition

Adviser. (DET, 2011b, p. 2)

WHS had the capacity to meet the DoE guidelines, as the school had

significant resources made available through NP funding. As mentioned earlier, NP

funding of low SES schools had as its goals, improvement in student outcomes in

literacy, numeracy, student engagement and retention. Accordingly, I made the

decision (in planning for the years 2011 to 2014—the period of NP funding) to use

NP funds to cover the position of Transition Adviser. Further, I was confident that

the school could meet the other criteria (non-teaching time, sustainability and

evaluation of the role) set down by DoE.

While the initial commitment in the guidelines involved an allocation of 0.4

non-teaching time (this equates to 12 periods over a 30 period week, or two whole

days), WHS’s Transition Adviser was not given any teaching periods during the

entire time that the NP program was funding the position (2011-2014). The main

reason for this was the large size of the school (1,400 students) and the anticipated

heavy caseload at a time when the NSLA legislation was at the most complex period

of introduction. Consequently, the Transition Adviser was able to focus solely on the

targeted students and to develop and strengthen new and existing partnerships with

various community groups. The types of partnerships developed will be explained in

the second section of this paper that deals with the effectiveness of the role.


To meet the second DoE condition, the Transition Adviser and I were keen to

establish and maintain a Career and Transition team. This team comprised the

Careers Adviser, the Transition Adviser, and the Head Teacher Vocational Education

and Training (VET). Only the role of Transition Adviser was new, and the aim of the

formation of the team (with oversight by the Deputy Principal) was to streamline

practices and procedures in the promotion of careers pathways, transition planning

and individual case management. As outlined in the Transition Guidelines (2011, p.

3), the career and transition team is responsible for the overall coordination, delivery

and facilitation of career and transition support for students. This includes connecting

these students with quality career and transition provision beyond the school.

The final condition (as per the guidelines) required an evaluation of the

Transition Adviser role. This was fulfilled in part by my own research as Principal in

assessing the effectiveness of the role. Furthermore, there was also a willingness to

engage in further examination of the Transition Adviser role if the DoE were to

decide to select WHS as a case study for external evaluation. As indicated already,

the school had intentions to extend the role after the period of NP funding expired, if

it was found that the Transition Adviser position was effective in re-engaging and

supporting targeted students in their post-school pathways.

Implementing the Transition Adviser role

Given the DoE’s requirement that the Transition Adviser be a teacher from

the school, Expressions of Interest (EOI) were sought internally from the teaching

staff. An EOI details the position’s criteria and selection process and requires

interested staff to submit a one page Curriculum Vitae (CV). The criteria I

considered to be of greatest importance were strong interpersonal skills and

demonstrable ability to build relationships and make connections with students and


community groups. After the short-listing of applicants, interviews were conducted

by members of the senior executive and myself, and a permanent staff member was

appointed. The new Transition Adviser had a background in Learning Support and

was also trained as an English as a Second Language (ESL) teacher. Furthermore,

her experiences in teaching ESL and refugee students had both utilised and

developed her strong interpersonal, listening and empathy skills. She was keen to

take a new direction in her career and welcomed the move into transition education.

Further developments which strengthened the understanding and skill level of

the Transition Adviser included an offer by DoE to train general teachers in the role

of Transition Adviser. The timing was fortunate for WHS, as the Transition Adviser

had been given an overview of the responsibilities of the role by the senior executive

(as explained in DoE role statements), and this was augmented by professional

learning from specialists in the area of Transition Advising. This professional

learning opportunity assisted in outlining the role description and providing

strategies to carry out the transition process. A prerequisite for the training was that

the Transition Adviser had to complete a self-directed action research/environmental

scan to examine employment, education and training issues that affect students and

the school community. Included in this scan was an analysis of skills shortages, local

employment trends and youth migration statistics. Research undertaken in this

doctoral study (reported in PPI 2) informed the development of this scan. The scan

was important in giving local context to the Transition Adviser, as the role required

liaising with employers, professionals, parents and various work and training

providers to support student transition. In each stage of working with the targeted

students at school, the Transition Adviser was encouraged to utilise various other

personnel and partners along the way.


The five stages of actions for the Transition Adviser, mandated by the DoE

were:

1. Identify the “at risk” student, and build a relationship with that young

person;

2. Help the young person develop a plan of action—for learning, personal

development or transition;

3. Work alongside that young person and significant adults to put plan into

action;

4. Maintain and add to relationships between school and external partners;

and (then)

5. Create new opportunities with new partners or resources. (DET, 2011a,

pp. 5-6)

These stages of actions will be examined in the next section of this paper,

which discusses the research questions that informed the doctoral study. The

implementation of the Transition Adviser role, as one aspect of the multicomponent

plan (PPI 1), was supported by research which found that “the most successful

support programs are those in which students have primary contact with a case

manager over several years . . . with whom they build a relationship of trust” (Lamb

et al., 2004, p. 59). I recognised that the role of the Transition Adviser is similar to

that of a case manager—where intensive support for an individual is provided and

the case manager networks with other service agencies. In providing one-on-one

intensive support, the Transition Adviser, like a case manager, also draws on

government and community services to build a relationship with the student, listen

and connect with the student, and plan strategies to re-engage in education and

training. The similar actions of the Transition Adviser in re-engaging students and

planning transition pathways, also required listening, planning and connecting with

community groups. How did the Transition Adviser at WHS identify students, build


relationships with these students, develop plans, implement plans and forge

connections within and outside of the school? How effective were these actions in

building relationships, re-engaging students and creating a sense of belonging to stay

on, and in developing a plan for post-school pathways? These questions informed

the research undertaken to assess the effectiveness of the Transition Adviser role.

The research

This research involved the collection of quantitative and qualitative data by

the researcher as Principal, in order to assess the effectiveness of the Transition

Adviser role in retaining and developing successful transition plans for individual

students. The quantitative data included:

1. Numbers of boys and girls supported by the Transition Adviser;

2. Retention rates for WHS; and

3. Contacts with community organisations forged or strengthened.

The quantitative data collected were useful in determining whether the

Transition Adviser had supported vulnerable and marginalised students to reconnect

with school, and re-engage and retain those students to the end of Year 12. In

addition, the quantitative data could indicate whether personalised programs had

been developed for targeted students, along with a strengthening of external

partnerships for the provision of work experience and other related learning

opportunities.

The qualitative data comprised interviews with targeted students and the

Transition Adviser. As outlined in the Narrative, initial interviews were held with

two boys and three girls who had indicated they that were intending to leave school

at the end of Year 10. Later in the research, focus group interviews were held with


pairs of girls (four in total) to ascertain their educational aspirations for school and

post-school. For the purposes of this PPI 3, I have reviewed the themes of primary

relevance identified in the data, such as perceptions from targeted students as to the

support provided, plans formulated and opportunities that arose in working towards

their educational aspirations. This material from the individual and focus group

interviews will assist in assessing the effectiveness of the Transition Adviser in

connecting with students, building relationships and contributing to a more inclusive

school environment.

Quantitative data

The quantitative data comprised records of the number of students receiving

support from the Transition Adviser, school retention rates, and the number of new

and revitalised community contacts. The data for each of these areas will be

elaborated upon, to offer insights that inform reflection on the pre and post stages of

role implementation. The information obtained will also assist in assessing the

effectiveness of the role of Transition Adviser. The school-based data were collected

from the school’s Sentral (students’ record system) and the DoE Data Collections

website. All records of Transition Adviser contacts with targeted students were

recorded on the Sentral system as a way of tracking which students were being

supported.


Table 22:

Number of Boys and Girls Supported by the Transition Adviser (2011-2014)

Boys Girls Total

2011 52 27 79

2012 35 33 68

2013 70 37 107

2014 80 54 134

Total 237 151 388

Source: Transition Adviser’s Sentral records at WHS

From Table 22, it was evident that overall, in 2011 and 2012, the Transition

Adviser initially supported approximately 5% of the total student population. This

increased to 8% in 2013 and 10% in 2014, suggesting that students were feeling

more confident in seeking out support, obtaining information and dropping in for

advice and direction, and that teachers were more confident in identifying and

recommending students for Transition Adviser support. Out of a total of 388

students, 237 boys (approximately 60%) received support of some kind from the

Transition Adviser, compared to 151 girls (approximately 40%). This would be in

line with trends at WHS prior to 2010, where more boys compared to girls were

leaving before completing Year 12. It would appear that boys who were looking for

practical post-school options were being referred, or were self-referring in some

cases, to the Transition Adviser. This ratio of more boys being supported than girls

validates the findings in PPI 2 and SP 2, where it became clear that girls were staying

on for the senior years even if they were struggling and not participating fully.

This reinforces my argument in SP 2 that historical patterns of girls’ subject

choices and perceived and actual career/work options simultaneously shape and limit

girls’ educational aspirations. Therefore, girls in low SES environments, require


integrated programs to promote academic achievement, role modelling, and guidance

towards choosing less gender-specific subjects and to a knowledge of post-school

options (Dale, 2010; Homel, Mavisakalyan, Nguyen & Ryan, 2010; Mac Iver & Mac

Iver, 2010; Reid & Watson, 2016).

Table 23:

Apparent Retention Rates for Years 10 to 12 Students at WHS (2005-2014)

Year Numbers in

Year 10

Year Numbers in

Year 12

Early Leavers Retention

Rate %

2005 246 2007 158 88 64

2006 236 2008 165 71 70

2007 243 2009 180 63 74

2008 257 2010 194 63 75

2009 257 2011 219 38 85

2010* 240 2012 205 35 85

2011# 238 2013 212 26 89

2012 226 2014 209 17 92

*Introduction of NSLA legislation in NSW

# Introduction of Transition Adviser role

Source: DoE Data collection and WHS enrolment records

Analysing the retention rates in Table 23 for students from Years 10 to 12, it

becomes clear that the Multicomponent Action Plan, with the implementation of the

Transition Adviser role as one aspect, was successful in improving the retention of

students. Whereas in the period prior to 2010, approximately 38 to 88 students had

been early leavers, it was clear that the trend after 2010 was upward in retaining

students into the senior years. The school has successfully increased the ARR from


85% in 2010 to 92% in 2014. Given that the government’s target of 90% retention

was realised; it might be assumed that since students were required to stay on, the

legislation alone accounts for the increase. If this were the case, then it could also be

assumed that all government schools in NSW would have raised their retention rates.

The ARRs for all NSW government schools in the years after 2010 is detailed in

Table 24.

