The General Strike and Coal Dispute of 1926

With Particular Reference to Ilkeston, Derbyshire

L.A. Fletcher

Dissertation submitted for B.A. Honours Degree

In Social Administration.

University Of Nottingham. January 1981

1

CONTENTS

Chapter Page

Preface 3

Abstract 4

Illustrations 5

PART 1

1 Prelude 14

2 Preparedness 17

3 Strike 22

4 Defeat 27

PART 2

5 “Ïlson” 32

6 Industry 36

7 Conditions 40

8 Media 42

9 Survival 47

10 Entertainment 54

11 Afterwards 58

12 Conclusion 63

Bibliography 64

Acknowledgements 68

2

PREFACE

This paper is divided into two parts. Part one looks at the build-up to the General Strike, the

Strike itself, and its aftermath upon the country. References for this part are mainly drawn

from secondary sources. Part two looks at the General Strike and its effects upon Ilkeston,

Derbyshire. The evidence for this part comes from a wide variety of sources. These

include secondary sources, newspaper reports, minutes of various bodies and other

printed material. However, a very great deal of the evidence here presented, comes from a

series of taped interviews made with several witnesses of the period. The Strike itself occurred

almost fifty seven years ago, and quite obviously memories fade and become confused. All the

evidence presented has been provided by at least two witnesses. Where possible, I have verified

the evidence, either through printed material (in which case a reference is presented), or by

questioning other witnesses. This was not always possible, but if any doubts or confusion arose,

the item has been rejected.

To the best of my knowledge all the evidence presented here is true and accurate.

In order not to confuse the text with a great many references, I have not noted individual

contributions, but have, instead, listed all thecontributors in the Acknowledgments. All the tapes

made are still in my possession.

L. A. Fletcher,

Nottingham

January, 1981

3

ABSTRACT

At half—past two on 1 May, 1926 a Special Conference of Executives of all Trades

Unions aff i l iated to the Trades Union Congress, voted 3,653,527 to 49,911 (with

319,000 unable to vote) to call out the f irst group of workers on what they called a

National Stoppage, but which has always been called The General Str ike. Work

actually ceased at midnight on Monday 3 May, 1926.1 The General Strike lasted unti l noon on

Wednesday 12 May, 1926, when the General Council unconditionally called off the

dispute.2 The miners, however, remained on strike unti l , on 22 November, 1926, the

Miners Federation of Greet Britain accepted total defeat, and recommended each

area to negotiate for the best terms they could get from the mine owners.3

The General Strike has been variously described as an attempt to overthrow

Parliament; a people’s revolution; an accident; a deliberate attempt by the

Government and capitalists to subjugate the working people; an industrial dispute

which happened to involve a great many unions. Part one of this paper attempts to

present a history of the dispute; to i l lustrate how and why i t happened. Evidence

from a wide variety of sources is presented in an attempt to indicate how some of these

descriptions of the General Strike arose.

Part two looks in greater detail at the dispute and its effects upon the people and the

town of I lkeston, Derbyshire. This section is not concerned with grand theories

concerning industrial relations; rather i t is a history of how a town survived a diff icult

period. It looks at the media's involvement locally, at how famil ies survived, often

with no income at all, and at how people used their enforced leisure. The overriding

impression is that, in Ilkeston, the Strike had more in common with a public holiday than with the

political or neo-political descriptions so beloved of the history books.

1 Arnot, R.P., 1967., pp. 133, 141

2 Ibid., pp. 214 – 216

3 Harman, E.E.G., unpublished., pp. 132 – 133

4

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page Plate

6 1 King Coal

6 2 The Intruder

7 3 A Nice Distinction

7 4 The Promise of Play

8 5 The Soft Word Puzzle

8 6 The Lever Breaks

9 7 Coal Pickers, Ilkeston 1912

9 8 Coal Pickers, Ilkeston 1912

10 9 Food Distribution, Ilkeston

11 10 Shilo Opencast Workings, Ilkeston 1981

12 11 Is it Peace?

5

Plate 1:- Ilkeston Pioneer 24th July, 1925

Plate 2:- Ilkeston Pioneer 11th September, 1925

6

Plate 3:- Ilkeston Pioneer 9th October, 1925

Plate 4:- Ilkeston Pioneer 19th March 1926

7

Plate 5:- Ilkeston Pioneer 26th March 1926

Plate 6:- Ilkeston Pioneer 21st May 1926

8

Plate 7:- Coal Pickers. Looking West from Cossal Colliery

Towards Ilkeston – Coal Strike 1912

Plate 8:- Coal Pickers. Looking West from Cossal Colliery

Towards Ilkeston – Coal Strike 1912

9

Plate 9:- Soup Kitchen at a school on Wilmot Street. Undated, but believed to

be during the coal Strike 1912. This building was demolished and has been

replaced by the new Methodist Church Hall

10

11

Plate 11:- Pamphlet circulated during September 1926

12

13

PART 1

Chapter 1

PRELUDE

I t r equ i res on l y a ve ry b r i e f su rvey to become conv inced tha t t he Genera l

S t r i ke , and Coa l D i spu te o f 1926 , was ne i t he r p lo t no r acc i den t , bu t t he

i nev i t ab le ou t come o f even t s and t endenc ies i n t h e p r e v i o u s f i f t e e n y e a r s .

The cha in o f even ts l ead ing up to The Gene ra l S t r i ke can be t r aced f r om the

Ra i lway S t r i ke o f 1911 a n d t h e C o a l S t r i k e o f 1 9 1 2 o n w a r d s . T he re la t i ons

be tween labour and cap i t a l we re bad l y a f f ec ted . Faced w i t h a g row th o f

t r us t s , e m p l o y e r s ' a s s o c i a t i o n s , l a r g e - s c a l e p r o d u c t i o n f o rmat ion of

monopol ies and the g row ing p redominance assumed by bank ing and f i n a n c e ,

t h e t r a d e u n i o n s w e r e c o m p e l l e d t o r e s o r t t o e v e r w i d e r mass f o rma t i ons and

t o de fens i ve ac t i v i t i e s on a na t i ona l s ca le . The pa r t p l ayed by Gove rnmen t i n

t he Ra i lway S t r i ke and t he Goa l S t r i k e , e v e n t h o u g h t h e G o v e r n m e n t c l a i m e d

t o b e a c t i v e s o l e l y o n b e h a l f o f t h e c o m m u n i t y , w a s a n e f f e c t i v e a i d t o t h e

e m p l o y e r s a n d a b low to the s t r i ke rs .

T h e F i r s t W o r l d W a r h a s t e n e d a l l e c o n o m i c p r o c e s s e s a n d po l i t i ca l

t endenc ies , and t he Russ ian Revo lu t i on o f 1917 b rough t a n e w m e n a c e t o

t h e e x i s t i n g o r d e r i n e v e r y c o u n t r y . F r o m t h a t t ime , s t r i kes we re f ea red , no t

s imp l y f o r t he i r own e f f ec t s , bu t f o r t h e l a t e n t p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f r e v o l u t i o n . The

Po l ice S t r i ke o f 1918 and t he Ra i lway S t r i ke o f 1919 se rved t o unde r l i ne

t hese f ea rs . T h e s e f e a r s a n d s t r i k e s , c o u p l e d w i t h t h e T r i p l e I n d u s t r i a l

A l l i a n c e o f M ine rs , Ra i lwaymen and T ranspo r t Worke rs , and t he ve ry r ea l

t h rea t o f wa r w i t h Russ ia , f o r ced t he Gove rnmen t t o i n t r oduce The

Emergency Powers Ac t 1920 t o r ep lace t he wa r t ime De fence o f t he R e a l m

A c t . The T r i p l e I ndus t r i a l A l l i ance i t se l f co l l apsed on " B l a c k F r i d a y " 1 5 A p r i l ,

1 9 2 1 w h e n t h e R a i l w a y m e n a n d T r a n s p o r t Worke rs had ca l l ed o f f t he i r

i n t ended s t r i ke i n suppo r t o f t he m i n e r s d u r i n g t h e M i n i n g L o c k o u t b e g u n i n

M a r c h 1 9 2 1 . H o w e v e r , t h e f ear of revolution sti l l persisted in the Government and

employers minds.

The War had also c h a n c e d the economy. Before the War re la t ive ly h igh wages at

home had been met by "ho ld ing the gorgeous East in fee", but fo l lowing the War,

the colonies had begun their own industr ia l isat ion and had begun making

14

demands for the removal of the "imperialist yoke". To counter the resul tant economic

problems, the capitalists began what later became known as "the employers ’

o f fensive" , a iming to increase work ing hours or decrease wages (or both). T h e

b r u n t of this o f f e n s i v e w a s b o r n e b y the e n gineers and miners, for i t was

precisely in these products that th e chances in wor ld economy had le f t Br i t ish

capi ta l ism in a d i sadvan tageous pos i t i on , a pos i t i on accen tua ted by the

obso le te economic structure of the industr ies.

The c row ing po l i t i ca l awareness , coup led w i th the economic s t r u g g l e f o r c e d

u p o n l a b o u r , found expression i n t w o ways.First ly the desired changes were

sought through the Labour Party which, in 1918, 1922 a n d 1923 c a m e to i n c r e a s i n g

strength. S e c o n d l y , the t r ade un ions began t o mode rn i se t hemse l ves .

Sma l l e r un ions began to amalgamate and a common cent re in the Centra l

Counci l was e s t a b l i s h e d . However , the type o f leader p roduced in bo th cases

were the kind primari ly adapted to the pre-war condit ions of the struggle.1

By July 1925 t h e mining i n d u s t r y w a s in s e r i o u s trouble. On 30th June, the Mining

Association (M.A.G.B) gave formal notice that i t wished to end the current wages

agreement on 31 s t July, 1925, and on 1s t July the Mining Association sent to the

Mining Federation (M.F.G.B.) proposals for a new w a g e s a g r e e m e n t . 2 The arithmetic

used is very complex, and on Friday 3rd July, 1925 a Special Conference of the Miners

Federation unanimously rejected the owners' offer on ( the following grounds:3

1. The removal of the guaranteed minimum wages, which are already below the level

of the present cost of living4

2. The provision of guaranteed profits to the colliery owners, irrespective of the rate

of wages5

3 The immediate great reduction in wages varying from 9.08 to 47.91 percent on

basic rates.6

4. The continual separation of the mining operations from the profitable

1 The above is condensed from Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 3 - 82 Williams J.E., 1962., pp 6863 Griffin A.R., 1962., pp 1384 Minimum wages had been guaranteed under the terms of the 1924 wage agreement (Williams J.E., 1962., pp 681)5 “What it means is you have 87 percent after the owners have taken 13 percent, after costs other than wages have been

met, to divide between you as you like”. Herbert Smith addressing the Special Conference, 3 rd July 1925. (Griffin A.R.,

1962., pp 137)6 In the Eastern Area, which included Ilkeston, the reduction would be 9.08% of percentage on base rate. (Griffin A.R.,

1962., pp 137). Real earnings in Derbyshire would have been 12% lower than in July 1914 (Williams J.E., 1962., pp 686)15

undertakings in connection with the coking and by-product departments etc

The Mining Federation refused to negotiate with the Mining Association until the notices were

withdrawn. On 3rd July the miners' leaders reported to a special conference of trade union

executives, that the Prime Minister, Stanley Baldwin, had asserted that not only the miners,

but "all workers in this country have got to take reductions in wages to help put industry on its

feet.1

This aroused indignation and the conference at once empowered the T.U.C. to issue strike notices if

necessary, and to give financial support to the strikers. This move forced the Governments’

hand. On Friday 31st July, 1925 (Red Friday), after meeting the employers the Government

explained to the T.U.C. and the M.F.S.E. that the owners had suspended their notices, that the

Government would hold an inquiry and that a subsidy would be granted to maintain existing rates

of pay until 1st May 1925. These proposals were accepted, and the districts were instructed to

continue working as usual.2 By May 1926 this subsidy had amounted to twenty three million

pounds3. and, quite obviously could not he maintained at that level.