Table 24:

Apparent Retention Rates for NSW DoE Schools and WHS (%)

Year State WHS

2010 70.8 75

2011 73.0 85

2012 70.7 85

2013 71.1 89

2014 72.5 92

Source: National Schools Statistics Collection, DEC, Centre for Education Statistics

and Evaluation; DoE Internal data of enrolments for WHS

Table 24 indicates that in comparison with all government secondary schools

in NSW, WHS has increased its apparent retention rate markedly each successive

year: by 4.2% in 2010, by 12% in 2011, by 14.3% in 2012, by 17.9% in 2013 and by

19.5% in 2014. This suggests that the interventions, including the role of the

Transition Adviser, were effective and made an impact. The increase in retention

rates and the number of students receiving support, thus validates the implementation

of the Transition Adviser role. The next area for examination is that of new and

consolidated links with external groups in the community.


In the area of community, the Transition Adviser forged and strengthened

over thirty links with community groups. A majority of these links were new

partnerships with the school, such as the Youth and Parks Community Centre, whilst

others were existing contacts: for example, TAFE institutes, where the Transition

Adviser strengthened the connection and accessed new programs. The Transition

Adviser developed links with outside agencies that specialised in school to work

programs in supporting students from secondary school in further education and

training, or employment. Some examples of such connections in various categories

are as follows:

i) Agencies: Wise Employment, Max Employment, On Track, Marrickville

Training Centre (MTC), Youth Connections, Break Thru’ and Parks

Community Centre, Aboriginal Employment Service, Apprentice Power,

Commonwealth Rehabilitation Service, and Motor Traders Association;

ii) Community: Fairfield Council for Finding My Place, South West

Connect, Parents as Career Transition support training and Project Bantu;

iii) TAFE: Hands On, TAFE program for Aboriginal students, Refugee

Youth Employment program, Outreach Miller TAFE, Granville TAFE;

iv) Committees: Links to the Learning Steering Committee, Finding My

Place, Partnership of MTC Youth connections; and

v) Gateways: Cafe Horizons

The range and breadth of connections with outside community groups

enabled the Transition Adviser to plan and to connect students with courses and

programmes that met their needs. On the basis of individual meetings, and through

the process of collaborative planning, the students’ areas of interest were being

tapped into and accommodated. The students’ attendance rate for these courses with


outside community groups was high (80-95% overall average), with the majority of

providers reporting to the Transition Adviser that students were participating and

developing a rapport with their team members. Reflecting on this high attendance

and participation, it was evident that the targeted students were feeling that their

needs and aspirations were being met. I recognised that for some students this may

have been the first time in their secondary schooling that they had the opportunity to

share their personal ambitions with a caring adult who had the capacity to follow

through and advocate for them. The benefit for WHS has been that connections have

been forged and strengthened with community groups. These connections highlight

the importance of the Transition Adviser role in supporting students to realise their

aspirations and arrange connections that their immediate family may not have had

access to. In other words, the importance of social networks in providing work

experience and part-time work assisted students in refining their career plans.

Qualitative data

Interviews conducted with the Transition Adviser and with targeted students

who had received support from the Transition Adviser informed the assessment of

the effectiveness of the Transition Adviser role. The interviews specifically

illuminated the effectiveness of the Transition Adviser in targeting potential early

leavers at WHS and building connections to improve school participation and

retention.

Students who had been supported by the Transition Adviser were invited to

participate in the interview process. Year Advisers informed the students of the

research and the voluntary nature of the interview process was emphasised.

Interested students were given both information about the research and consent

forms. The interviews with the students and the Transition Adviser were conducted


in a private office space in the school. Interviews were audio-recorded and

transcribed by a professional transcribing service.

The students were asked about their perceptions and experiences of

participation in making individual plans and in attending various courses, as arranged

by the Transition Adviser. Their responses formed part of the overall study which

examined students’ reasons for staying on at school, plans for post-school, subject

selection choices, school support and educational aspirations. The Transition Adviser

was asked questions which aimed to shed light on the role, the training program,

identification of students, the referral process, provision of support, and feedback

from stakeholders. The transcripts of the interviews were thematically coded to

ascertain how potential early leavers and disengaged students were identified, how

advocacy and support was provided, the types of programs and strategies

implemented for ensuring reengagement and connection with the school. These

themes were categorised on the basis of research and expert opinion that provided

recommendations for best practices to prevent early leaving (Dynarski, Clarke, Cobb,

Finn, Rumberger & Smink, 2008, p. 6). The six key recommendations were:

1. Use data systems to identify students at risk early.

2. Assign adult advocates to students at risk.

3. Provide academic support and enrichment to improve academic

performance.

4. Implement programs to improve students’ classroom behaviour and social

skills.

5. Personalise the learning environment and individualised instruction.

6. Provide rigorous and relevant instruction to better engage students in

learning.


These six recommendations informed the thematic coding of the data and are

addressed in the following discussion. The analysis that follows is divided into two

sections. The first part primarily concentrates on the identification and profile of the

students who engaged with the Transition Adviser. The second section addresses the

advocacy, support and programs designed to re-engage and reconnect students with

school or to assist in planning for a post-school pathway, to better understand student

perceptions of the relevance and effectiveness of the Transition Adviser role.

Identification of potential early leavers

Various personnel (Senior Executive, Head Teachers, Year Advisers and

Classroom teachers) in the school referred particular students to the Transition

Adviser on the basis of evidence of non-engagement in class and indications from the

students themselves that they intended to leave school earlier than the end of Year

12. Other presenting behaviours from some students were a lack of preparation for

class (no equipment); not completing classwork and homework; whole-day

unjustified non-attendance; partial truancy; non-completion of assignments and

assessments; and, sometimes, disruptive behaviour in class. On the basis of these

presenting behaviours in the classroom and general learning environment, students

were identified. This systematic analysis of data concurs with research by Dynarski

et al., (2008, p. 12). In this respect, the Transition Adviser noted that: “They were

mostly referred to me by Year Advisers, Head Teacher Welfare and Deputy

Principals and Principal, and so they were previously identified before they came to

me because of what was happening in the classroom”. Therefore, the behaviours

which became frequently exhibited in the classroom were the catalyst for teacher

referrals on the school’s Sentral data system.


The Transition Adviser found that a distinct pattern of outlook and

behaviours was exhibited by many of the students that she was supporting: “So

many of these students were not attending school at all or they were not engaged in

the classroom by not following instructions, not bringing any equipment, not handing

in assignments, disrupting the class and the learning of others . . . generally the kids

that maybe find school boring and they don’t see any point to it”. The students

referred to here by the Transition Adviser had lost all connection with school and did

not see the relevance or purpose of staying on. This points to structures and systems

in the school that were not inclusive, or to learning difficulties that had not been

subject to early intervention in the junior years. Other observations from the

Transition Adviser about these students were that: “The majority of them are hands-

on learners, they’re kinetic, they like to do and that sitting . . . and information

giving . . . makes them not want to be in the classroom”. A similar sentiment was

expressed by students in the research by Groundwater-Smith and Mockler (2012):

90% of respondents indicating that they are often required to copy material from the

board or from a book, and almost 40% noting that teachers do not often explain what

the purpose of such copying is . . . and 50% of students indicated that they do not do

a lot of “hands on” learning at school. (p. 21)

This dislike of theory for some students is confirmed by the research of

Vickers et al., (2014), where students expressed that: “copying what teachers write

on the board or what is projected onto a screen would be their least favourite

activity” (p. 10). When asked “which subjects they liked, they were most likely to

name sport, physical education, or subjects that entailed practical activities” (p. 10).

The dilemma for schools then, is balancing the core requirements of the curriculum


along with practical elective options, and demonstrating the relevance of mandated

subjects.

The Transition Adviser also identified that the majority of students referred to

her had difficulty with the theory component of schooling, and were struggling

academically: “I also think a lot of them have lower literacy and numeracy levels and

learning difficulties, so they get behind and then they give up”. This observation by

the Transition Adviser is noted in the literature on early leavers. Lamb et al., (2004)

and Mac Iver & Mac Iver (2010) referred to the struggle of some students to achieve

academically in the senior school when encountering specialised subjects with a

theoretical emphasis. The Transition Adviser explained what she perceived as the

response to low levels of achievement and limited academic success, observing that:

A lot of the girls that stay away I think that’s what happens with them. They get

behind and they feel so overwhelmed and they haven’t handed in this assignment or

that one and they haven’t done this work—they just decide not to come.

As Lamb et al. (2004) recognise, “declining achievement motivations, a sense

of powerlessness, and low self-esteem accompany the process of disengagement

from school” (Lamb et al., 2004, p. 29). In contrast, the role of the Transition

Adviser was to build a rapport with vulnerable students and reconnect them to school

or other training options, and thereby improve their sense of achievement and self-

esteem. The flagging of students on the school’s data system supported the

identification of these vulnerable and marginalised students.

The school’s referral system (Sentral computer program) was already well

established for welfare and disciplinary matters. Consequently, teachers at school

were familiar with the process of referring students to the appropriate personnel

within the school. Now this information on the data system was also being posted to


the Transition Adviser. This referral system provided further insights, such as

numbers of contacts and frequencies of reporting. Was this a one-off contact by one

teacher in one subject area, or a pervasive pattern across all curriculum areas for the

student? After the Transition Adviser assessed the number of contacts and

frequencies, the opportunity presented itself for subsequent guidance and advocating

for the student.

Advocacy for vulnerable and marginalised students

Guidelines provided by the DoE suggested that the Transition Adviser

initially asked students the following questions: did the student want to be in that

class, did they want to be at school, what was happening in their personal life, could

the school support them further? These questions were useful in determining if the

student had chosen a particular subject and then found it unsuitable, or realised it was

not what they had expected. In addition, the Transition Adviser needed to ascertain if

there were any personal issues impacting on the student that were restricting their full

attention and participation at school. The research on early leaving prevention

acknowledges the “significant personal, family and social barriers that interfere with

the ability to go to school and do well” (Dynarski, 2010, p. 17). Whilst some students

may not seek out support from their Year Adviser, counsellor or class teacher, the

privacy of the Careers and Transition office may be more conducive to discussing

personal information with a caring adult with whom they have built a trusting

relationship.

To support the development of strong connectedness and relationships, the

Transition Adviser encouraged regular individual meetings with the targeted students

to assist them in making decisions about their career paths, and also to develop

transition plans. The Transition Adviser reported that she took the following


approach in her meetings with students: “So I talk to them initially straight up. I ask

them what they’re interested in. I talk to them about what’s happening at school.