Chapter 2

1 “Daily Herald”31st July 1925. The accuracy of the report was denied by Baldwin several months later. (Williams J.E.,

1962., pp 689, footnote 1)2 Williams J.E.., 1962., pp 6893 Harman E.E.G., unpublished., pp 129

16

PREPAREDNESS

Red Friday was seen by many as the beginning of the revolution. The breathing space o f f e r e d

b y t h e G o v e r n m e n t ’ s subsidy and the inquiry, was seen merely as a truce during which all

sides intended to prepare for a resumption of hostilities Mr. A.J. Cook, Secretary of the Miners

Federation, speaking at Ranshaw Park on 2nd August, 1925 said:

“ A n a r m i s t i c e h a s b e e n d e c l a r e d , b u t m a k e n o m i s t a k e

a b o u t i t , t h e i s s u e s d u r i n g t h e n e x t n i n e m o n t h s a r e f a r

g r e a t e r t h a n a m e r e w a g e i s s u e . W e h a v e g o t t o

c o n c e n t r a t e o u r i n t e r e s t s o n t h e w h o l e industry because it is

going to be ours"1

On 19 August, 1925, at a Special Federation Conference, Mr. J. Williams of Forest of Dean, a

small left-wing district, went very much further when he said:

"....I think we have had the chance of our lives in this question. We have had the

chance to wrest ourselves free from capitalism, we had more than that, we have had

the chance to bring about a real genuine revolution"2

Early in August 1925, Sir William Joynson Hicks, the home Secretary, announced at

Northampton:

"This thing is not yet finished. The danger is not over. Sooner or later this

question has got to be fought out by the people of this land. Is England to be

governed by Parliament and by the Cabinet, or by a handful of t rade union

leaders?"3

So, how were each side preparing themselves, what were they doing? For the unions, the

answer is not much. A.J. Cook toured the country with his battle cry of: “Not a penny off the

pay, not a second on the day”. To the miners he was a hero, but the fact was in the

exist ing economic cl imate, many of his proposals stood no chance at al l of being

accepted. The unions had seen the effects of Black Friday when they had refused to

1 Griffin A.R., 1962., pp 1432 Ibid., pp 141 - 1423 Williams F., 1954., pp 372

17

stand together and had lost, and they had experienced the thri l l of Red Friday when

mere threat of united action had forced the Government to give in to their demands.

They began again to threaten united action, hoping that this would be suff icient to

once more force the Government's hand. On May 27 t h , 1925 the National Committee

of the Amalgamated Engineering Union passed a Resolution call ing for an al l iance of

several industrial unions for the purpose of f ighting the employers.1 The proposals

were discussed by various unions, but nothing concrete was done unti l 5 t h

September, 1925, when the Miners' Delegate Conference rati f ied the draft

Constitut ion of the Industr ial Al l iance. Several other major unions quickly ratif ied i t , and

on 5 t h November, 1925 a Delegate Conference was held in Essex Hall, London, to

consider and rati fy the proposed Constitut ion of Industrial Al l iance. 2 In a sense, this

proposal was nothing less than to create a Supreme war Council of Industrial

Al l iance.3 Several of the heavy industry unions immediately supported the project,

including the Miners Federation. However, the competing Railway Unions argued

over the proposals, and only the National Union of Rai lwaymen were prepared to

enter the al l iance. Other unions delayed taking a decision, whilst others voted

indecisively on the project. This delay and uncertainty, together with the "no

preparedness" atmosphere, proved conclusive. The proposed Industrial All iance, for

which, in the most important unions the workers were vot ing over whelmingly, had

already received i ts death through delay. It was strangled at birth. 4 The miners then

turned to the Trades Union Congress (T.U.C.). After some prodding by the T.F.C,.B., the

Industrial Committee of the T.U.C., which had originally been set up to deal with the July

1925 crisis, issued a statement of policy on 19 t h February, 1926, declaring that ."there was

to be no reduction in wages, no increase in working hours and no interference with

the principle of National agreements” 5. This was the sum total of the preparations by

the trade unions for the General Strike.

The coal owners made good use of their nine months respite. They intended to use

the subsidy to i ts ful lest by opening their col l ier ies and working them to their l imits.

The owners stockpi led huge amounts of coal, at reduced cost, in the certain

knowledge that they would be able to sell the stockpiles at inflated scarcity prices in

1 Arnot A.R., 1967., pp 80 D. 232 Ibid., pp 75 - 763 Ibid., pp 774 Ibid., pp 78 - 795 Williams J.E., 1962., pp 693; Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 104, D. 92

18

the event of a str ike, and in the certain knowledge that the Government subsidy was

guaranteed unt i l May 1926. At that t ime demand would begin to decl ine towards

summer levels, thus the stockpi le would last for several months through the summer

of 1926. The i r p ro f i ts were thus guaranteed wel l in to the win ter o f 1926 even i f

the miners s t ruck fo r severa l months . The owners on ly rea l fear was i f o ther

un ions, espec ia l ly the ra i lway workers , jo ined the s t r i ke fo r any leng th , then the

s tockp i les cou ld no t be moved in t h e n o r m a l way. If t h a t h a p p e n e d t h e

G o v e r n m e n t m i g h t b e forced. Commandeer the coal and move it using the

Emergency Powers Act 1920. This seemed unlikely however, in view of the

fragmented nature of the unions described above, and the real support that the

Government was giving the mine owners.

Apart f rom paying the subsidy and sett ing up the inquiry, the Government began the

nine months by off icial ly doing nothing, c la iming the dispute was a t rade dispute,

capable of being resolved in the normal way between the Miners Association and

the Miners Federation. Unoff ic ial ly, the G o v e r n m e n t did a great deal. On 8 t h

August, 1925, the Derbyshire Times stated that the reason the Cabinet sett led the

coal crisis (on Red Friday) by giving the subsidy was " that they agreed that i f such

an issue should ever be brought to a head, public opinion would have to be

educated into a state of preparedness to accept the consequences".1 Just such an "education"

began in earnest. Sir William Joynson-Hicks and Winston Churchill gave several speeches and

most newspapers, including the local papers such as the I lkeston pioneer and the

I lkeston Advert iser (see Part 1, Chap 8), produced editorials and articles to the general effect

that the unrest was communist inspired. On 25 t h September, 1925, the Organisation

for the maintenance of Supplies (O.M.S.) announced i ts existence. 2 The

Organisat ion c la imed to be unofficial and non-polit ical, merely appealing for

volunteers to maintain supplies and services in the event of a general strike. However

on 1 s t October 1925, the 0.M.S received publ ic blessing, and i t was admit ted that

the Government had been consul ted about the set t ing up of the 0.M.S. 3 Town

c lerks began to rece ive le t ters m arked "Secre t " wh ich reques ted tha t they co-

opera te w i th the C iv i l C o m m i s s i o n e r s who, u n d e r C i r c u l a r 6 3 6 o f t h e mi n i s t r y

of H e a l t h , N ovember 1925, were, in the event of a stoppage, to take ever

respons i b i l i t y for l a w and order, r o a d tr a n s p o r t , food and fuel.4

1 “Derbyshire Times”, 8th August 19252 The Times”, 25th September, 1925., pp 93 Ibid., 1st October, 1925., pp 114 Williams J.E., 1962., pp 691 - 692

19

The promised i n q u i r y t o o k t h e f o r m of a R o y a l comm i s s i o n , t h e Royal

Commission on the Coal Industry , 1925, Cmd 2,600, a lways referred t o a s t h e

S a m u e l C o m m i s s i o n . I t s t e r m s o f r e f e r e n c e w e r e :

"To inquire into, and report upon, the economic posit ion of the Coal

Industry, and the condi t ions af fect ing i t and to make any

recommendations for i m p r o v e m e n t s t h e r e o f 1

The Chairman of the Commission was Sir Herbert Samuel, the other members being

Sir Will iam Beveridge; General, The Honourable, Sir Herbert Alexander; a n d M r .

Kenneth Lee.2 After some preliminary hesitat ion, mainly because i t was fel t that the

commission was heavily biased in favour of the coal owners, the Miners Federation decided to

present evidence to the Commission.3

The Commission opposed the nat ional isat ion of the mines, and con sidered that the

economic diff icult ies of the industry warranted an i m m e d i a t e reduction in earnings.

In addition, they opposed any further subsidy which they felt "would constitute, in many cases, a

dole to the inefficient, to the disadvantage of the efficient"4 And they fe l t that the inef f ic ient

co l l ie r ies should "bear the brunt of the economic pressure" 5 and close down if

necessary. Addit ionally, they felt that i t would be impossible to devise a sch eme

which would just ly decide between those who should and those should not receive

the subsidy.6 However, as Griff in A.R. states

"On other questions they were sympathetic to the miner’s case. They

opposed any lengthening of the working day, and they said that wage

agreements should be National ones so as to avoid excessive competit ion

between distr icts at the expense of wages. They urged the need for

increasing by closing uneconomic pits, by amalgamations, by research into

methods of mining and using coal, and by the sett ing up of co-operative 1 “Royal Commission on the Coal Industry, 1925., Cmd. 2,600 (Samual Commission) pp 12 Ibid., pp xi3 At the Special Conference of the Miners Federation held on 8 th October, 1925, the miners expressed reservations about

the lack of any miners representatives. However, it was felt that if they ignored the Commission then the miners risked

losing whatever public support and sympathy that they may have had. Griffin A.R., 1962., pp 145; also M.F.G.B. Minute

Book., 8th October, 1925.4 Royal Commission on the Coal Industry, 1925., pp 2235 Ibid., pp 2236 Ibid., pp 223

20

sel l ing agencies. T h e y r e c o m m e n d e d t h e nationalisation of mineral

r ights, and they suggested that an impart ial body should determine the

transfer pr ice of coal sold to a subsidiary (e.g. an iron works). They also

recommended the establishment of joint consultative committees. Contrary

to the usual extreme left-wing view the Commission made it clear that no

sacrif ices should be asked for unti l steps had been taken to ensure

improved efficiency.