Normally I take a few sessions to—like say they said—I want to be an auto-

apprentice, then I talk about their options—how they’re going to go about that?”

Interestingly, from this initial conversation with students the Transition Adviser is

finding out the student’s career aspirations, then delves down deeper to talk about

options of how they will realise their goal. On the basis of these conversations the

student is articulating their educational aspirations and is then assisted by the

Transition Adviser to plan a clear path of steps upon which the goal of an

apprenticeship can be achieved. The next step, after determining interests and goals

and building a rapport with the student, is to draw up individual transition plans

based on a student’s area of interests and inclinations.

For some students this open channel of communication with the Transition

Adviser means they have an opportunity to express how they feel about school and a

safe place to come and talk. The Transition Adviser reported that: “some students do

not have open communication with their parents and that they felt comfortable in

having a place within the school to sit down, talk, eat their lunch and discuss

personal problems impacting on school life”. These comments emphasise the

importance of building relationships of trust with the student and improving

connectedness to school (Dynarski et al., 2008, p. 19). She went on further to say that

“some disengaged students come from family backgrounds where their parents are

distrustful of teachers and school and they feel isolated in their struggle to support

their child”. The Transition Adviser set aside time in her daily schedule to

communicate regularly with parents, conduct parent interviews and be responsive to


family requests for assistance in pathways planning, academic support and

enrichment activities.

Academic support and enrichment

The Transition Adviser elaborated on the types of academic support and

enrichment provided to potential early leavers and targeted students. She facilitated

Coaching for Young People for Success workshops, which assisted in identifying

personal goals. The goals are articulated and written down, and this planning for the

future gives direction, thereby facilitating a plan for action. In addition, the

Transition Adviser spoke of the academic support provided to students in the senior

years in submitting tasks and completing outstanding assessments.

The targeted students need support in meeting deadlines and completing

assignments. Sometimes their responsibilities at home in caring for siblings or a lack

of family support without any provision for a quiet place of study affects students’

completion of school work.

The Transition Adviser was able to direct students to the After School

Homework Centre, utilise members of the Learning Support Team, and liaise with

subject teachers to give students further guidance for completing set work. Dynarski

et al., 2008, refer to two types of academic support to improve academic

performance. They are intensive internal or external school programs, and homework

or tutoring programs (Dynarski et al., 2008, p. 22). At WHS, both types of support

were offered, with the Transition Adviser in particular organising and leading

external programs with community partners.

Enrichment activities in the form of organised excursions—for example, Seek

a Skill and Career Expos—affords targeted students the opportunity to access


information about the world of work and become familiar with the types of careers

and training needed to pursue certain pathways. In addition to excursions, incursions

at school enable students to receive information and ask questions of experts in a

familiar setting without the cost of admission or transportation. This linking of

students with training organisations and employment agencies had the advantage of

refining occupational and career aspirations.

Social skills

That self-regulation of emotions and interactions with peers and adults

impacts on learning, and thereby classroom participation and school retention, has

been widely researched (Dynarski et al., 2008, p. 27; Lamb et al., 2004; Mac Iver &

Mac Iver, 2010; Reid & Watson, 2016; Rumberger, 2001). In this regard, the

Transition Adviser role was not fundamentally concerned with the teaching of social

skills, but did involve building positive relationships and assisting students to

become engaged with the academic, social and extracurricular aspects of school. The

role of the Student Engagement Mentors, detailed in PPI 1, more actively supported

students in developing their social and study skills through the setting of academic

and behavioural goals and strengthening of problem-solving and decision-making

skills.

Personalised plans and individualised instruction

These plans assisted in formalising the discussions between the Transition

Adviser and student which provided a more focused direction. For the first time,

some students had the opportunity (in a private setting) to share their hopes, goals

and plans for their future. As Dynarski et al., (2008), noted in their recommendation

for a personalised learning environment, “students who receive personalized


attention from teachers may be more engaged in learning because the teachers know

what motivates individual students” (p. 31). Whilst general careers advice was taught

in class to the Year 10 student body, it was important in this process to assist targeted

students to formulate a plan with defined action steps. This was outlined by the

Transition Adviser in these terms: “I complete a transition plan with the student also

I keep another database of all the transition plans”. The writing of a clear plan was

one feature that was missing when girls were surveyed regarding their career

intentions in PPI 2. In meetings between student and Transition Adviser, the act of

writing, recording and referring to a plan assists in the delivery of concrete outcomes,

as opposed to vague ideas which are not remembered. In some cases the Transition

Adviser stressed to students the importance of completing senior studies and

choosing particular subjects. For other students, the course of action was the

enrolment of a student in a course to try out a trade. This work experience can then

persuade or dissuade a student as to their post-school pathways.

The Transition Adviser explored community groups and outside agencies to

find a suitable training course or work placement to match a student’s particular

aspirations. These networks were in some cases already established, or in the process

of becoming strengthened. In low SES communities the lack of family contacts and

networks is often the reason why students have access to only part-time and casual

work or unemployment when they leave school.

The process of securing partnerships and links was described by the Transition

Adviser as follows:

Depending on what they want to do—say if they want an apprenticeship in the metal

industry and it’s now, halfway through a TAFE term, well then I find out from our

youth connections partners who are working with our school this year what’s


available because often group training organisations have pre-apprenticeship

courses available now and depending on their age too—like if they’re over 15 and

can go to TAFE then I find out about TAFE courses and tell them when the

information sessions are and prepare them for the interviews.

This statement highlights the importance of the Transition Adviser’s role in

making connections, finding out information, preparing students for job interviews

and taking the role of mentor and coach in navigating the student through the maze

of the career process. The Transition Adviser was also realistic about the level of

opportunities that would be available to younger students (14-15 years of age). The

workplace has requirements and standards: for instance, basic levels of literacy and

numeracy, along with the employability skills of communication, teamwork, problem

solving, initiative and enterprise, planning and organisation, self-management,

learning and technology (source: personal email from Transition Adviser to Principal

August 2014). In this regard, the Transition Adviser provided advice to younger

students by outlining the internal school support structures that were available to

assist and prepare them in this direction. She said that: “If they’re in Year 10, I

encourage them to stay at school to get their hours up, because I tell them the only

reason you can leave is if you get a full-time apprenticeship and that’s very rare that

you’ll get one at this age”.

The Transition Adviser revealed that boys exhibited their dislike or

disinterest of school more openly than girls, and viewed an apprenticeship and

traineeship as a viable option to that of sitting still in a classroom, listening and

writing. As shown by research (Lamb et al., 2004, p. 13) the main reasons for early

leaving are work-related (desiring a job) and school-related (do not like school, lost

interest in school and not doing well in school subjects). Interestingly, the Transition


Adviser noted that some boys want to leave school early to take up a trade: “I think

the majority of them know want they want to do . . . and it’s all sort of hands on

stuff. They want to be mechanics or they want to be plumbers and electricians.”

These boys have a clear plan and see role models in the local community in the field

of trade work. This also reinforces the situation where boys are privileged in the

labour market in accessing apprenticeships, whereas girls, if they choose to leave

school early, have more restricted options post-school (outlined in SP2). The change

in the labour market, with a shift away from lower skill positions to community and

personal services positions (FYA, 2016, p. 9), highlights the importance of choosing

subject choices of interest, rigour and relevance linked to viable post-school

pathways.

Rigorous and relevant instruction

This aspect of preparation for post-school pathways seeks to engage students

in “professional or technical core classes that offer academic and real world

applications, and field-based learning” (Dynarski, 2008, p. 34); and to “engage

students in learning and teach them relevant skills” (Dynarksi, 2008, p. 35). Some of

the targeted students made clear to the Transition Adviser their ambition to leave

school and seek work. Vickers (2007) noted that students’ motives for leaving school

are significantly shaped by the desire for work, or their lack of interest in school.

This was most evident in the interviews conducted with Year 10 students who

expressed the intention to leave. For example, James, when asked about his plans

upon finishing Year 10, indicated that he intended to: “Go to TAFE and get a job—

good job—after that”. James was clear in his post-school plans and had calculated

that two more years at school was not beneficial: “It’s just Year 11 and Year 12 isn’t

really that necessary for what I want to go into, I’d rather start early and get into [a


job”. In this case the Transition Adviser drew up a plan for James and enrolled him

in a Metals Fabrication taster course for one term. James found the course relevant to

his aspirations and this reaffirmed his focus on leaving school and enrolling full-time

in TAFE: “I did the TAFE taster course and it helped me in what I wanted to do”. He

outlined how the support he received at TAFE validated his decision: “The teachers

at the TAFE were nice and I connected with them”. He went on further to explain in

particular how the Transition Adviser helped him: “She helped me by getting my

resume reading and helping me sign up for TAFE”. The Transition Adviser assisted

the students in applying for apprenticeships and aided in practising interview skills,

which built self-confidence. James was successful in his application for full-time

TAFE, and subsequently moved on from school. This demonstrates the centrality of

relationship building to retention and transition.

Robert echoed similar sentiments: “I want to get a good future, that’s why I

decided to go to TAFE and then to uni”. He had initially spoken to his careers

adviser about his options, and later sought out more in-depth guidance from the

Transition Adviser: “I got a pamphlet from the careers staffroom which had the site

to find information . . . later I sat down [with the Transition Adviser] and went

through the process [logging on, submitting forms for TAFE]. Robert was successful

in his application for TAFE, and signed out of school immediately.

Other courses the Transition Adviser introduced to the school which assisted

targeted students in the learning of life and trade skills, included that of Youth

Enrichment Programs and Links to Learning programs. These programs provided

alternative educational experiences for targeted students. The Transition Adviser

reported that:


for some students, attending these programs has given them focus for their future

pathways and revived their joy in learning. Some students have been successful and

enrolled in TAFE courses as a direct result of their participation in Youth

Enrichment and Links to Learning programs. For other students they have continued

their studies to Years 11 and 12 and completed their HSC with renewed

determination.

The Transition Adviser observed that some of the girls identifying as early

leavers had difficulty with the theoretical components of the senior years. She noted

that: “girls want to work in childcare or nursing. Some want to go to TAFE to

complete aged care courses, but they’re occupations that don’t require a lot of

studying and theory components”. This reinforces the findings of my research in SP

2, which found that low achieving girls with poor learner self-esteem generally move

on to caring and nurturing domains of work which are seen as less theoretical and

more accessible and practical. This raises the complex question of supporting girls’

ambitions on the one hand, and broadening them on the other. Whilst one of the

demand areas in the future will be in community and personal services, and in

particular aged care, it is also imperative that schooling provide a broad range of

opportunities and platforms, so that students can make choices and not feel restricted

in their post-school pathways. For example, Jennifer’s intention at the end of Year 10

was to leave school:

I am going to look for an apprenticeship or traineeship as a Pastry chef. I always

knew I wanted to do something with cooking. I know I can get an apprenticeship or

traineeship instead of spending another two years in other subjects.

Jennifer expressed the sentiment that staying on at school was not a good

investment of her time: “I want to leave school, train to be a pastry chef and that


would be better than to stay in school for another two years and then start then

because I’ll have advantage of those two years”. The Transition Adviser assisted

Jennifer in searching the internet and newspapers for apprenticeship positions.

Unfortunately, the traineeship Jennifer hoped for did not eventuate, so she

came back for the senior years of study. The Transition Adviser supported her

reengagement with the senior years in organising Jennifer a place in the Hospitality

(Kitchen Operations) class, which had opportunities for work placement in

restaurants where pastry chefs were employed. Jennifer came back to the senior years

with renewed enthusiasm, and this reinforces the research, which shows that

“electives . . . can create enthusiasm about learning something in the school context;

they can broaden students’ interests, and point towards new learning pathways that

may be worth following” (Vickers et al., 2014).

Tiffany, who did not wish to stay on for the senior years, explained her

situation as follows: “I never really saw myself getting my HSC. I just want to go to

TAFE, do animal studies—get that course finished and then go to university from

that and become a vet”. Whilst Tiffany had the aspiration of working with animals in

some capacity, she was not proactive in choosing subjects which would place her in a

position to apply for a tertiary course in her chosen career. Therefore, the Transition

Adviser was able to redirect Tiffany’s post-school plans and find an administration

course at TAFE that was relevant to her educational aspirations and an incentive for

her to continue studying and gain necessary employment skills.

The Transition Adviser was very helpful in supporting me to write a resume, getting

work experience and trying to get me a traineeship. There’s this course on

administration and that can help me consult on the phone in a veterinary clinic.


While it may have been the goal of some students to leave school and pursue

training or employment outside of school, the lack of part-time work in the Fairfield

West area meant that some students had limited exposure and workplace experience

to help make informed career choices. As demonstrated in the data on career

planning and part-time work statistics in PPI 2, students at WHS have had limited

exposure to writing a formal career plan and accessing part-time employment. The

Transition Adviser summed up the situation by saying:

I think the world of work is going to change a lot in the next 10 years and some of

the students have never had part-time jobs, mainly the disengaged group. They

don’t seem to go and get the part-time jobs, they don’t seem to be the ones that work

in McDonald’s and so when they do go for interviews they’ve got nothing to draw on

as far as talking about instances where they’ve shown organisational skills.

This lack of part-time work was evident in the Student Pathway surveys

reported in PPI 2, where the number girls at WHS that worked part-time was one

third to one half (depending on the year group) compared to girls in NSW in similar

years. Therefore, when students from WHS are seeking employment post-school

they are competing with other young people who have had part-time employment,

and therefore have some job readiness skills. This places WHS students at a

disadvantage in the competitive field of resumes and interviewing. That is, a young

person will not have any background knowledge of part-time work or work

experience skills to draw on and talk about with confidence in the interview process.


Reflections on the effectiveness of the Transition Adviser role

During the period 2011 to 2014, connections with a number of external

agencies and community groups were forged and strengthened. The choice of pre-

apprenticeship courses at TAFE was broadened and links were established with

organisations offering apprenticeships and traineeships. The courses offered, ranged

from pre-apprenticeships in Hospitality, Carpentry, Painting and Decorating, Cabinet

Making, Hairdressing, Makeup Artistry, Air Conditioning Refrigeration Mechanic,

Drainage, Tourism and Retail. Other courses that students were informed about

included the Certificate III in Child Studies, Certificate III in Animal Studies, and

Certificate III in Computer Applications.

Of the 388 students supported by the Transition Adviser over the four years,

most students re-engaged in secondary education and completed Year 12.

Approximately 20% (n = 78) decided to leave school earlier than Year 12 and were

successful in their applications for full apprenticeships and traineeships. The

apprenticeships and traineeships were gained across a range of employer

organisations:

Apprenticeship Plumbing: Sydney Ferries,

Apprenticeships Electro technology: AusGrid and Endeavour Energy,

Apprenticeship Light Vehicle Automotive: Auto Tune Liverpool,

Traineeships Hospitality: Fairfield RSL,

Apprenticeship Cabinetmaking: KASS Kitchens,

Traineeship Animal Husbandry: RSPCA,

Apprenticeship: Blacktown Heavy Vehicle Automotive,

Apprenticeship: Bankstown Council Carpentry,

Traineeships in Hospitality: Fairfield RSL,

Traineeship in Banking: ANZ.


Students who were supported and were keen to apply for part-time work

received assistance in the form of resume writing and interview skills from the

Transition Adviser. A number of students (27 students) were successful in gaining

part-time employment at:

MacDonald’s, for customer service and kitchen hand work;

Eagle Boys Pizza, for pizza preparation and customer services; and

Kmart, Big W, Michel’s Patisserie, Target: all customer service positions.

The Transition Adviser also ensured that partnerships were established and

strengthened with organisations such as Break Thru CSR, MTC, On Track, WISE

and MAX employment. The benefits of partnerships with specialised employment

agencies were that students were given individualised assistance with job and

apprenticeship applications, as well as access to training courses and group

assistance, such as Job Club. The Business Concierge presented a workshop for Year

10 students on job interview skills and what employers expect. The Project Bantu

workshop presented to students identified for Transition Adviser support, who

participated in a program of leadership, conflict resolution, team work and

confidence building skills.

A Career and Transition Team was formed, comprising the Transition

Adviser, Careers Teacher, Head Teacher Administration and Head Teacher VET.

The team met once a term to discuss the planning and delivery of Careers Education

to the general school population. The team discussed proposed workshops and work

experience opportunities for students, and provided a whole-school careers program

delivered across Key Learning Areas (KLA). The team was also involved in the

formulation and implementation of transition plans for individual students.


In assessing the effectiveness of the Transition Adviser role at WHS against

the criteria of improved retention and reengagement with education and training, I

argue that the role was successful in promoting more active participation and

retention of targeted students. Partnerships with outside agencies and organisations

were sourced and strengthened. Opportunities for participation in further learning

were created for many students who (prior to the introduction of the role) may have

left school early without a planned transition pathway. It was also evident that some

targeted students were clear in their post-school plans and had logical and coherent

reasons for their choices. Therefore, the Transition Adviser could be a support in

talking to parents and carers about the various pathways that are available and

facilitating a smooth transition for a student who may, for example, wish to go to

TAFE to complete further training. For students who were staying on, the Transition

Adviser liaised with the staff to identify students, build rapport, advocate, devise a

plan, support them at school to continue their studies, or plan for transition and make

appropriate internal and external connections. Most plans led to a reengagement and

refocus at school, and for a number of students some plans led to a traineeship,

apprenticeship, further training, and employment.

In summary, the investment of resources in funding intensive support in the

form of the Transition Adviser role at WHS contributed to improved retention over

the research period. For the targeted students there was improved connectedness to

school through the building of relationships by an adult advocate, and the planning of

personalised and valid post-school pathways.

7. Scholarly Paper 3: Responding to the New School

Leaving Age policy

This paper provides a scholarly reflection on the interventions that were

effective in improving retention rates in one Low Socio Economic Status (SES)

secondary school, Woodstock High School (WHS), after the implementation of the

New School Leaving Age (NSLA) policy in New South Wales (NSW) in 2010. An

audit tool (Table 25) adapted from Lamb and Rice (2008) and specifically designed

for WHS, was systematically developed over the period of the research (2010-2014).

Discussion of the challenges and interventions for low SES schools, and principles

for improving retention rates, is contextualised within the relevant literature in the

field.

Through the process of research and reflection I concluded that not all school

retention is good retention, and therefore, using retention rates as a measure of

schooling success is problematic (see also: Lamb, Walstab, Teese, Vickers and

Rumberger, 2004; McGregor and Mills, 2012; Te Riele, 2012). Rather, the emphasis

should be on individual outcomes. Bearing in mind the government ambition of 90%

retention, I concluded that the more important target is the development of an

inclusive school learning environment. That is, a supportive school culture with an

emphasis on positive relationships between teachers and students, a sense of

attachment to school, and strong connections with parents, carers and community


groups. As I argue in the Narrative and in SP 1, the burden of improving retention

rates for the NSW government school system ultimately falls on low SES schools,

and requires them to make the difference individually and collectively (Teese, 2008;

Vickers, 2012). What principles and practices can low SES schools adopt, to improve

retention?

Lamb and Rice’s (2008) study of government secondary schools in Victoria

and review of international literature, highlighted that schools that were successful at

increasing school completion rates shared three key principles: early and sustained

interventions, strategies that are multifaceted in approach, and context sensitivity

within a supportive school culture. Guided by these principles I developed a WHS

audit tool, informed by evidence based research (see PPI 1), with the ambition of

improving retention rates and developing an inclusive school learning environment.

This paper outlines the justification for the audit tool and details the strategies that

successfully led to improved retention rates in the period 2010-2014. The paper is

divided into four sections:

Section 1: Background—NSLA policy,

Section 2: The WHS audit tool and principles,

Section 3: Challenges for low SES schools, and

Section 4: Effective interventions in low SES schools.

It is helpful, firstly, to contextualise the paper within the NSLA policy and

the aims of the NSW government in increasing the compulsory leaving age to 17

years of age, alongside the national goals for schooling set out in the Melbourne

Declaration of 2008.


Reframing the retention story

The NSW government, in implementing the NSLA, assumed that all retention

was good and all early leaving detrimental to an individual’s life prospects (DoE,

NSLA, 2009). Yet, as the interviews of students at WHS revealed (PPI 2 & PPI 3),

students do not all have the same attitudes to school and the same aspirations post-

school. These findings reiterate Dockery’s point that, “heterogeneity in the returns to

schooling exist because individuals are heterogeneous” (2005, p. 42). Further, other

researchers have noted that if “everyone completes the full complement of school

years then it will lose its positional good” (Groundwater–Smith & Mockler, 2012, p.