The Commissioners' Report subsequently endorsed by the Government,

contained much that was useful; but neither the owners nor the Miners

Federation would accept i t" 1

1 Griffin A.R., 1971., pp 23621

Chapter 3

STRIKE

T h e S a m u e l c o m m i s s i o n ' s R e p o r t w a s i s s u e d o n 1 0 t h M a r c h , 1 9 2 6 . T h e

P r i m e M i n i s t e r r e q u e s t e d b o t h s i d e s t o s t u d y t h e R e p o r t f u l l y b e f o r e t a k i n g

a n y d e c i s i o n s , a n d t h e M i n e r s C o n f e r e n c e o f 1 2 t h M a r c h , 1 9 2 6 d i s p e r s e d ,

h a v i n g d e c i d e d t o r e f e r t h e m a t t e r b a c k t o d i s t r i c t s i n o r d e r t h a t t h e

m e m b e r s h i p c o u l d h a v e a c h a n c e t o s t u d y t h e R e p o r t b e f o r e e x p r e s s i n g

t h e i r o p i n i o n . 1 O n 2 4 t h M a r c h , 1 9 2 6 t h e P r i m e M i n i s t e r a n n o u n c e d t h a t

t h e G o v e r n m e n t w o u l d a c c e p t t h e S a m u e l R e p o r t , p r o v i d e d t h a t t h e o t h e r

p a r t i e s a c c e p t e d t h e r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s . 2 H o w e v e r , i n t h e n e g o t i a t i o n s

w h i c h f o l l o w e d , i t s o o n b e c a m e o b v i o u s t h a t t h e m i n e o w n e r s , t h e

M . A . G . B . , w a n t e d n o t h i n g l e s s t h a n a w a g e r e d u c t i o n , a l o n g e r w o r k i n g

d a y , a n d d i s t r i c t , n o t n a t i o n a l w a g e a g r e e m e n t s . 3 I n t h e m e a n t i m e , t h e

M . F . G . B endeavou red t o make t he I ndus t r i a l Commi t t ee o f t he T .U .C .

r e a f f i r m i t s d e c l a r a t i o n o f 1 9 t h F e b r u a r y , 1 9 2 6 . This d e c l a r a t i o n read:

" T h e r e w a s t o b e n o r e d u c t i o n i n w a g e s , n o i n c r e a s e i n w o r k i n g

h o u r s , a n d n o i n t e r f e r e n c e w i t h t h e p r i n c i p l e o f Na t iona l

Agreements " 4

O n 1 4 t h A p r i l , 1 9 2 6 t h e I n d u s t r i a l C o m m i t t e e o f t h e T . U . C . p u b l i c l y

r e i t e r a t e d i t s i n t e n t i o n o f g i v i n g t h e m i n e r s " t h e f u l l e s t suppor t " . 5

I n t h e m i d d l e o f A p r i l , t h e m i n e o w n e r s , i n m o s t d i s t r i c t s , g a v e n o t i c e t h a t

t h e y i n t e n d e d t o t e r m i n a t e t h e c u r r e n t c o n t r a c t s o n 3 0 t h A p r i l , 1926. I n a reas

such as the East Mid lands, t he owners d e c i d e d n o t t o i s s u e t h e n o t i c e s a n d

t o c o n t i n u e w o r k i n g u n d e r t h e e x i s t i n g con t rac ts . In t hese a reas the

M.F.G.R. handed in s t r i k e no t i ces t o exp i r e a t t he same t ime . Many o f t he men

i n t he Eas t M id lands were re luc tan t t o s t r i ke ( see Pa r t 2 , Chap te r 7 ) , bu t on

1 M.F.G.B. Minutes, 12th March, 19262 Griffin A.R., 1962., pp 150; Griffin A.R., 1971., pp 236; Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 105; Betty J.H. (Ed)., 1967., pp 105; “The

Mining Situation”., 1926., pp 63 M.F.G.B. Minutes 25., 31st March, 1926; 1,8,9, 13th April, 19264 Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 104, D. 29; Williams J.E., 1062., pp 6935 “The Mining Situation”., 1926., pp 6

22

17 t h Apr i l the Derbysh i re Miners Execut ive Commi t tee re luc tan t ly d e c i d e d " t h a t

t h e D e r b y s h i r e M i n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n ( D . T . A . ) m u s t a c t with the Federation,

whatever att i tude was adopted by the coal owners in the distr ict". 1 \

By this t ime the T.U.C. had become involved. T he trade union movement fel t that i f the

miners were defeated, then al l other workers w o u l d be open to the threat of

m a s s i v e w a g e cuts. After several abort ive meetings between the M.F.G.B., the

M.A.G.B., and the Government 2 a Specia l Conference of Execut ives of a l l Trades

Unions Aff i l iated to the Trades Union Conference was called for 29 t h Apri l , 1926. A t

t h i s meeting it was d e c i d e d t h a t the General Counci l should take over the

negotiat ions. 3 In response to this th rea t , the Government dec la red a S ta te o f

Emergency by Roya l P roc lamat ion. 4 Negot ia t ions cont inued, but each proposal

was rejected by one side or the other, and on Saturday 1 s t May, 1926, when the

Special Conference r e a s s e m b l e d , i t took just one hour to arr ive at i ts decis ion to

cal l a Nat ional Stoppage or General St rike.5

The government, whi ls t s t i l l negot iat ing wi th the General Counci l , issued the

names of the Civi l Commissioners and their staffs who were to be responsible for

the maintenance of law and order and for the maintenance of essential suppl ies. The

O.M.S. became a part of th is p lan, and cal ls for volunteers went out . foo d, fuel and

troops were moved to key positions.6 The T.U.C. pointed out that they were not f ight ing the

people of th is country and that vi tal suppl ies would be maintained by the unions.

The call for volunteers they condemned as an act of stupidi ty by the Government,

who, the T.U.C. said, were mobil ising the forces of war against a non-existent enemy.7

When the printers at the Daily Mai l refused to pr int the paper unless a strongly worded

ant i - union art icle enti t led "For King and Country" was withdrawn, The Prime

Minister ended all negotiations unless the freedom of the press and the unconditional

withdrawal of the strike notices guaranteed by the General Council. 8 So all sides to

the confl ict stood deadlocked, and the General Strike began.

1 D.M.A. Minutes., 17th April, 19262 “The Mining Situation”., 1926., pp 7 - 83 Griffin A.R., 1962., pp 153 - 154; Griffin A.R., 1971., pp 237; Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 123; “The Mining Situation”., 1926.,

pp 12. 15 - 164 Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 156, D.68 and D695 Ibid., pp 132 and 141; The Mining Situation”, 1926., pp 32 - 406 Griffin A.R., 1962., pp 154; Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 157 158, D 717 “The Mining Situation”., 1926., pp 348 Williams J.E., 1962., pp 698

23

National ly the stoppage was patchy. In some areas virtual ly everything stopped,

whi lst in others hardly anything stopped. Most, but not al l mines closed, as did

most, but not al l docks. However, many buses ran, as did some trains; some

national and many provincial newspapers ( including the non-union I lkeston Pioneer)

were publ ished, albeit in a restr icted form, but distr ibut ion became very dif f icult or

impossible. The Government publ ished the Bri t ish Gazette, whi lst the T.U.C.

publ ished the Bri t ish Worker, both heavi ly biased. Food and food distr ibut ion

became a problem in many areas, especial ly in the major ci t ies, and this culminated

in t h e two mile l o n g food convoy, protected by troops, from London Docks to the

Emergency Depot in Hyde Park.1

Violence erupted in s e v e r a l areas, u s u a l l y a r o u n d t h e r u n n i n g of publ ic

transport, w h i c h h a d b e e n left i n t h e h a n d s of the Local Authori t ies a n d had n o t

b e e n p u t u n d e r t h e control of t h e Civi l C o m m i s s i o n e r s . B u s e s i n m a n y a r e a s

w e r e b e i n g o p e r a t e d b y v o l u n t e e r s accompan ied by po l i cemen. Th is caused

a g rea t dea l o f resen tmen t an d occasional violence. Pol ice made baton charges

in Edinburgh, 2 Canning Town and Poplar 3 o n the s e c o n d day of the str ike. This

type of v io lence cont inued throughout the st r ike, 4 and resul ted in the death of one

man on 6 t h May, 1926 5 and the derai lment of an express passenger train, the Flying

Scotsman, north of Newcastle. Lucki ly only one man was injured. 6 However, four

people were k i l led in f ive separate accidents on the ra i lways, caused by

inexperienced volunteers. 7 These kinds of incidents led to the Government

announcing a pogrom giving indemnity to troops for any actions considered

necessary to maintain order. 8 This pogrom, thankfully, was never used.

Many thousands of volunteers throughout the country kept public services running,

maintained food distr ibution and became special constables. Many of these

volunteers were in fact "black legs" who were off icial ly on str ike. Indeed, by 11th May,

1926 many services, including buses, trains, taxis, transport and newspapers were

1 Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 192 – 193, D 111; Kee R. (Ed)., 1976., pp 312 Kee R. (Ed)., 1976., pp 183 Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 1784 See Kee R. (Ed)., 1976., pp 23, 24, 26, 27, 34, 37, 38, 42, 49., and Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 185, 189, 193, 2115 Kee R. (Ed)., 1976., pp 246 Ibid., pp 42; “Daily Graphic”., 11th May, 1926., pp 1, 37 “British Worker”., 11th May, 1926., pp 18 Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 188 – 189 D. 106; “British Gazette”., 8th May 1926., pp 1

24

rapidly returning to normal. However, the picture varied wildly. In some areas buses,

trains a n d services r a n almost normally, for example in London 1 whi lst in other

areas, for example Yorkshire, the strike was in fact hardening. 2

Throughout the dispute there had been no negotiat ions. Eventua l ly S i r Herber t

Samuel came back f rom h is ho l iday in I ta ly a n d offered t o mediate. On 10 t h May,

1926 Samuel approached the Genera l Counc i l , and i t soon became obv ious tha t

the T .U.C. were seek ing a way ou t o f the s i tua t ion , even i f i t meant leav ing the

miners on their own. 3 Th is was desp i te the i r message to the s t r ikers that the

s t r ike was to cont inue, even to be ex tended. 4 A f te r d i scuss ions w i th a l l t he

pa r t i es , Samue l sugges ted te rms v e r y s i m i l a r t o h i s C o m m i s s i o n ' s Report.

T h e G e n e ra l C o u n c i l , w h o had been a t t emp t i ng t o f i nd a f o rmu la t o end t he

d i spu te , accep ted h i s t e r m s a s a b a s i s f o r r e - o p e n i n g n e g o t i a t i o n s a n d

c a l l i n g off t he Genera l S t r i ke . 5 As a resul t , at noon on 12 t h May, 1926, the

Genera l S t r i ke was uncond i t i ona l l y ca l l ed o f f , 6 resu l t i ng in a g r e a t d e a l of

c o n f u s i o n . The M.F.G.B. r e f u s e d t o a c c e p t S a m u e l ' s t e r m s a n d r e m a i n e d o n

s t r i k e . M a n y y o f t hose re tu rn ing to work found tha t emp loyers wou ld on ly take

them back i f they s igned new con t rac ts i nvo lv ing less ea rn ings and longer

hours than they re c eive d b e f o r e the dispute, o r p u n i t i v e a g r e e m e n t s 7 The

T.U.C. had appealed to the Pr ime min is ter to use h is in f luence to secure the

genera l re ins ta tement by employers o f s t r i kers , bu t the Pr ime min is ter had

po in ted out tha t he had “no Power to compel emp loyers to take back every man.