20). If this is the case, then post-school outcomes and future prospects are less than

certain. Therefore, I advocate that instead of merely being concerned about

quantitative measures of retention, it is worthwhile instead to examine outcomes for

individual students. In so doing I consider two questions: First, are students’ personal

goals, which have been informed by advice from mentors, parents and teachers,

being realised as they move through the educational system? Second, rather than

focusing on retention rates alone, should we be looking at individual outcomes and

evaluating how robust and viable the pathways are for those students who may have

secured a traineeship, apprenticeship, full-time work, part-time work with study or

another pathway? If, as I suggest, the answer to both of these questions is ‘yes’, then

it is important to reframe and revisit the question of retention and the emphasis in the

policy of 90% retention state-wide and nationally.

The policy change in NSW coincided with the agreement by the Council of

Australian Governments (COAG) to promote young people’s participation in

education and training with the National Partnership on Youth Attainment and

Transitions (COAG, 2009). This was in line with the Melbourne Declaration of


December 2008, which outlined the direction for the next decade of Australian

schooling. Of particular relevance to this paper, and the impact of the NSLA policy

on low SES schools and students, is Goal 2: “All young Australians become

successful learners, confident and creative individuals, and active and informed

citizens” (Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth

Affairs [MCEETYA], 2008, p. 8). The declaration also articulated a commitment to

action that had implications for how the senior years of schooling would be framed

and addressed:

The senior years of schooling should provide all students with the high quality

education necessary to complete their secondary school education and make the

transition to further education, training or employment. Schooling should offer a

range of pathways to meet the diverse needs and aspirations of all young

Australians, encouraging them to pursue university or postsecondary vocational

qualifications that increase their opportunities for rewarding and productive

employment. This requires effective partnerships with other education and training

providers, employers and communities. Schools need to provide information, advice

and options to students so that they can make informed choices about their future.

All governments and school sectors need to support young people’s transition from

schooling into further study, training or employment and enable them to acquire the

skills that support this, including an appetite for lifelong learning. (MCEETYA,

2008, p. 12)

The Melbourne Declaration advocates that schools to cater for all students to

complete school, by broadening the range of senior subjects offered and the types of

pathways promoted. The emphasis is no longer on purely academic courses, with the

intention of gaining entrance to university; instead, the declaration signals the


importance of multiple pathways, utilising external partnerships and support. The

elements of importance to this paper, as outlined in the Melbourne Declaration are:

completion of school, a range of pathways, effective partnerships, informed choices,

and support for young people’s transition.

As the demands for a more educated and skilled workforce increase, these

elements are essential in supporting students from low SES backgrounds to complete

secondary school (Lamb et al., 2004; Reid & Watson, 2016; Rumberger, 2001; Te

Riele & Crump, 2001; Woodin, McCulloch & Cowan, 2013). The claim has been

made that the consequences of not completing Year 12 can lead to

underemployment, unemployment, earning less over one’s lifetime, poor health,

crime, and burdens on the welfare system (Bita, 2015; Lamb et al., 2004; Li and

Powdthavee, 2014; Rumberger, 2001). Whilst not all early leavers are unemployed

and a burden for the government, the ambition of increased school completion rates

is nonetheless in line with the government’s aspiration to a more highly educated and

skilled workforce.

In working towards the goal of improved retention there is a need, as

evidenced by lower retention rates in low SES areas, for schools to be innovative in

supporting students to stay on and complete their senior years of secondary

schooling. There is also a need to support students who wish to move on to viable

post-school pathways. How were these goals of retention and transition to be

accomplished at WHS? In 2010, the year when the policy was implemented, WHS

had an Apparent Retention Rate (ARR) of 75%. Clearly, one quarter of the students

at WHS were leaving school before the completion of Year 12, and their pathways

were generally unknown.


Stopping the leakage at WHS

To reach the Federal and State goals of 90% retention, and improve

individual outcomes it was apparent that targeted interventions at the school level

were necessary. As principal I attended consultation meetings about the NSLA

policy in the local area, and participated in workshops on possible interventions and

strategies to facilitate planning for the increased number of students who would now

be continuing on to the senior years. Subsequently, I led the development of a

multicomponent action plan (see PPI 1) to address the short- and long-term

implications of the government’s policy. The multicomponent action plan for 2010

and beyond, informed by the research literature and my doctoral research, comprised

five facets, which addressed retention and the participation of students in the senior

years in light of the new school leaving age policy. These were:

1. A modified subject selection process in the move from junior to senior

study;

2. The introduction of a non-ATAR English Studies course for Years 11 and

12;

3. Taster courses for Year 10 students;

4. Introduction of Student Engagement Mentors; and

5. Introduction of the Transition Adviser role.

The five aspects were part of a coherent and comprehensive plan for refining

curriculum systems and improving welfare support structures (as outlined in PPI 1 of

this research). Whilst the rationale for the identification of these five aspects and the

implementation process is addressed in PPI 1 and PPI 3, the principles underlying the

choice of these particular interventions embedded within the WHS audit tool are

specifically examined in the next section of this paper.


WHS audit tool: qualitative retention

As explained in PPI 1, there were a number of school-based practices that

were working well at WHS, but further innovative practices were needed, especially

for students who had articulated the intention of leaving school early. Clearly the

external legislation by the government in changing the leaving age to 17 years did

not change the composition and ambitions of students at WHS. Rather, I suggest that

it was the innovative practices underpinned by research evidence (as part of the WSH

audit tool) that were implemented internally from 2010 to 2014 that improved

retention. These structures, strategies and associated practices assisted in the

improvement of the Apparent Retention Rate (ARR) from 75% in 2010 (the first year

of the policy change) to 92% in 2014 (end of the research period). The effectiveness

of the NSLA policy was contingent on the responsibilities for innovation taken up by

the school in responding to the ambitions of the policy. The school, then, became an

actor in realising specific priorities of government and in shaping and reshaping

student conduct (Dean, 2010).

The WHS audit tool comprised four categories aimed at addressing retention.

These were: inclusive school structures, staff practices for building relationships,

strategies to strengthen attachment to school, and connections with parents and

external partners. In this paper, the term “inclusive” implies comprehensive, whole,

complete structures, as opposed to school structures that are exclusive, narrow,

restricted and segregated. For example, it was evident that the school structures at

WHS prior to 2010 precluded some students from staying on for the senior years

through restricted subject choice. The enhancement, deepening, consolidation,

joining and bridging of relationships, and the reinforcement of links and partnerships


between various stakeholders strengthened students’ attachments and connections to

school.

The WHS audit tool (Table 25) reflects the school’s integrated approach to

teaching and learning, and has been continually refined and improved through

ongoing reflection, evaluation and revision. Attention to the four areas (school

structures, staff practices, student strategies and community connections), has been

effective in increasing the ARR and student outcomes in the context of WHS.


Table 25:

Woodstock High School Audit Tool: Multipronged interventions

Woodstock High School Audit Tool

Multi pronged interventions

Inclusive School

Structures

Offering a broad curriculum

Offering Vocational Education and Training (VET) subjects

Continuity of funding for programs

Targeted early intervention in literacy and numeracy

Provision of After School Homework Centre & Learning Centre

Provision of extracurricular activities

Staff Practices for

Building Relationships

Targeted professional learning for staff

Development of skills in guiding /mentoring

Committed to building relationships of trust with students

Skilled in identification of marginalised students

Accepting of welfare roles in the school

Individual Student

Strategies to Strengthen

Attachment to School

Targeted case management

Student Engagement Mentoring/Guidance

Development of Individual Career and Transition Plans

Individualised welfare support

Connecting with

Community Parents,

Business, Non-profit

Organisations

Consultation and connection of parents with school

Committed to partnering/links with the school

Provision of quality work experience/work placement

Joint TAFE /Links to Learning/school programs

Collaboration and partnerships forged and strengthened


In what follows I systematically address each of the interventions identified in Table

25.

Inclusive school structures

The first category, Inclusive School Structures, aims for students to connect

(and in some cases re-connect) with the school, receive support for staying on, and

align subject choice with their future plans. The inclusive structures also aim to

ensure that students are provided with a learning environment where they can

experience success, build confidence and develop the necessary literacy and

numeracy skills to go on to further education, training and work. The

multicomponent action plan facilitated inclusive school structures through the

implementation of a modified subject selection process, the introduction of a non-

ATAR English course, Taster courses for Year 10 students, and the introduction of

the Student Engagement Mentors and the Transition Adviser (as explained in PPI 1).

On the basis of reports from some students that the senior schooling was too

theoretical for them, I introduced more practically-based subjects. This entailed the

school offering a broad range of Vocational Education and Training (VET) subjects

and also a less-theoretical English course. Previously, the senior years of schooling at

WHS may have been perceived as restrictive, insofar as the subject choices mainly

catered for those students intent on a pathway to university. With more students

staying on as a result of the government legislation, it was imperative that students

had access to a broad range of appropriate subjects and received quality advice

during the subject choice decision-making process.

Misconceptions concerning the senior years of study, and the propensity of

some students to choose inappropriate subjects, were to be addressed with detailed

and careful guidance. In relation to the offering of a broad curriculum, including


VET subjects, many teachers believed that in previous years some students had

chosen subjects that were beyond their capabilities or had little alignment with their

personal interests. The provision of individual interviews and the rechecking of

subject choices was therefore given thorough attention. The opportunity to

experience taster courses at the end of Year 10 (explained in PPI 2) also cemented

students’ choices and allowed individuals to make final course adjustments before

beginning the first year of the senior course the following semester.

The opportunity to take up VET subjects and to experience the associated

work placements also fostered a connectedness between school and work. Using

LSAY data, Lamb and Vickers (2006) found that those students who studied VET

subjects in school were more likely to complete high school than were those who

engaged in academic or general programs without a VET component. In addition,

“participation in VET in school programs moderately provided full-time work in the

first year” after completing school (Vickers, 2012, p. 50).

Continuity of funding was equally important in ensuring that the initial

impetus for change gained momentum and was maintained. The provision of NP

funds over a period of four years enabled me to continue the planned innovations

without concern for program cuts. This was in line with the research, which stressed

that time and funding for program continuity and long-term support were necessary

for embedding strategies within the school culture (Freeman & Simonsen, 2015;

Lamb & Rice, 2008).

Early intervention in literacy and numeracy was already a strong focus at

WHS, but this aspect became even more crucial when considering the skill levels of

students who were vulnerable to leaving school early. On the basis of analysis of

literacy and numeracy results, it was evident that some students were struggling with


the foundational skills needed for further successful learning. As Lamb et al., (2004,

p. 151) note, “Failure to establish meaning in the curriculum . . . removes the

possibility of successful learning which is the most important intrinsic motive for

staying on at school”. It was therefore imperative to strengthen the foundational

skills of students so that they could progress to the senior years and tackle their

senior studies confidently. As McKenzie (2000) notes, “From an education policy

perspective, the strongest thrust needs to be preventative: improving young people’s

foundation skills for lifelong learning”. It is important to recognise that as students

move from the junior to senior years the curriculum becomes more rigid, more

rigorous and the assessment process more inflexible. Therefore, the onus is on

teachers and on structures in schools to provide junior students with a strong

foundation, so that they are confident in tackling difficult tasks and have established

networks to support their efforts. This foundation mediates success in later years and

recognises that the:

combination of poor social integration and low achievement drives many young

people from school in which the bonds that tie people to a commitment to school

weaken and students may compensate by searching outside school for recognition

and independence. (Teese, 2004, pp. 186-187)

Analysis of WHS data on early leavers makes apparent the extent to which

some students had a dislike of school and were finding the level of their studies too

demanding. Significantly, “early leavers are drawn disproportionately from the ranks

of low achievers” (Lamb et al., 2004, p. 151). Further, Lamb et al. assert that

intervention strategies should aim to reduce the factors that inhibit successful

learning, rather than focusing on retention alone. Targeted intervention strategies

which reduce the achievement gap involve building a stronger attachment to school


and a capacity for post-school learning, which will in turn raise aspirations and result

in quality retention (Lamb et al., 2004, p. 151). Given this shift in focus to factors

that inhibit learning (rather than retention), it is essential for the school to have

structures in place through which literacy and numeracy levels are raised, and in

which achievement is strongly linked to future pathways.

WHS already had classes in Years 7 and 8 for students with learning

assistance needs: therefore, after the NSLA legislation in 2010, further classes were

established, for Years 9 and 10. These classes in Years 9 and 10 were smaller in size

(15 to 18) than the average size junior class (30 maximum) and had the advantage of

trained Learning Support teachers working alongside subject teachers and providing

personalised support to students. In addition, in the senior years the new English

Studies class (explained in PPI 1) focused on more practical content areas, which

facilitated the participation of students connecting with the world of work.

Other school structures offering support, such as the After School Homework

Centre and the Learning Centre, whilst not new, were included in the WHS audit tool

as they provide teachers with opportunities to continually reinforce to the students

that these centres are accessible to all, and were established to support their learning

needs. The senior executive strongly advised and directed senior students to the

library or senior learning centre during their study periods, and discouraged the use

of the phrase “free periods”. This continual reinforcement by the teaching staff

conveyed the importance of being proactive during study periods and accessing

school personnel to support individual study and the completion of assignments and

assessments.

The provision of extracurricular activities was included to highlight the

importance of recreational and sporting team activities, musical events, debating and


public speaking and dance performances conducted by teaching staff for students

outside school time. Whilst this aspect was not an area of focus during the

implementation of the multicomponent Action Plan (PPI 1), extracurricular activities

were encouraged and supported by the senior executive. Blomfield and Barber

(2011), Groundwater-Smith and Mockler (2012) and Vickers (2012) have all

identified aspects which promote successful transition and increase Year 12

retention. These include: school involvement in extra-curriculum activities and sport;

good student-teacher relationships; support with subject choice; careers advice; and a

diverse range of subjects. I incorporated each of these aspects into the WHS

interventions and systematically implemented them to improve the school’s

retention. All of the inclusive school structures that I had oversight of, aimed to

reinforce a sense of connectedness to the school, to make schooling relevant and to

support students in making connections within the school. Some of these connections

were evident in students actively involving themselves in the life of the school: for

example, joining sports teams or participating in the school musical. Whilst the

leadership team can implement inclusive school structures, it is equally important for

the teaching staff to be committed and caring in building relationships with the

student body (McGregor & Mills, 2010).

Staff practices for building relationships

In the second category, Staff Practices for Building Relationships, the area of

targeted professional learning for staff was one of the main goals in the school plan

from 2010 to 2014. To support relevant and practical pathways for students, extra

teachers were trained in the delivery of VET subjects such as Hospitality, Business

Services, Retail, Construction and Information Technology. The outcome of such

professional learning was that WHS was able to offer a diverse range of classes in


Years 11 and 12 in the area of VET. By training staff and offering VET classes,

students were supported in making connections between their senior studies and the

world of work. I was also aware of the importance of supporting the training of

teachers and of offering subjects at school that aligned with areas of future growth:

for example, in Community and Personal Services (FYA, 2016, p. 9).

Staff practices in building relationships recognise the importance of teachers

providing a bridge, where the classroom is the “educational interface at which

connection or disconnection occurs for students” (McGregor and Mills, 2010, p.

846). McGregor and Mills highlight how the role of teachers in investing emotional

capital in the classroom—demonstrated by empathy, goodwill and personal interest

towards students—can mean the difference between trust and active participation, or

disdain and disinterest. The development of skills in guidance and mentoring was

the focus for the school’s Year Advisers in the period 2010 to 2014. Each Year

Adviser from Years 7 to 12 was trained in the course Accidental Counselling

(outlined in PPI 1), to equip them with the skills of guidance for and mentoring of

students with myriad welfare needs. The development of this skill-set was

complementary to the role of the school counsellor, and was seen more as a guiding,

advising and advocacy role, rather than one that dealt with issues requiring

specialised counsellor support.

The purpose of such advocacy and guidance was for students to have

someone at school who was consistent in providing encouragement and advice. Time

management and study skills support also was provided. This in turn led to improved

participation in class and eventually to completion of the senior years of study. Part

of the training for the Year Advisers involved the identification of marginalised

students and paying attention to behavioural indicators: for example, poor


attendance, non-submission of assessments and a lack of application in class—to

ensure that their intervention was timely and relevant. The training of the Year

Advisers and the subsequent allocation of time within their timetables to carry out

this role, meant that welfare issues could be more effectively addressed with a

trusting and caring advocate.

In addition, the building of a relationship between the student and the Year

Advisers, each of whom has responsibility for a cohort of students from Years 7 to

12, ensured continuity of support over six years and an understanding of the issues

facing particular individuals. This attention to students’ personal, social and

emotional needs led to an improved sense of connectedness and attachment to school

as demonstrated in the latest Tell it from Me survey conducted by the NSW

Department of Education. This survey, based on data from 1,114 students at WHS,

indicated that 69% of respondents felt accepted and valued by their peers and by

others in the school. Whilst there is still room for improvement, WHS results

compare favourably to all students in NSW government schools, where 66% of

students reported a high sense of belonging. This is an important finding, given that

research demonstrates that students are more likely to stay on and complete school

when they feel a sense of connectedness (Anderman, 2002; Osterman, 2000).

Individual student strategies to strengthen attachment to school

The third category on the WHS audit tool relates to individual student

strategies to strengthen attachment to school. In order to strengthen connections

supporting staying on at school, targeted case management, mentoring, guidance,

individualised welfare support and individual career and transition plans were

implemented. Various levels of support for students at school can be required,

depending on their personal circumstances. As outlined in PPI 2, one aspect of the


multicomponent action plan was the implementation of Student Engagement

Mentors, where trained teachers supported students in the areas of study skills,

academic guidance and time management strategies. This intensive individualised

support resulted in students learning the skills of balancing personal and school

demands and led to greater participation in the classroom. This effect on participation

was evidenced by fewer referrals to the Deputy Principal for non-submission of

assessments and assignments, and fewer overall suspensions and expulsions from

school in the senior years.

The school holds career market events and practice job interview days for the

whole year groups, and therefore the WHS school audit tool included the detailed

case management of careers and transition for some individuals. Case management

of transition is conducted by the Transition Adviser (PPI 3), and is similar to the case

management offered in other states—for example, Victoria’s Managed Individual

Pathways program, the Flexible Learning Transitions Plan in South Australia, the

Senior Education and Training (SET) Plan in Queensland. Although the role of the

school in providing generic careers guidance is well established in NSW schools,

unlike Victoria and Queensland, NSW does not have mandated individualised or

personalised plans for every student. A proportion of students within some schools in

NSW may have personalised plans, because of their learning needs, but this is not the

case for all students. An individualised career and transition plan entails intensive

and personalised pathways and planned consultation with families, but a much-

needed boost in improving participation and retention at school. The impact of such

support means a sense of attachment to the school community is developed and

fostered, alongside meaningful and relevant learning leading to reengagement and

productive post-school pathways.


Connecting with community, parents, business, non-profit organisations

The last category on the WHS audit tool is that of connecting with

community, parents, business and non-profit organisations. The school was

committed to sourcing and consolidating links with external groups, and actively

sought quality work experience and part-time opportunities for students through the

Careers and Transition team. Through the implementation of the Transition Adviser

role, further links with TAFE and Learning and Employment Brokers were forged

and strengthened (outlined in PPI 3). Additionally, the focused efforts of the

Transition Adviser and VET teachers in providing work experience and work

placement, allowed students the opportunity to make connections between school

content and development of interview, job resume and work ready skills.

Parents and carers also have a significant part to play in connecting with the

school and supporting participation and retention (Vickers et al., 2015). Prior to the

NSLA legislation, WHS carried out activities which would be classified as

elementary in terms of parent and school partnerships. That is, the school invited

parents and carers to Parent Teacher night interviews, subject selection evenings,

Parent and Citizen Meetings, and to interviews related to disciplinary matters. The

latter is a negative experience and can result in parents feeling shame and blame. In

an effort to strengthen parent and school partnerships, post 2010, the school actively

began the process of consultation and communication in order to improve the

collaboration and decision making processes within the school, with parents and

carers.

Some of the strategies adopted, and that are currently ongoing are: surveying

of parents and carers regarding the school targets; the training of parents for merit

selection panels; cultural meetings of key personnel and parents at morning tea and


round table conferences; one-on-one meetings with parents and carers and their

children to work out Transition Plans; forums with parenting experts and adolescent

development consultants; and Parents as Career Transition Supports (PACTS).

The PACTS program is one example of a parent-focused intervention where

information and advice on educational pathways is supplied to parents and carers.

Research by Gemici, Bednarz, Karmel and Lim (2014) has highlighted how critical

parental influences are in driving young people’s educational and occupational

aspirations. Therefore, the partnership of school and parents working together, is

important if students are to pursue productive post-school pathways.