Some d isp lacements a re inev i tab le consequent upon the reduct ion o f bus iness

caused by the s t r ike" 8 Those on str ike were in a d i f f icul t posi t ion. Their employers

could quite l i teral ly h o l d t h e m to r a n s o m . However, volunteers, "black legs” ,and

others who cont inued to work, were in a s t ronger pos i t ion. In a statement in the

House of Commons on 3rd May, 1926, the Prime Minister had said "No man w h o remains at work

1 Kee R. (Ed)., 1976., pp 432 Ibid., pp 453 Ibid., pp 46 - 484 Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 205 D. 123; Kee R. (Ed)., 1976., pp 475 Griffin A.R., 1971., pp 238; Betty J.H. (Ed)., 1967., pp 112 - 1136 Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 214 – 216, D130, D 132, D135, D 1437 An example of such an agreement is that issued by the Railway Companies and agreed to by all those wishing to return

to work. See Chapter 4 and Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 239, D 1538 Ïlkeston Pioneer”., 21st May, 1926., pp 7

25

will be prejudicially affected afterwards"1 This was repeated almost daily in the Br i t ish Gazet te. 2

Most st r ikers eventual ly returned to work, bu t the p rob lems were no t eased when

the miners con t inued the i r d ispute for severa l more months .

1 “Hansard”3rd May, 1926., pp 74., “British Gazette”., 6th May, 1926., pp 42 “British Gazette”., 7th May, 1926., pp 1; 10th May, 1926., pp 1 – 2; 11th May, 1926., pp 1; 12th May, 1926., pp 1

26

C h a p t e r 4

DEFEAT

Shortly after 1:14 p.m. on 12 th May, 1926 the B.B.C. made the following broadcast:

"At a meeting with the Prime minister at 10 Downing Street, Mr. Pugh announced on

behalf of the Trades Union Congress General Council, that the General Strike is being

terminated today.

We are requested to broadcast the following announcement on behalf of the General

Council of the Trades Union Congress:-

“ In order to resume negat ions the Genera l Council of the T.U.C. has

decided to terminate the General Strike today, and telegrams of instructions are

being seat to the General Secretaries of all affiliated unions. M e m b e r s before

acting must await the definite instructions from their own Executive

Councils.”

(Signed) Pugh, Chairman

Citrine, Secretary1

The telegram itself read:

"General Council T.U.C. have today declared General Strike terminated. Please instruct

your members as to resuming work as soon as arrangements can be made. Letter

follows - Pugh, Citrine"2

The covering letter explained that the General Council felt that they had received assurances that the

mining problem could be justly settled f o l l o w i n g a r e t u r n to work by all the other strikers.

The letter also instructed the General Secretaries to negotiate locally for the best deal they could

get from the employers.3 In effect this meant accepting whatever offer the employers made.

King George’s message to the country said:

1 Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 214 – 215, D 132; Kee R. (Ed)., 1976., pp 522 Ibid., pp 216, D 1353 Ibid., pp 215 – 217, D 135

27

“let us forget whatever elements of bitterness the events of the past few days have

created, …… and forthwith address ourselves to the task of bringing peace that will be

lasting……”1

Whilst in Parliament, the Prime Minister urged:

“That we should resume our work in a spirit of co-operation, putting behind us all malice

and vindictiveness.”2

However, not everyone was satisfied with the return to work. The Communist Party of Great Britain

denounced the General Council as traitors and demanded that all workers:

“Refuse to return to work. Reject the Samual Memorandum. Affirm your solidarity with the

miners. No wage reductions. No lengthening of hours”3

They felt that they had almost seen the workers revolt promised by Marx and yet had had the

prospect cruelly taken from them by the treachery of the right wing of the General Council and the

Labour Party.

For several days following 12th May, there was a great deal of confusion. Most workers appeared to

accept defeat and returned to work as quickly as they could, on whatever terms they could. Many

industries and services began returning to work, or preparing to return to work on the afternoon of

12th May. But in other areas, such as Scotland, Manchester and Birmingham, there was a great deal

of bitterness. Once it became clear, however, just how tenuous work prospects were following the

dispute, many workers took whatever contracts were offered. An example of the punitive new

contracts offered to strikers is the agreement between the Railway Companies and the Unions, as

follows:

“1) Workers to be taken back as fast as transport is restored and work becomes

available.

2) Unions admit that in declaring strike they acted wrongfully

3) Unions promise never again to declare strike without. preliminary negotiations with

companies

4) Unions promise never again to influence workers of higher ranks to break their

agreements

1 Ibid., pp 218, D 137; “Ilkeston Pioneer”, 21st May, 1926., pp 72 Hansard, 12th May, 1926., pp 878; “Ilkeston Pioneer”, 21st May, 1926., pp 73 Arnot R.P., 1967., pp 212 and 234 D. 148

28

5) Companies agree to remove notices posted yesterday and not to cut wages

6) Persons "guilty of violence or intimidation" excluded from the settlement".1

London Tramways employers signed a similar agreement with the addition of a clause that

strike-breakers would retain their posts.

The only group of workers to receive definite instructions from their leadership was the miners. All

districts of the Miners Federation received the following telegram:

"Miners must not resume work pending decision of National Conference convened for

Friday next. Please send delegates Kingsway Hall, London, 10 a.m. that day.

Cook, Secretary”2

At the Conference the miners were told that the Government was prepared to continue the subsidy

of approximately £3 million provided the miners agreed to the Samual Proposals and returned to

work. On 20TH may, 1926 the Conference unanimously rejected this, and the miners remained on

strike.3

It soon became apparent that the miners were in a weak position. Stocks of coal were high, and

the railways and much of industry continued working almost normally. Safety men continued

to work in the collieries, and as a result, the owners knew there was no real danger of their

investment underground being destroyed. Some collieries, notably two new pits at Blidworth

and Clipstone, were working normally.4 Just as serious was the fact that outcropping was

developing into a very productive business for many striking miners.

Many areas, such as Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire, had been reluctant to str ike since their

condit ions were not immediately threatened, (see Part 2, Chap 7) and by October,

1926 many col l ier ies in this area had returned to normal working. These men had

been led by George Spencer, a break-away union leader, and this spl i t further

weakened the M.F.G.B. 5 Spencer obtained such good condit ions for his men, that the

Council of the M.F.G.B., on 22 n d November, 1926, saw no useful purpose in

continuing the dispute and it requested al l members to "sign on" back at their

1 Ibid., pp 238 – 240, D. 1532 M.F.G.B. Minutes., 13th May, 19263 Griffin A.R., 1962., pp 1624 Ibid., pp 1715 Ibid., pp 203 - 220

29

coll ieries at the earl iest opportunity, and under the best condit ions they could get. 1

The miners had been defeated.

1 Ibid., pp 20730

PART 2

31

Chapter 5

"ILSON"

The sl ight, i l l -nourished skeletons of Store-age man have been found in several

places throughout the Erewash Val ley. As there are no natural caves in the Valley,

they must have sheltered in trees, descending to ki l l reindeer and horses, and to

gather roots and berries; what evidence exists suggests this as their staple diet. At

about the time the Celts arrived in the Valley i ts inhabitants learnt how to husband

animals and crops. Bronze tools were used to reap the corn, ki l l and butcher the

animals, f ight their neighbours and adorn their bodies. I ron and iron tools were

gradually being developed at roughly the same time as the Romans arr ived. The

Romans set up the f i rst real town in the area, Derventio, on the banks of the River

Derwent, roughly on the opposite bank to the present si te of the city of Derby. In

about 600 A.D. a German Pirate-Chief sai led up the Trent and sacked Derventio. He

parceled out the surrounding land amongst his Angle-Saxon warr iors ; the area

where I lkeston now stands he gave to Elch (or Elche or Elk). Elch set up his

sett lement, call ing it Elchestune, the enclosure of the Elch, roughly where Ilkeston stands today.

Elchestune became part of the Danelaw in the ninth century, and as late as 1086

Doomsday Book records the existence of ten Socmen, members of an important

class of free peasantry found almost exclusively in the Danelaw.1

Following the Norman Conquest, the Anglo-Scandinavian landowner, Ulf Fenix was

dispossessed, the manor being handed to Gilbert of Ghent, who sublet Elchestune to

Malgar.2 During the Medieval period the manor passed to a succession of famil ies,

al l of whom held more important manors in the region. By 1252 the vil lage had

prospered suff iciently for one of these famil ies, Hugh de Cantelope, to secure a

Royal Charter permitt ing the vi l lage to hold a weekly market (on a Thursday) and an

annual fair ( for two days every October). 3 These still exist today.

The Tudor period was a t ime of transit ion for I lkeston. Serfdom was dead, but the

vi l lagers were st i l l subject to the court of the Lord of the Manor. This was able to

impose fines for a bewildering variety of offences, from fishing in the Erewash to

keeping undesirable lodgers. In 1598 for example, a general injunction was directed

1 The above is condensed from Trueman and Marston., 1899., pp 1 - 82 “Ilkeston – Official Handbook”., 7th Edition., pp 113 Scollins and Titford, Volume 1., 1976., pp 35

32

•

at the inhabitants of "Burre Layne", ordering them to "scour their ditches and stop

their trees before Lady Day in payne of each offence 2/-." 1

During the tumultuous period of the Civi l Wars, the vi l lage e xhibited one of i ts

earl iest examples of self interest. Although the town paid for one soldier for the

Royalists, they appeared to support the Parl iamentarians. However, both the

Royal ists and Parl iamentarians passed through I lkeston on their way to f ight at

Nott ingham and Newark, and both sides attempted, without any success, to press

men and cattle into service on their side. 2

"But there was an enemy in the vi l lage itself far more dangerous to the

peace of the people than theological controversy or pol i t ical agi tat ion, or

even contending armies. For f i f teen years it had been cherishing a viper in

its hospitable bosom - a cockatrice rather, that could slay by a look - which

had all the t ime been draining its l i fe-blood and slaughtering its children and

i ts calves. The myster ious way in which they pined away and died had long

convinced the people that there was someth ing radically wrong in the state

of I lkeston, but i t has been reserved for Torratt, the baker, to put his finger on

the plague-spot, and to say, "Mischief, thy name is Wagg."3

From 1647 to 1650, whilst the rest of England, including the local area, tore i tself

apart in war, the vi l lage of I lkeston was in turmoil over a suspected witch, Ann

Wagg. At her trial in 1650, Francis Torratt, described how Ann Wagg had cast the evil eye upon

his serving maid. The wife of the minister, Mr. Fox, had "drawn blood upon the witch" in a

superstitious attempt to deprive her of the power of witchcraft. The fate of Ann Legg is not

known, but there is little doubt that she would pay the full penalty.4

With the Enclosure Act 1794 the last of the Medieval strips and commons were swept away, causing

much distress which was made worse when the staple industry of home frame knitting

suffered a series of crises from which it never recovered. Despite, or because of these

conditions, this period witnessed a great deal of d r u n k e n n e s s . "Eat to live, live to drink"

appeared to be t h e village motto. 5 This may be as t rue today as i t was then, or

indeed in 1926, because even today, I lkeston appears to possess more publ ic

h o u s e s a n d clubs than a n y o t h e r town or a r e a o f a c o m p a r a b l e size.

1 Ibid., pp 36; “Ilkeston – Official Handbook”., 7th Edition., pp 122 Trueman and Marston., 1899., pp 1703 Ibid., pp 173

33

n

nn

The breakdown o f the domest ic s tock ing indus t ry and s t r ip farming was accompanied

by considerable suffering, but progress in other directions s u pp l i e d t h e r e m e d y . By 1 8 5 0

Ilkeston h a d f i v e h o s i e r y a n d six lace f a c t o r i e s i n operation. Coal m i n i n g in the

Ilkeston area has a very long history - it goes back to the twelfth century at least. T h e Earliest

r e f e r e n c e to an i n d i v i d u a l "Ilson" Collier was made in 1304, when, it seems, a certain Robert

Dewey was killed by a fall of coal on his head. The new demands of the Industrial Revolution lead

to the local coal industry rapidly expanding, aided by the opening of the Erewash Canal in 1773

and the Nutbrook Canal in 1793, which gave onto the River Trent. Communica tion was

improved with, for example, in 1828, the first short distance coach, the "Speculator", linking Ilkeston

and Nottingham, and in 1853, the first railway down the Valley. Schools began opening, led by

the Non-Conformists who opened the Br i t ish School in 1845 and the Anglicans who

o p e n e d t h e National School in 1875. The town's second railway opened in 1878. In 1853 the

first local weekly newspaper, the Ilkeston Pioneer, was founded, fol lowed in1881 with t h e

second, the I l k e s t o n Advertiser. In 1887 the town was given a Charter of Incorporation,

and became the Borough of I lkeston, and in 1914 George V, while passing through

Ilkeston, opened the new County Secondary School.1

By 1926 Ilkeston was a prosperous town. It could boast three hospitals, the General, the

Isolation and the maternity: two local newspapers, the Advertiser and the Pioneer: five passenger

railway stations, North, South, Junction, Trowell and West Hallam: four cinemas, Kings, Scala, Globe

and Colusseum, all changing their films twice weekly: several dance halls: a free public library

opened in 1904: several schools including two Higher Grade Schools, Ilkeston and Hallcroft

schools: innumerable places of worship of many denominations: innumerable public houses: an

open-air swimming baths and public bath-houses: a roller skating rink: an extremely attractive public

leisure park known as the Beauty Spot, which lived up to its -me with gardens, a boating lake, a

miniature passenger train, rope slides over the lake, fishing, children’s' play-park, first rate

lawn tennis courts, pleasant walks, and a refreshments shop: a well laid-out public park: the

Manors football pitch where Ilkeston Town Football Club (The Robins) played: and a county

cricket ground used by Derbyshire County Cricket Club which itself had tennis courts, bowling

greens, practice nets, football pitches, putting greens and an athletic track. In 1924 the Ilkeston

Miners Welfare Institute was opened, an extremely large and impressive building, containing two

dance-halls, two bars, several club rooms, three billiard tables, a fully equipped gymnasium and a

bowling green. People came from miles around to shop in Ilkeston on Bath Street and South Street

4 “Ilkeston – Official Handbook”., 7th Edition., pp 12 - 135 Scollins and Titford, Volume 1., 1976., pp 371 “Ilkeston – Official Handbook”., 7th Edition., pp 14

34

and to visit the market which, by 1926, was being held on Saturdays as well as Thursdays.

Ilkeston's annual fair rivaled that of the Goose Fair at Nottingham, Ilkeston's fair always opening two

weeks after the Goose Fair. Employment was centered on three main industries, mining,

metalwork (chiefly at Stanton and Staveley Ltd) and text i les. These three accounted

for about seventy percent of the available workforce.1

The Borough motto "Labor Omnia Vincit" (Labour Conquers All) is very f i t t ing for

I lkeston, for i t is essential ly a working community. The labours of i ts people have

buil t I lkeston into a prosperous yet f r iend ly communi ty , and th is is as t rue today as

i t was in 1926. A loca l headmaster recent ly summed up the town and i t s peop le

when he said that I lkeston had the economy of scale and prosperi ty of a large

town, yet re ta ined the sp i r i t and f r iend l iness of a v i l lage communi ty . Many eye

wi tnesses sa id the same of the town in 1926. What is t rue is that wherever the

people o f I lkeston go, throughout the wor ld , they are , and a lways have been;

proud to say they come f rom " I lson" .

1 The above account of some of the major facilities in Ilkeston in 1926 is drawn from many sources including: “Ilkeston –

The Official Handbook”, “Ilkeston Advertiser”, “Ilkeston Pioneer”, “Borough Council Minutes”, “Ä History of Hallcroft

School”, “Census 1921”, “Census 1931”, and many eye witness accounts from the time.35

Chapter 6

"INDUSTRY"

Although the people of I lkeston have always "duntheerbit" in t im es of need of crises

such as the Industrial Revolution or during t he War, they have always managed

somehow, to remain sl ightly removed from the main current of events. The Ann

Wagg turmoi l in the vi l lage during the Civi l War is one such example (See Chap 5,

pp 32-33). Another occurred during the Luddite Riots. These had first begun in

Nott ingham in 1811, 1 a ci ty only nine miles from Ilkeston. Some damage was done by the

Luddites at Ilkeston: Frames were broken between 16-23rd March, 1811; one on 23rd November,

1811; thirty on 3 rd December, 1811; some on 12 th December, 1811; seven on 19 th January,

1812; However, this was the last reported incident at Ilkeston, even though the Luddite Revolt and

riots continued nationwide for more than f ive years after this, ending August 1817.2 The

reason for this was that the capitalist owners agreed to pay their workers one shilling (5p) per dozen

stockings more.3 Would the men of Ilkeston support the strike call?

In 1928 Ilkeston was a town, and a people totally dependent for its life upon its two main

industries, coal mining and metal working, two industr ies at the vanguard of the dispute. The

population of Ilkeston in 1921 was 32,265.4 Of that number 10,712 (33.2%) were males aged twelve

and over (roughly the male working population);5 and of these 6,613 (61.7%) worked in either the

mining or metalwork industries,6 thus, discounting males too old, too young or too ill to work, it may

be assumed that approximately 80% of all Ilkeston men worked in these two industr ies. The

only other major industry in the town that of textiles employed only 621 men (5.7%).7 Although

2,285 women also worked in the textile industry8 and other smaller industries such as the retail

trade, the railways and agricul ture employed some, i t was obvious that a ful l str ike in

the mining industries, especially if it lasted for any length of time, could totally destroy the

economy of the town.

1 Encyclopaedia Britannica., 1970., Vol 14, pp 4022 Tomis M.I., “The Luddites”, pp 177 - 1883 “Ilkeston – Official Handbook”., 7th Edition., pp 134 Census 1921., pp 2., table 25 Ibid., pp 45, table 166 Ibid., pp 45 (mining), and pp 47 (metalworks), table 167 Ibid., pp (textiles) and pp 51 (textile goods), table 16 (men)8 Ibid., pp (textiles) and pp 51 (textile goods), table 16 (women)

36

The mines and the ironworks physically dominated the town. I lkeston and i ts people were

complete ly sur rounded by mines, mine work ings and the i ron-works a t S tan ton

and Stave ley L td . , w i th i t s workings. Jo in ing them al l cr isscrossing the town and

surrounding area was a massive chequer-board of railway lines and their workings. At night the

sky glowed red from the ironworks, made dramatical ly beaut i fu l when the c louds

hung low. The very rhythm of the town was controlled b y these working s. For example,

every day, except Christmas Day, Stanton and Staveley sounded a hooter at 06.45,

07.00, 07.30, 12.00, 13.00, and 17.00 hours, which could be heard more than f i v e

m i l e s away. Th is hooter was the ear ly morn ing a la rm ca l l , the call to work, the

lunch hour cal l , and the "knocking off hooter" for the workers of Stanton and

Staveley Ltd., as wel l as thousands of others in and around I lkeston ( i t was not

f inal ly si lenced unti l :he e a r l y 1960's). Everyone in Ilkeston, to a greater or lesser

extent, had their dai ly l ives dictated by this routine intrusion. Thousands rose f rom

thei r beds to i t ; shops opened and c losed to i t ; shops, off ices and schools closed

and opened for lunch to i ts sound, and many thousands of "dinners" were prepared

to i ts evening cal l . The bus t imetab les were d ic ta ted by the needs o f the

indus t r ies . Fol lowing pi t contracts, where the miners had been taken to or away

f rom the "p i ts " , the runn ing boards a lways ins t ruc ted the bus dr iver to return to

the garage. There they had at least a hal f hour 's break dur ing which the buses

were mopped out , before going onto s tage car r iage opera t ion . Th is b reak was to

enab le the garage s ta f f to clean out the phlegm and spitt le which the coughing and

wheezing miners invariably deposited on the f loor of the bus. The bus service in and

around Ilkeston in 1926 was operated by Notts and Derbys Traction, which formed part of the

Midland General Omnibus Company around 1930,1 M.G.O. later merged with Trent Motor Traction

and together formed part of the National Bus Company when it was formed. The running boards of

the buses are the journey instructions which the crew follow. Until as recently as 1979, many

running boards in Ilkeston still had this half hour break after a pit contract, although it had been

many years since this cleaning had needed to be carried out.

1 Dunbar C.S., 1954., pp 322 - 32437

The smoke and dirt from these industries permanently hung like a black shroud over the whole town,

indeed to many people it was a very real shroud. The cloud produced fine black soot over the town.

For many w i v e s t h i s meant that only on very rare days washing could be hung

outside to dry. Al l homes at this t ime had washing l ines strung across their kitchens

where washing would normally be dried. Until quite recently it was not unusual to hear women,

especially the older ones say that you should never hang wash outside because it "tons black".

More unpleasant was the rotten eggs smell produced by the furnaces at Stanton and Staveley

Ltd whenever rain threatened. This unpleasant smell could be detected twenty miles away. The

furnaces which smelt of rotten eggs in 1926 were replaced by new furnaces, five i n all,

between 1 9 2 7 a n d 1930. However, whenever rain threatened, these new furnaces,

known locally as "Kinny Os'bon, also produced the rotten eggs smell. These new

furnaces were themselves c losed f ina l ly on 4 t h May, 1966. 1 Even more unpleasant

was the effect of these industries on the way of death of I lkestonians. Pneumoconiosis,

that scourge of the mining industry, was not officially recognised as an i l lness except for very

special cases involving rocks containing Sil ica, unti l 1 s t January, 1928, when the

Secretary of State introduced a scheme for the payment of compensation to workmen who

contracted Pneumoconiosis from whatever source, under the Workers Compensat ion Act

1918. 2

Therefore, no records exist for 1925 of the numbers of sufferers of this disease.

However, appalling records do exist of the numbers o f dea ths f rom o the r resp i ra to ry

d i seases . The f igures fo r 1924 have been used because i t appears tha t the

records fo r the per iod 1925-1931 inc lus ive have been lost or destroyed. The

f igures for earl ier years changed little therefore it may safely be assumed that the

figures for 1926 would be proportionately the same as those given for 1924. The

figures for 1972 have been used because in 1974 I lkeston Borough Counci l became a

part of Erewash Borough Council, and no separate Health Reports covering Ilkeston were

produced following the 1972 issue used here.

Table one below shows that deaths from certain respiratory diseases were markedly higher in

I lkeston than in the rest of England and Wales. In 1924 almost one in three deaths

in the Borough, compared to one in six on England and Wales, resulted from some

form of respiratory disease. This higher incidence of respiratory deaths may result

from other causes, for example, the higher number of smokers in the town than in

1 Stanton And Stavely News., February 1961., pp 199 208 and June 1966., pp 16 - 172 Peake C.V., unpublished, Introduction

38

England and Wales generally, than simply the pollution from industry. However, by

comparing the 1924 figures with those for 1972, i t can be seen that I lkeston had a

38% reduction in respiratory deaths compared with only a 17% decrease in England and

Wales for the same period. Again, other factors may produce this result, but it cannot be ignored

that industry in Ilkeston declined between 1926 and 1972, and that the main pollutant

producers at Stanton and Staveley Ltd were all ended by 1966 when, amongst other sections of

the ironworks, "Kinny Os'bon" and "Cinder Plant” were closed. "Cinder Plant" is the local term

for the plant where the cinders from the blast furnaces were cleaned and reprocessed. This

process produced fine red soot which covered large areas of Ilkeston. Shortly after the end of

the blast furnaces the Cinder Plant was also closed.