The WHS audit tool is creating a learning environment where there is a sense

of attachment to and connection with parents, carers, business groups and non-profit

organisations. The audit tool is informed by the four categories of inclusive school

structures: building relationships, individual student strategies, connecting with

community, and school-based data. This suggests that it is supporting successful

learning and quality retention in one low SES school (see PPI 3). In the next section I

focus on the challenges for low SES schools in general, and how the application of

the WHS audit tool may assist low SES schools to develop quality retention

practices.

Challenges for Low SES schools

Innovation

Whilst WHS, with the support of NP funds, had the opportunity to be creative

and strategic in implementing its multicomponent action plan, historically speaking,

low SES schools have had to be innovative when the ambitions of students from

disadvantaged backgrounds may not align with those of the government. If low SES


schools needed to cater only for the learning needs of ten percent of students (the

residue of the government’s 90% target) who did not wish to stay on, or for whom it

was difficult to stay on, then this would be a manageable situation. But statistics on

retention for low SES schools reveal that it is usually thirty to forty percent of

students who choose to leave earlier than Year 12 (Lamb et al., 2004; Polidano,

Hanel & Buddelmeyer, 2012). Lamb et al., (2004) raised concern about low retention

rates in low SES communities over ten years ago, and yet, progress towards higher

retention has been slow and has been in need of concerted intervention in policy and

practice.

When 90 per cent of young people from the socially most advantaged families

complete school, the scope for national increases lies almost wholly in the behaviour

of young people from less advantaged families, one-third of whom leave school

early. (Lamb et al., 2004, p. 150)

Research by Teese and Lamb (2009, p. 9) found that the differences in

achievement levels, and consequently retention levels, between advantaged (high

SES) and disadvantaged (low SES) students arise because “children are unequally

prepared and supported to manage the cognitive and the cultural demands of school”.

Their insightful analysis suggests that social differences widen over time because:

(a) demands on learning and behaviour become more complex and difficult;

(b) the cultural resources of poorer families decline in relative value;

(c) social area processes accumulate multiple disadvantage in poorer schools;

(d) parental strategies and public policies lead to a concentration of social advantage

in selective schools; and

(e) a hierarchical curriculum in the final years of school enables children from better

off homes to extend and capitalize on initial advantage. (Lamb & Teese, 2009, pp. 9-

10)


This analysis by Teese and Lamb reflects the various levels of complexities

impacting on the individual, family and society, and the requirement for low SES

schools to be innovative with the areas that are amenable to change. Schools in low

SES areas, thus have the multiple challenges of students coming to school with lower

achievement levels, poorer resourcing of their families, a reduced socio-economic

spread of families in their local school, and a curriculum that with each increasing

year level demands greater academic rigour than the year before. As a consequence,

the challenges that low SES students face have resulted in an increasing widening of

the gap in achievement levels, and a subsequently widening gap in retention levels

between advantaged and disadvantaged schools (Reid & Watson, 2016; Teese &

Lamb, 2009; Teese, 2008; Woodin, McCulloch & Cowan).

As the responsibility for improving retention rates predominantly falls to low

SES schools (Teese, 2008; Te Riele, 2012; Vickers, 2012), I strongly suggest that

retention rates or other quantitative measures should not therefore be the ultimate

objective for increasing school completion rates. As Principal, I am familiar with the

process of producing data for school, departmental and public dissemination. The

focus on improving the WHS’s retention rates and engaging with scholarly research

alerted me to the danger of relying on numbers only. Given that Lamb et al., (2004,

p. 147) have emphasised, “not all retention is good” and “not all early leaving is

‘bad’”, the focus needs to be on what “good retention” looks like. This may include

inclusive school structures and practices, valuing the learning that can take place

outside of school, and recognising clear and viable pathways beyond school. These

factors can create the conditions for effective learning, enhance student participation

and personal growth, and strengthen connections to further education, training and/or

employment.


Addressing low achievement: bridging the gap

In the literature on early leaving there is agreement that early leavers are

“drawn disproportionately from the ranks of low achievers” (Lamb et al., 2004, p.

151). This was certainly the case at WHS, where some students who left at the end of

Year 10 had low grades and lower levels of literacy and numeracy, as evidenced by

their school reports and external tests; some had a dislike of school. A recent

example at WHS, of leaving earlier than Year 12 for work aspirations, and because

of a disinterest in school, is very poignant. Six students from Year 9 and Year 10

participated in a week-long training activity, of bricklaying. The training was

organised by the Transition Adviser (whose role is outlined in PPI 3) in conjunction

with an outside agency keen to promote the trade of bricklaying. The students

worked alongside the trainer and constructed a brick wall on the school property.

One student, Jake, summed up the experience by saying that it was his best week at

school for a long time, and much better than sitting inside a classroom! This

articulates the sentiments of those students who dislike theory classes and lessons

involving reading and writing, and have a desire to transition to practical areas of

endeavour (Lamb et al., 2004; Vickers et al., 2014).

Indeed, Jake was fortunate to receive an offer from the trainer for an

apprenticeship, which the student promptly accepted and, by all accounts, continues

to find rewarding. Therefore, although the student left school before the completion

of Year 12 (but after completing Year 10), the outcome was positive, with a secured

apprenticeship and opportunities for further training and career advancement. Lamb

et al., (2004) found that some early leaving is motivated by the demand for work, and

that if this leads to an apprenticeship or further training, this can be a successful

outcome for the young person. Similarly, Dwyer et al., (2000) found that not all


early leavers went from school to periods of unemployment. However, those who

did not complete Year 12 are generally from a low SES background, with parents in

unskilled jobs who themselves had had limited formal schooling and who were on a

low income. Dwyer et al., (2000) concluded that early leavers generally had extended

periods of unemployment, were usually in a narrow field of occupations, and

sometimes relied on government income support.

Teese and Polesel’s (2003, p. 143) research on early leavers notes that they

are generally students with “weaker learner self-esteem, poor relations with teachers

and lack of interest in school work”. They further state that:

Young people’s perception of the economic value of completing school are

diminished by the experience of failure and by the weak connections between school

work and the jobs that are closest to young people. Entering the labour market is

often seen as preferable to investing more time in the uncertain benefits of school.

(Teese & Polsel, 2003, p. 133)

This was evident in the informal conversations I had with some of the

students who left at the end of Year 10, before the introduction of the NSLA policy

in 2010. They talked about the difficulty of the more academic subjects and the

increased literacy demands of these subjects. They also mentioned that they missed

the practical and group activities of the junior years. Further probing revealed that

their transition from school was usually to casual or part-time work, with minimal

prospects of advancement. For these early leavers, school-based interventions in

Year 10 or Year 11 have been found to be too late to change students’ achievement

levels, attitudes and aspirations (Williams, Long, Carpenter & Hayden, 1993).

This was also the view of the Coordinator for the Student Engagement and

Program Evaluation Bureau (SEPEB) within the DoE. In an interview conducted


with the coordinator (detailed in the Narrative), she notes that some schools

introduce programs in Years 9, 10 and 11 to cater for students who have intentions to

leave school earlier than Year 12. She thought that whilst such programs are useful,

they are also short-sighted. In her view, the best programs are those which address

“the whole notion of students wanting to stay at school, thinking it is just part of their

world”.

She gave examples of low SES schools where the norm was to stay on, and

where a culture had developed in which the Year 12 HSC was viewed as the end

point:

there are disadvantaged schools that have a culture of students simply staying on at

school. The notion of students leaving sometime in Year 10 or at the end of Year 10

is just not even part of their thinking, and that’s what I mean about the difference

between a long-sighted and what I think is guaranteed success, to rather a short-

sighted program.

The importance of integrated, not piecemeal interventions to promote school

retention, has been emphasised by researchers nationally (Lamb et al., 2004; Lamb &

Rice, 2008) and internationally (Dynarski, Clarke, Cobb, Finn, Rumberger & Smink,

2008; Mac Iver & Mac Iver, 2010).

Putting students first

Groundwater-Smith and Mockler (2012), in their report on the NSLA

prepared for the NSW DoE, identified five key issues that needed addressing in

NSW schools and (I would add) especially in low SES schools:

flexibility and choice (in subjects and pathways);

intersection between students’ aspirations and teacher expectations (respect in

the classroom, regardless of students’ capabilities);


pedagogy and student engagement (student-centred, differentiated and active

learning);

fun (school to be enjoyable); and

social geography (equity of access). (Groundwater-Smith & Mockler, 2012, pp.

39-40)

These recommendations have clear implications for the importance of developing an

inclusive environment that keeps young people connected to school.

In this same report, the suggestions offered by the student interviewees on

engaging reluctant students were insightful and informative. They suggested that

schools should provide mentors to assist with academic studies, integrate VET

courses into school studies, make extracurricular activities available, have active

learning in the classroom, and provide further information about the range of careers

available (Groundwater-Smith & Mockler, 2012, pp. 19-24). These comments

resonate with the feedback from my interviews with students at WHS, where they

agreed that the use of Student Engagement Mentors (outlined in PPI 1) had supported

their participation in their senior studies and assisted them in completing Year 12.

Similarly, some students indicated that they had stayed on because of their

involvement in sporting, musical and dance activities. Other students commented

that accessing VET subjects at school—for example, Hospitality and Construction—

supported their engagement at school during the senior years and helped refine post-

school plans.

The coordinator of the Student Engagement Program Evaluation Bureau, in

her interview, asserted that: “Positive relationships between students and teachers

and the connection of school to work” were two necessary conditions to keep

students at school. Groundwater-Smith and Mockler likewise state that “students

reported on their relationships with their peers and their teachers as fundamental to


creating positive or difficult conditions for learning” (2012, p. 25). This was in line

with research (Teese and Polesel, 2003) which found that early leavers usually had

fractured relationships with teachers, that they did not see the connection of school to

work and had no strong sense of purpose for being in education.

The importance and relevance of these findings is reflected in analysis of the

data on a sub-group of girls in the senior school at WHS (PPI 2), where patterns of

behaviour that reflected the key issues identified in the literature were evident. The

girls in the sub-group were not attending school every day, and when they did come

to school they were often not on time. Further, these girls were not handing in

assessments and assignments, and absenteeism exacerbated the loss of learning time.

What was clear from the data analysed in PPI 2 was that this group of girls had lower

levels of achievement in English and Mathematics and were not motivated for their

senior years of study. They were also disconnected from school life and in some

cases had part-time jobs which were more demanding and engaging for them than

school life. Therefore, at the beginning of my doctoral research, this sub-group of

girls, and my concerns about their participation in school, led to the development of

the WHS audit tool and the opportunity to refine existing school structures and

practices for all students. The resultant WHS audit tool and lower retention rates

prior to 2010 therefore, led to innovative strategies to address early leaving. In the

next section, literature that identifies successful interventions to address early leaving

is examined.