T a b l e 1 . D e a t h s i n 1 9 2 4 a n d 1 9 7 2 i n I l k e s t o n a n d i n E n g l a n d and Wales

from certa in speci f ied resp i ra to ry d iseases

1924 1972

I l kes ton 1 E & W 2 I l kes ton 3 E & W 4

% N % N % N % N

Whoop ing Cough 2 7 0 .8 3 ,983 0 0 0 2

Bronch i t i s 14 53 8 37 ,786 8 36 5 28 ,653

Pneumon ia 11 40 8 38 ,970 8 34 8 45 ,415

Others Resp D is . 2 6 0 .08 401 2 8 1 3 ,591

To ta l Resp . D is . 29 106 17 81 ,140 18 78 14 77 ,643

To ta l Dea ths 100 369 100 473 ,235 100 431 100 591 ,889

Thus the mines and Stanton and Staveley Ltd were the very life of Ilkeston. They provided its

blood supply (money), its food (coal and energy), controlled its heartbeat (the hooter) and even

provided its inhabitants way of death (respiratory disease). Yet here was the call to strike, to in

effect strangle themselves, possibly to totally destroy the town. The town and its workers faced a

real dilemma.

1 “Annual Health and School Medical Report for the Borough of Ilkeston, 1924”., pp 132 “Registrar Generals Statistical Review of England and Wales, 1924”., Part 1 Table Medical., pp 23 – 29., table 53 “Annual Health and School Medical Report for the Borough of Ilkeston, 1924”., pp 154 “Registrar Generals Statistical Review of England and Wales, 1924”., Part 1 Table Medical., pp 23 – 29., table 7

39

Chapter 7

CONDITIONS

Conditions in the local mines where harsh, indeed there had been at least four fatalit ies and

several serious accidents in Ilkeston area mines between 1st ]January, 1926 and the start of

the General Strike on 3rd May, 1926; However, the conditions locally were a great deal better than

elsewhere in the industry. Al l the local coll ieries, according to ex-miners, had faces where a

man could work standing up, except Manors Colliery where the face was approximately two to three

feet high. All the collieries suffered, to a greater or lesser extent, with flooding and water, but they

all produced what many ex-miners have cal led "Soft Coal". According to the ex-miners, this

was coal which was relat ively easy to extract or work, and produced coal of a

consistently high quality. Most o f the loca l coa l was in fac t c a l l e d Brights. This

was h i g h q u a l i t y c o a l u s e d for d o m e s t i c fires a n d t h e pr o d u c t i o n o f t o w n gas

a n d c o k e . I n addition there was a sma l l amoun t o f Top Hard p roduced , wh ich was

used fo r the p roduc t ion of steam on the rai lways, and in electr icity generation.1

The average wage for a 42 hour week in the Eastern Division, including Ilkeston, was

£2.16s.9d. (£2.84p) for the first quarter of 1925 and £2.9s.2d. (£2.46p) for the second quarter.2

However, many witnesses from this period confirm that very few miners actually worked just a flat

week. Many worked as much as 80 hours per week and earned between £4.10s.0d. (£4.50p) and

£5 per week. One witness told of a friend who purchased, for cash, an off-licence business from his

earnings as a miner, whilst a second bought his house, for cash, from his earnings as a

miner. Neither drank or smoked. This was the key. Mining was hard, dangerous and, with so much

overtime, exhausting. As a result, most miners drank very heavily and smoked to excess. t was not

unusual for a miner to give his wife only half his earnings and to spend the remainder "down the pub".

As one ex-miner put it, the miners worked hard and played hard.

Most miners at this t ime were paid on the "Butty System". The face worker would

win the coal f rom the face and pass i t back. Behind him a group of men would load

this coal into the tubs or b u t t i e s , a n d t h e s e would then h e hauled, either b y m e n or

ponies, to the n e a r e s t r o p e . The butties were connected to these ropes and hauled a l o n g .

Occasionally these ropes crossed others, and here the junction men disconnected them and

reconnected them to the new rope. At the surface the butties would be checked and the contents

dumped through a "screen" or series of sieves where the screen man separated rocks e t c a n d

s o r t e d the coal into equal sized pieces. E a c h butty would b e counted, and would earn a

1 Williams J.E., 1962., pp 1752 Griffin A.R., 1962., pp 149

40

fixed amount. Each shift, from the face man, the loader, the junction man, the pony man, the screen

man, right to the foreman, would then divide this amongst themselves. The quicker the butty were

loaded, passed to the surface, emptied a n d returned, the more the m e n earned. In other

mines the total output value was calculated, the m i n e owners t o o k their share, and the rest

was divided between the miners and the cost of running the mine. In either case, the

coal was relatively easy to win and earnings, with overtime, were high.

At Stanton and Staveley Ltd earnings were also relatively high. This was because Stanton was

virtually self-sufficient in all its needds. They operated their own ironstone quarries, collieries (at

B i l s t h o r p e , P l e a s l e y , T a v e r s a l a n d S i l v e r h i l i ) , b r i c k w o r k s ( a t Bilsthorpe,

Taversal and Oakwell), and produced their own gas and electricity.1 Many of these operations

produced a surplus which was sold. Even the slap from the furnaces was sold to road contractors.

Costs were thus low, and good wages could be paid. I n addition, o v e r t i m e was also plentiful in

the foundry. A major factor which kept average earnings high both in the mines and in the iron

foundry was that both industr ies were very labour intensive. Many witnesses recal l

the almost desperate shortage of manpower with the resultant need for men to work

overtime. The hosiery industry was also very labour intensive and it too suffered from a

labour shortage coupled with an heavy demand for its products. Here the problem was to find

enough ladies, especially older skilled ladies, to fill all the vacancies. The answer, again, was

relatively high wages.

Thus Ilkeston in the early 1920's could be described as a fairly wealthy town. Not wealthy in

absolute terms, but in comparison with the grinding poverty and exploitation suffered by

people in areas with too few jobs or coal which was difficult to win, Ilkeston did fairly well.

Relations between workers and owners, though not perfect, was still very good. However,

this was not the case nationally. One ex-miner described the build-up to the General Strike as a

festering sore which just had to burst. This festering sore was the abysmal cap between the rich

and the poor, between the living and working conditions of the rich and poor. Most Ikestonians

knew the sore must burst, but they hoped it would burst somewhere else and leave them alone.

C h a p t e r 8

1 Harman E.E.G., unpublished., pp 68 and 131 - 13841

MEDIA

During the period the Government paid the subsidy to the miring industry (31st July, 1925 – 1st May,

1926) the local newspapers took part in the "education programme" undertaken by the

Government, especially by Churchill. The Ilkeston Pioneer relied heavily upon cartoons,

which t h e y r e p r o d u c e d f r o m "Punch". On 24 July, 1925 t h e Pioneer indicated that

both the mine owners and the mineworkers were attacking "King Coal" end attempting,

between them, to knock off his crown (his predominant posit ion in the field of energy

provision).2 By 11th September, 1925, the Pioneer implied that the Communist Party of Great

Br i ta in was invading the labour Party. 3 By 9 t h October, 1925 the Pioneer i l lustrated

what many fel t was near the truth, that either a ful l scale revolution or a more

"gentlemanly" General Str ike would strangle or destroy the country. 4 By 19 march,

1926 Samuel was shown as present ing a real promise for the future with his proposed

Report,5 but the following week's cartoon i l lustrated the dis i l lusion and pessimism fel t by

many about Samuel and h is a t tempts to f ind a genu ine so lu t ion to the coa l

prob lem. 6 Following the General Strike, the Pioneer offered a cartoon on 21st May, 1926 which to

many fully illustrated the situation they had just been through. This cartoon implied that the

General Strike had been a crude attempt to overthrow the "rock" of democracy, but that it had just

proved inadequate and democracy and the nation had been rock solid against it.7 (See Plates 1 – 6,

pp 4 - 8)

On 30 April, 1926 Jottings in The Pioneer reproduced the following "Hymn" which he c l a i m e d

w a s being taught to children in communist Sunday schools:

"Onward Christian soldiers

Duty's call il plain

Slay your Christian brothers

Or by them be slain

Pulpiteers are spouting

Effervescent swill

2 Ilkeston Pioneer 24th July, 1925., pp 23 Ibid., 11th September, 1925., pp 24 Ibid., 9th October, 1925., pp 25 Ibid., 19th March, 1926., pp 26 Ibid., 26th March, 1926., pp 27 Ibid., 21st May, 1926., pp 2

42

God above is calling

You to rob and kill

Onward Christian soldiers

Up and tear and smite

May the gentle Jesus

Bless your dynamite"1

This fol lowed the Ilkeston Advertiser which, on 19 t h February, 1926 had reproduced this

"Hymn":

"The whole world at last is beginning to see

The blight of the world is Jesus

Like sunshine at noonday, free thought has shown me

The blight of the world is Jesus

Keep off the blight or blighted you'l l be

Blighted for l ife by credulity

Once I believed but now I can see

The bl ight of the world is Jesus" 2

'

The Advertiser added:

"We would not publish such blasphemy were it not that decent people ought

to know what is going on in the way of at tempts to subvert the Christ ian

rel igion by the followers of Lenin"

The connection between this Communist threat and the approaching coal dispute war

quite clearly drawn by a letter published by the I l keston Advertiser:

"....The nation wil l certainly support the moderate leaders in their effort to

establish a lasting peace in our basic industry. Their task is, however, being

made very diff icult by the mischievous activit ies of ext remists in the

coal f ie lds who are apparent ly determined to seize e v e r y o p p o r t u n i t y t o

p r o v o k e discontent. In South Wales the Communists are busy advancing a

programme of demands, which if adopted, would increase the price of our

export trade and so make it sti l l more diff icult for our product to be sold

abroad. … it is not difficult to see why Moscow finances Red Agi tat ion in Bri t ish

1 “Jottings”., Ilkeston Pioneer, 30th April, 1926., pp 82 Ilkeston Advertiser, 19th February, 1926., pp 2

43

Coalf ields. If the price of our coal can be forced up by uneconomic wage

demands, then, o f course, there wi l l be a larger marke t f o r Russ ian coa l

on the con t i nen t .

Yours fa i th fu l ly

L o o k e r - o n ” 1

Meanwhi le "Robin Hood" in the I lkeston Adver t iser wrote:

"A game o f s t ra tegy i s be ing pu rsued by bo th s i des , each

maneuve r i ng t o ge t t he bes t pos i t i on f o r t he f i na l ba t t l e of forces. As

far as can be seen at the moment a desperate s t ruggle for ex is tence appears

l ike ly in the coa l f i e lds , t he m iners f i gh t ing fo r the i r da i l y b read, wh ich

is th rea tened by any fu r ther reduc t ions in the i r wages, and res is t ing

any increase in the durat ion of the i r da i ly to i l : whi ls t the owners, many

of them, are f ight ing for a chance to surv ive under cond i t ions which

threaten many o f them wi th e x t i n c t i o n Can any sane man see any way

out of the apparent impasse except for both parties to si t d o w n at a r o u n d table,

face the s i t u a t i o n and dev ise some p lan fo r sav ing bo th the miners and

the mines as far as i t is possib le to do so?" 2

And, over a repor t concern ing a speech made by Mr . Frank Hodges, the

Adver t iser produced the fo l lowing pessimist ic headl ine:

"KING COAL NO LONGEER A MERRY SOUL

SICK AND ANAEMIC

OIL A SERIOUS CHALLENGER” 3

H o w e v e r , t h e A d v e r t i s e r w a s a l i t t l e m o r e o p t i m i s t i c w h e n “ R o b i n H o o d ”

wrote:

"The re i s l i t t l e t o be sa id de f i n i t e l y as ye t abou t t h e s i t u a t i o n i n t h e

m i n i n g i n d u s t r y . T h e R e p o r t o f t h e Coal C o m m i s s i o n i s being

s t u d i e d … . N o t t o p u t i t too s t rong ly , the s i tua t ion is regarded as a l i t t l e

more hope fu l now tha t a l l pa r t i es a re ge t t i ng down to the hard b rass

1 “Looker – on” in “Letters”, Ilkeston Advertiser, 2nd April, 1926, 1925., pp 22 “Robin Hood”, Ilkeston Advertiser, 17th July, 1925., pp 13 Ilkeston Advertiser, 14th August, 1925., pp 3

44

t acks o f the p rob lem” . 1

There appears to have been very l i t t l e rea l suppor t o r en thus iasm i n I l kes ton

f o r a Gene ra l S t r i ke . Many eye w i t nesses c l a i m e d t h a t t h e y h a d b e e n

i n s t r u c t e d t o s t r i k e ; s o t h e y d i d , b u t a s Jot t ings wrote in the I lkeston Pioneer :

" I t may be assumed w i th ce r ta in t y t ha t nobody i n I l k e s t o n w a n t e d a

str ike. T h e r e i s n o r e c o r d o f a n y l oca l wo rkmen exp ress ing a des i r e

f o r a s t r i ke , and th i s be ing so , t hose who a re i nvo l ved , a re i nvo l ved

aga ins t the i r w i l l , and must be regarded as the v i c t ims o f c i r cumstances

and no t as fomen te rs o f i n d u s t r i a l instabi l i ty” 2

Prev ious ly he had wr i t t en :

" I be l ieve tha t I am r igh t in say ing tha t the re i s no t a s ing le ind iv idua l ,

m iner o r o therw ise , i n t h e B o r o u g h , w h o w o u l d w e l c o m e a s t r i k e . On

the con t ra ry , I j us t as f i rm ly be l i eve tha t i t i s t he las t t h ing des i red

and leas t o f a l l by the m ine rs and the i r dependen ts t hemse lves ” 3

This appears t o b e t r u e . No wi tness can reca l l a s ing le meet ing or vo te be fo re

the d ispu te , a t wh ich the men invo lved cou ld d iscuss the s i t u a t i o n a n d v o t e o n

t h e str ike c a l l . However , mos t I l kes ton ians appeared to accept the s i tuat ion

phi losophical ly ; Jot t ings again:

"Tuesday morn ing saw Ba th S t ree t , {wh ich was ( i ndeed s t i l l i s ) t he

ma in shopp ing s t ree t i n I l kes ton } , t h ronged w i th peop le who

appa ren t l y had no t made up the i r m inds wha t t o d o w i t h t h e i r

e n f o r c e d l e i s u r e . There were more smi les than f rowns and good humour

p reva i led" 4

Whilst "Robin Hood" wrote:

1 “Robin Hood”, Ilkeston Advertiser, 26th March, 19256, pp 12 “Jottings”., Ilkeston Pioneer, 7th May, 1926., pp 43 Ibid., 30th April, 1926., pp 84 “Jottings”., Ilkeston Pioneer, 7th May, 1926., pp 4

45

“…. a tribute to the excellent behaviour of our o w n citizens throughout t h e crisis. Everyone

seems to have accepted the s i tuat ion good humouredly" 1

1 “Robin Hood”, Ilkeston Advertiser, 14th May, 1926., pp 146

Chapter 9

SURVIVAL

Since the Coal Str ike of 1912 had begun, on the last day of February1 Ilkeston had been

prepared to care or its inhabitants in need. Since Monday 18 t h March, 1912, the Education

Committee of the Ilkeston Borough Council had provided one meal each school day to

necessitous cases. This meal consisted of milk and "best bread".2 By 15 April, 1912 this provision

had cost the Education Committee £29.12s.4d.(£29.62p) for best bread and £72.10s.5d.(£72.50p)

for mi lk, total ing £62.2s.9d.(£62.14p) 3 In addi t ion var ious feeding centres were

established during the 1912 dispute. These provided hot soup and other more warning meals.

(See plate 9 on 5) After the dispute the other feeding centres closed, but the Education

Committee continued feeding necessitous cases .in their individual schools. During World

War I this provision was concentrated in the Gladstone Street Feeding Centre, where proximately

150 necessitous children were fed every school day, travelling free from outlying schools by tram-

car.4 This centre remained open and was still in use in 1925 when the General Strike began.

A Mrs. Fitzhugh was in charge of the Gladstone Street Feeding Centre when the Str ike began .

In April, 1926 this centre gave 1,899 meals to 56 children at a cost of £30.9s.7d.(£30.48p). 5

The Education committee also resolved to open extra feeding centres during the forthcoming

crisis. The following figures are official figures of children fed during the dispute:

Saturday 8 t h May 70 chi ldren fed

Monday 10th May 119 chi ldren fed

Tuesday 11th May 340 chi ldren fed

Wednesday 12th May 588 chi ldren fed

Thursday 13th May 790 chi ldren fed

Friday 14th May 947 chi ldren fed

Saturday 15th May 1060 chi ldren fed

Monday 17th May 1260 chi ldren fed

Tuesday 18th May 1300 chi ldren fed

6

I t was est imated that i t would cost approximately £200 that week an d that cost was

expected from the Basford Guardians, who administered the poor relief in the Ilkeston area, or failing

1 Williams J.E., 1962., pp 4192 Borough of Ilkeston Council Minutes., 15th March, 1912., pp 2113 Ibid., 16th April, 1912., pp 2524 Ibid., 7th September, 1914., pp 438; ibid., 20th October, 1914., pp 4985 Ibid., 18th May, 1926., pp 246 - 2476 Ilkeston Advertiser., 21st May, 1926., pp 3

47

that, the Ministry of Health would be approached.1 Whether or not either paid is uncertain, but

these off icial centres were mot the only centres available:

".....the shopkeepers got together, and the publicans, and t hose who had

a l l o tmen t ga rdens w i t h r oo t vege tab les r e a d They poo led mea t

and vege tab les , o rgan i sed women volunteers and made broth. Several

publicans kept pigs, and so had large coppers on their hack premises. The broth was

made in these coppers, meat, bones, potatoes, carrots and turnips boiled, up to make a

satisfying whole.

At a set time people would queue up, mainly kids, with their two-pint jugs and large basins.

Stale loaves would be cut up into Lie chunks and handed out with the broth. Then we

would go back home, and the broth would be shared among the rest of the family. And our

hunger would be assuaged for another day”2

Two "pubs" offering these meals were the Durham Ox where Mrs. Holmes produced the soup, and

the Ancient Druids where the soup was ready everyday between t e n and eleven i n the morning.

Other people were also preparing soup meals, for example, Mrs. Baker's mother prepared a soup

from allotment vegetables in her kitchen, and helped relieve the distress of her friends and relatives

on Green Lane. Many butchers boiled up the bones and scraps and served this broth. Mrs. Bentley of

the Cotmanhay Road Butchers was one such. Whites Chip Shop, amongst others, gave away

scraps, and at the end of the day gave away the spare food. Anyone and everyone made

soup or helped wherever they could.

Pawn shops or “pop” shops" did a brisk trade. The most successful pop shop was Harry Starr's

on Station Road, but there were others on Granby Street, Seth Street, and Nottingham Road. The

usual rate was 2d. (1p) per week per article. F o r t h o s e t o o proud to go themselves, there

were "go-betweens" who took the "pop" to the shop for people, and usually charged 1 - 2d. (½ -

1p) per article. One such go-between was Mrs. Atkins.

Other shops however, were not as lucky. "Slates" or credit mounted. Some family shops went

bankrupt but most, by some miracle, stayed in business and eventually got their money. Some, such

as Barnes Butchers on Bath Street, relied upon friendly service to get the customer to come

back and eventual ly pay. The most entertaining b u t c h e r w a s R o b i n s o n s o n t h e

m a r k e t . Each market day (Thursday and Saturday) between six and eight in the evening, he

1 Ibid., pp 32 Ilkeston Pioneer., 4th June, 1926., pp 4

48

would auct ion his remaining meat. This was always l ively and exciting. The bones he

gave away.

I lkeston Co-operat ive Society was especia l ly good to i ts customers. On T u e s d a y

e v e n i n g 4th May, 1926, the employees held a meet ing and dec ided to donate one

sh i l l ing (5p) o f each pound they e arned per week to a re l ie f fund. 1 Th is fund

would issue vouchers to the value of 2s.6d. (12½p), exchangeable at the store.2 These

vouchers were issued to the Mayors Distress Fund at the rate of £25 per week.3 This

continued until one final grant of £50 was made early in December 1926. 4 in addition, the

Society agreed to allow credit and to pay “divi” (The Dividend paid to costumers regularly for

being customers, always known locally as “The Ilkeston Races” as it was paid twice yearly, and

always there was a rush to get it from the co-operative offices to get the cash) to those in arrears 5

until November 1926, when those in arrears were, as usual, prevented from receiving

“divi”.6 Arrears were not finally chased until June 1927.7

Those miners belonging to the Derbyshire Miners Association (some 50,000) received strike

pay at the rate of 15s. (75p) per man with 2s. (10p) per child.8 This only lasted about four weeks

when the money ran out and they were forced onto the poor relief ad m i n i s t e r e d by the

Basford Board of Guardians. Those miners belonging to the Nottinghamshire Association

received no strike pay as the N.M.A. was almost bankrupt.9 They were forced onto charity or

savings right from the start. The Basford Guardians loaned its claimants 12s. (60p), plus 3s.

(15p) for the first child, 2s.6d.(12p) for the second and 2s. (10p) for the rest.10 Those on poor

rel ief also had to pay 3s. (15p) per week for each child they sent to the soup kitchens.11

However, not everyone received the ful l amount. One couple with f ive chi ldren should have

received £1.3s.6d. (£1.17½p). They in fact received 18s. (90p) plus a 2s.6d. (12½p) voucher

from the Mayors Distress Fund to spend at the Co-op.