Broad interventions to address early leaving

The national and international literature on interventions to address early

leaving for schools, highlights supplemental and systemic solutions for improving

retention. Internationally, Rumberger (2001) and Mac Iver and Mac Iver (2010) point


to supplemental services for students within an existing program, and alternative

school programs within a school or in a separate facility, as examples of effective

interventions that identify and support early leavers. Rumberger’s analysis of an

intervention program for students in the Los Angeles area from 1990 to 1995

demonstrated that the program had an impact on completion rates whilst the students

were receiving the intervention, but that the effects of improved retention rates were

not sustained after the program finished. This illustrates the importance of sustained

intervention, with continuity of funding in low SES communities to overcome

entrenched disadvantage.

Recommendations for best practice (as outlined in PPI 3) in preventing early

leaving, based on the research, are comprised in the following six key

recommendations:

1. Use data systems to identify students at risk early,

2. Provide adult advocates to students at risk,

3. Provide academic support and enrichment,

4. Implement programs to improve students’ classroom behaviour and social skills,

5. Provide personalised learning environments and individualised instruction,

6. Provide rigorous and relevant instruction to better engage students in learning.

(Freeman & Simonsen, 2015, p. 208)

These key recommendations reflect all features of the WHS audit tool:

the provision of the Sentral data system to identify, track and monitor student-level

data; Student Engagement Mentors and a Transition Adviser to advocate for and

meet students on a regular basis; Homework and Learning Centres for academic

support and enrichment; Case Management of individuals where intensive support is

required in the areas of social skills, literacy and numeracy development and career


transition; links to external organisations for work-related experiences and visits to

tertiary campuses; partnerships with local businesses and non-profit community

groups. All of these initiatives and practices have the goal of providing support,

advocacy and relevant and rigorous instruction leading to planned and viable

pathways.

Nationally, the types of intervention programs which have been deemed

successful include those with student-focused strategies: the identification of targeted

students, individualised tutoring, case management and guidance. For example, the

Full Service Schools (FSS) program encouraged young people to stay on at school

and included mentoring, intensive case management, vocational training and

collaborations and partnerships with community agencies. Evaluations of the FSS

program reported improved retention and/or improved transition to employment and

training (Lamb et al., 2004, p. 60).

Broader interventions, or systemic solutions, focus on improving the

environmental factors in families, schools and communities. Rumberger (2001, p.

31) maintains that systemic solutions are more difficult to implement, because

transforming existing institutions on a large scale is problematic. Part of the issue is

that on a large scale there is little agreement on how to enact effective change and to

make changes. In contrast, programs within particular schools address local problems

with local strategies, and the teachers are more accountable and concerned for

student outcomes (Rumberger, 2001, p. 31). This reinforces my assertion that

homogeneous mandated policy demands alone are insufficient to result in changes in

practice, and that local innovations in local contexts are more likely to deliver the

ambitions of policy.


Freeman and Simonsen’s (2015) research on the impact of policy and practice

intervention on school completion rates, found that the bulk of current empirical

research was focused on single-component, individual or small group interventions,

instead of addressing multiple risk factors (p. 205) and the need for early

intervention. On the basis of their research on early leavers, and after reviewing a

range of school completion intervention studies, Freeman and Simonsen concluded

that, “evidence does support the use of multicomponent interventions, early

intervention, and strategies that address the school organizational structure” (2015, p.

242). Multicomponent intervention approaches were reported in 9 of the 20

“effective” studies, where at least two of the following were included: academic,

behavioural, attendance, study skill strategies and school organisational or structural

changes (p. 236). This also highlights the extent to which schools translate and enact

the ambitions of government into their context practice, aligning leadership, teaching

staff, students and parents with the ambitions of the NSLA policy.

Therefore the target of improving retention rates, especially in low SES

schools, requires multifaceted strategies sustained over time that are sensitive to the

local context and are implemented in a supportive school environment (Lamb &

Rice, 2008, p. 4).

Conclusion

At WHS, the multi-pronged interventions, as part of the revised audit tool

that led to quality retention, were inclusive of school structures, staff practices for

building relationships, individual student strategies to strengthen attachment to

school, and connecting with the community, with parents, business, and non-profit

organisations.


Whilst the introduction of the NSLA policy in 2010 meant that WHS was

“condemned to innovate” (Teese, 2008), the provision of NP funding enabled me as

Principal and researcher to implement multicomponent intervention practices which,

over the research period of 2010 to 2014 led to improved retention rates and

productive post-school transition plans for students who left before the completion of

Year 12. Sustainable resourcing to underpin school-based practices, interventions

and innovations in one local school context contributed to positive responses and

productive outcomes, and made compliance with government policy possible. This

highlights the principles that other schools may adapt to their own context.

Therefore, this research-based practice has demonstrated how leadership practices

aligned with policy to meet the ambitions of government.

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APPENDICES


Appendix A: New school leaving age school audit tool

Successful interventions Situation at our School

Supportive school

culture

Continuous improvement

Commitment to success for all

Flexibility and responsiveness to individual need

High expectations

Encouraging student responsibility and autonomy

Shared vision

School-wide

strategies

Broad curriculum

Offering quality Vocational Education and Training

(VET) options

Programs that are challenging and stimulating

Early intervention to support literacy and numeracy

skill growth

Programs to counter low achievement

Pathways to planning and quality careers guidance

and counselling

Strategic deployment of teachers and teaching

resources

Smaller class sizes

Mini, school-within-a-school organisation

Team-based approaches to teaching, learning and

pastoral care

Priority professional development

Community service

Cross-sectoral initiatives

Student-focused

strategies

(Addressing

individual student

needs)

Student case management

Mentoring

Attendance policies and programs

Welfare support

Targeted skill development for low achievers

Tutoring and peer tutoring

Supplementary or out-of-school-time programs

Pathways planning for at-risk students

Targeted financial support

Project-based learning for disengaged students

Creative arts-based programs

From Raising the School Leaving Age—Preliminary information package for the NSW Department of Education and Training (July 2009)


Appendix B: Survey of student intentions

Student:

The NSW Government has introduced changes to the school leaving age as of 2010. At the

completion of Year 10, students must participate in education or training or have full-time, paid

employment.

Because there are a number of options available, think carefully about what is best for you and be sure

to discuss the possibilities with your parents, the careers adviser and your teachers. Once you have

had these discussions, please select the option which you will be most likely to choose.

In 2011/12 - I intend to:

1. Stay at school and enrol in Year 11

2. Leave school to enrol in other education or training

Please give details

3. Leave school to go to full-time, paid work

Please give details

4. Combine some of options 1, 2 or 3

Please give details

Thank you for completing this survey. It will assist us in our planning.

Please return to your year advisor as soon as possible.

The school and the NSW Department of Education and Training are subject to the Privacy and

Personal Information Protection Act 1998 (NSW). The information you provide will be used to plan

curriculum options. It will only be used or disclosed for the following purposes: draw up a database

with non-identifiable data for curriculum choices.

The information will be stored securely. You may access or correct any personal information by

contacting the school. If you have a concern or complaint about the way your personal information

has been collected, used, or disclosed, you should contact the school.

Appendix C: Interview questions for students

Interviews will be semi-structured and open-ended, and will concentrate on gathering

a range of perspectives about alternative programs and pathways for the senior

school curriculum.

Open-ended questions will be used to gain information regarding board areas of

enquiry:

1. What are your plans on finishing Year 10/12?

2. How did you arrive at this decision?

3. What factors or people do you think influenced your choice?

4. How helpful was the Year 10 subject selection process for you?

5. Were the teachers, head teachers, year advisers or careers teachers helpful?

6. Was the information distributed to you of relevance?

7. How much say did you parents/guardians have in informing your choices?

8. What are the positive aspects of the subject selection process?

9. What are the negative aspects of the subject selection process?

10. Did the teaching of careers help you in the decision-making process?

11. What kinds of resources and support do you need to assist your post-school

plans?

12. Can the school improve its support of students in their post-school options?

13. Has it been beneficial staying on in years 11 and 12? Why/why not?

Thank you for your time and insight today

NOTE: This study has been approved by the University of Western Sydney Research

Ethics Committee (H8978). If you have any complaints or reservations about the

ethical conduct of this research, you may contact the Ethics Committee through the

Office of Research Services on telephone (02) 4736 0083, fax (02) 4736 0013, or

email [email protected]. Any issues you raise will be treated in confidence

and investigated fully, and you will be informed of the outcome.

https://staffowa.det.nsw.edu.au/owa/redir.aspx?C=b6fb2725b0bb46e48281dcc43d5efdd3&URL=mailto%3ahumanethics%40uws.edu.au


Appendix D: Interview questions for teachers

Interviews will be semi-structured and open-ended, and will concentrate on gathering

a range of perspectives about alternative programs and pathways for the senior

school curriculum.

Open-ended questions will be used to gain information regarding board areas of

enquiry:

1. Tell me about your teaching of your senior classes over the last 3 years.

2. Outline the positive aspects of the increased school leaving age.

3. Outline the negative aspects of the increased school leaving age.

4. How helpful was the Year 10 subject selection process for you as a teacher?

5. Were the teachers, head teachers, year advisers or careers teachers helpful?

6. Was the information distributed to the students of relevance?

7. How much say did you have in informing students’ choices?

8. What are the positive aspects of the subject selection process?

9. What are the negative aspects of the subject selection process?

10. Does the teaching of careers help the decision-making process for Year 10

students?

11. What kinds of resources/support do you think they need to support their post-

school plans?

12. Can the school improve its support of students in their post-school options?

13. Do you think our students have benefited from staying on in years 11/12?

Why?

Thank you for your time and insight today

NOTE: This study has been approved by the University of Western Sydney Research

Ethics Committee (H8978). If you have any complaints or reservations about the

ethical conduct of this research, you may contact the Ethics Committee through the

Office of Research Services on telephone (02) 4736 0083, fax (02) 4736 0013, or

email [email protected]. Any issues you raise will be treated in confidence

and investigated fully, and you will be informed of the outcome.

https://staffowa.det.nsw.edu.au/owa/redir.aspx?C=b6fb2725b0bb46e48281dcc43d5efdd3&URL=mailto%3ahumanethics%40uws.edu.au

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