1 Gadsby E.,, 1978., pp 432 Ilkeston Pioneer., 7th May, 1926., pp 43 General Committee Meeting Minutes of Ilkeston Co-operative Society 20th May, 19264 Ibid., 14th October and 2nd December 19265 Special Management Committee Minutes of the Ilkeston Co-operative Society., 10 th May, 1926; Weekly Management

Committee Minutes., 13th May, 1926; General Committee Meeting Minutes., 2nd September, 19266 General Committee Minutes of the Ilkeston Co-operative Society., 18th November, 19267 Special Committee Minutes of the Ilkeston Co-operative Society., 18th November, 19278 Ilkeston Pioneer., 21st May, 1926., pp 59 Ilkeston Advertiser., 11th June, 1925., pp 310 Ilkeston Advertiser., 4th June, 1925., pp 111 Ilkeston Advertiser., 11th June, 1925., pp 3

49

The Mayors Distress Fund was launched by the mayor of Ilkeston, Councillor Woolliscroft, with the

following letter:

"Sir,

In connection with the Coal Crisis, and the unemployment caused thereby

to those previously working in and about the coal mines and the consequent

extension now taking place in unemployment to others as a direct r e s u l t o f

the shortage o f the avai lable supply of coal. I decided to cal l a Towns

meeting to consider what action should be taken. At this meeting, which

was held in the Town Hall on 28th instant, it was decided to form a fund, as far as

possible to a l l e v i a t e the d i s t r e s s the Borough.

Committees have been formed in each of the six wards in the town, and any

contributions, either in money or in essential foodstuffs, wil l be gratefully

received, and such contributions can either be made at the Town Clerks Office, at any

of the Banks in the town, or at the Secretaries of the Ward Committees. The meetings of

the latter are held at the following places - North Ward, Cotmanhay Parish Room; Granby

Ward, Trinity School; Market Ward, Chaucer Street Infants School; Victoria Ward, Wilmot

Street Schools; Old Park Ward, Gladstone Street Girls School; South Ward, Kensington

Girls School.

I may say that no relief will tie given in money, but in vouchers which can be

exchanged with the tradesmen in the town.

I hope that a good response wil l be made to the appeal by all those wil l ing

and able to help.

Yours faithfully

George W. Woolliscroft

Mayor

29 t h May,1926” 1

I lkeston Cc-operative Society provided £25 per week in the form of vouchers and

many concerts and sports events were organised to raise funds. (See chap 10) This

fund continued until December 1926, after the miners had returned to work. 2 -

During the 1912 coal str ike I lkeston miner s had begun an organised scavenging of the

1 Ilkeston Pioneer., 4th June, 1926., pp 42 General Committee Minutes of the Ilkeston Co-operative Society., 2nd December, 1926

50

local pit t ips. (See Plates 7 - 8, pp 5) This had led to the sett ing up of small

businesses where the miners would load sacks, bags, trol l ies, pushchairs, prams,

and anything else they could f ind and sell the coal door to door, even hauling it as far

as Nott ingham, nine miles away to sell i t . Although this "business" ceased after the

dispute the idea was very much al ive in miner’s minds when the 1925 dispute started.

Jottings in the Ilkeston Pioneer wrote:

"It is not long when there is a strike or lock-out in the mining industry before

the refuse tips of old col l ieries in the neighbourhood are r iddled for anything

in the nature of coal which wil l burn. Outcrops of seams, which are

frequent locally, and occur in gardens and other places, have before now

provided supplies of coal of a passable quality and enabled those having access to

them to turn an honest penny. The pi t hi l l coal pickers have been much in

evidence during the past fortnight, and what they have been able to secure

beyond their own requirements has, in many instances, been taken round in

bags and disposed of to those whose coal suppl ies have run out. So far

as anything connected with a coal str ike can be amusing, the idea of a miner

striking to stop the supply of coal, and grubbing amongst pit hills for it and

hawking it from door to door, is surely an instance. During the previous strike, quite an

extensive trade was done in coal so procured, and loads were carted so far afield as

Nottingham."1

Some of this outcrop coal was sold to Mr. Salt who drove it to Liverpool. However, not all the coal

was sold. Many people recall finding bags of coal on their doorsteps in the mornings, with no

evidence of who to thank or pay. This Outcropping was not without cost. Several people, including

Ernest Wilson, were killed, either by the col lapse, or by black damp gas in deep excavations.

Digging took place in people’s back yards2 or on a larger scale at Cossal, (near the Oakwood

Orange Colliery), the "Ashes", (a field off Gordon Street), "Dr. Woods Field" (by permission of the

owner ), "Jollys Field" (below "Firs Swings") and at Granby Park. (Part of this park collapsed into a

massive hole at the end of 1980, possibly caused by these workings by the coal diggers.)

Not everyone could get this coal, and many turned to wood for fuel.Of this, the Ilkeston

Advertiser wrote:

1 “Jottings”, Ilkeston Pioneer., 21st May, 1926., pp 82 Hargreaves C., “Fathers Derbyshire”., pp 18, plate 35 and pp 27, plate 54. Both are photographs of back garden digging

in 1926, plate 35 at Heanor, plate 54 at Loscoe51

"Fuel for the Fire

The first few days of the strike, after dusk, and later in the broad daylight, the road

between the town and Shipley Woods has seen people of all age’s strolling homewards

bearing fuel wherewith to keep the chimney corner warm, in the form of branches and logs

of all shapes and sizes, remnants of the former beautiful trees that once gladdened the

heart of the beholder. Doubtless the sight of so much burnable material lying handy has

also brought a warm glow to the hearts of the many folks to whom the strike soon meant

cold grates and no means of cooking the little food they could afford to buy. And

although not strictly within their rights in removing wood from the Shipley

estate, one could not help sympathising with the t ired mothers who were

ending a hard day’s work with a long tramp for fuel, and dragging behind

them large branches that obviously taxed their strength, whilst weary

toddlers trailed behind their mothers, with arms full of small bits of wood.

The older children sturdily pushed the family prams or Orange-boxes on

wheels containing a good assortment of branches in place of the customary baby.

Some had large branches in tow at the end of lengths of rope; quite a number of

small lads were to be seen m a n f u l l y struggl ing to convey home a branch too

for them, their faces becoming redder every moment with their strenuous efforts.

But don't. they just enjoy themselves!"1

This wood scavenging took place in several places, notably Bluebell Wood, Lady Wood, Shipley

Wood, and Beauty Spot Wood, but not everyone found it romantic:

"Sir, I shall esteem it a favour if you will kindly allow me, through the medium of your

valuable paper, to say that I strongly disapprove of the action of the miners who

have done such a lot of damage to a piece of land on Heanor Road, which happens

to be my property. Had they asked my permission to seek for coal on the land

it might have been granted, but to take such liberties s s they have done in this

case, is not calculated to gain my sympathy and practical help in their

endeavours to obtain better condit ions. I regret that this action wil l cause

me to think seriously before I contribute any more to any effort which may be

made on behalf of distressed miners, and many miners wil l know that in the

past I have given considerable amounts to such and other objects for their

welfare. I f this willful damage is the miners thanks, then in the future I must turn my 1 “Robin Hood”, Ilkeston Advertiser., 14th May, 1926., pp 1

52

attention to other channels. I shall wait to see if the miners concerned are men

enough to make the damage good. I am yours sincerely,

F. Kenwood

61 South Street, Ilkeston"1

Some miners continued to work:

"Some of the colliery workers were still slipping off to the pits, maintenance men I

s u p p o s e t h e y were. It was s u p po s e d to be a total shu t - d o w n . I f t h e y

p a s s e d the g o s s i p i n g w o m e n on their w a y to work, heavens! y o u should

h a v e heard the amazons:

'Get back h o m e you dirty blacklegs’

'Strike'l l lest forever if its left to you dirty creeps!'

Then they'd start on "The Red Flag” again. The men would leave off their games

to shout encouragement to the women".2

Shouting wasn't al l they did. At least two blacklegs had themselves and their bicycles thrown

into the Erewash Canal by striking miners.3 However, they were well rewarded with good

wages and at the end of each shift, each man could take home as much coal as they could carry.

many men struggled home with lumps weighing over a hundredweight over their shoulders.

When the dispute was over, these men were kept on by the owners, before any str iking

miners were even considered for a vacancy.

But survive was not al l the I lkestonians did. They also enjoyed themselves.

1 “Letters”, Ilkeston Pioneer., 21st May, 1926., pp 52 Gadsby C., 1978., pp 503 Ilkeston Advertiser., 27th August, 1926., pp 2

53

Chapter 10

ENTERTAINMENT

The strike was not all gloom for the people of Ilkeston. Most Ilkestonians appear to have decided

to treat the strike as a holiday, at least initially. Visiting Professors from University College,

Nottingham gave lectures in the brand new Miners Welfare, which had only been opened in

September, 1924.1 These lectures included one given by Mr. J.L. Gray, M.A., who gave a

lecture entitled "Different Types of Social Organisations"2 and one by Mr. C.G. Beasley M.A.,

F.R.G.S., who gave a lecture entitled "The Coal Commission Report".3

To raise much needed funds for the Distress Fund, a fair was opened at the Beauty Soot, and

concerts were held at the Miners Welfare and St John’s Parish Hall.4 Pit Pony races were held at

Cossal Marsh and at t racted 10,000 v is i tors, one of whom, a lady, was in jured

when a pony bol ted. 5 At least one other Pony Races was he ld in June, 1926,

when I lkes ton Co–operat ive Soc ie ty granted one guinea (£1.10p) towards the effort.6

Sponsored sports events took place including boxing matches on the I lkeston Town

Footbal l Club (The R o b i n s ) ground. T h e m e n o r g a n i s e d their own sports:

"Games o f foo tba l l and c r icke t were organ ised by the men and youths.

Then af terwards they would go down to the canal and swim across the

looks, sometimes staying until it was dark. Anything to stop them going crazy".7

For those with money, the Premier Dance Hall held its dances as usual; admission 1s. (5p)8 and for

the Whitsun Holidays the L.N.E.R. offered Boston 7s. 3d. (36½p) and Skegness, Sutton or

Mablethorpe 10s. (50p) return from Ilkeston o n Whit Monday 24th May.9 However, the swimming

baths, which should have opened on 9th May did not.10 Even during the strike not everything stopped:

1 Ilkeston Advertiser., 13th June, 1980., pp 1 and 112 “The Miners Leisure”, Ilkeston Advertiser., 21st May, 1926., pp 23 “The Decline of the British Coal Industry”. Ilkeston Advertiser., 4th June, 1926., pp 24 “Strike Items”, Ilkeston Pioneer., 14th May, 1926., pp 25 “Pit Pony Races”, Ilkeston Advertiser., 28th May, 1926., pp 26 Special Committee Meeting Minutes of the Ilkeston Co-operative Society, 21st June, 19267 Gadsby E., 1978., pp 508 Ilkeston Pioneer., 7th May, 1926., pp 39 Ibid., 21st May, 1926., pp 510 “Strike Items”, Ilkeston Pioneer., 14th May, 1926., pp 2

54

"The only papers on sale during Thursday of last week were the "Sheffield Telegraph",

"Leicester Mail", "Derby Daily Express" and "Ilkeston Pioneer". These papers had t o

be b r o u g h t b y r o a d . N o p a g e r s r e a c h e d S a n d i a c r e o r S tap le fo rd

s i nce t he l ock - ou t un t i l t he "P ionee r " a r r i v e d . A l o c a l n e w s a g e n t

w a s w a r n e d b y t h e S t r i k e s C o m m i t t e e t h a t h e m u s t b r i n g n o m o r e

p a p e r s i n t o t h e t o w n . I l kes ton was w i t hou t newspape rs un t i l l a t e on

F r i day , when a ca r a r r i ved w i t h t he "Le i ces te r Ma i l " . On Sa tu rday

even ing t he "De rby Da i l y Exp ress " was on sa le , and on Monday "The

She f f i e l d Te leg raph " and " N o t t i n g h a m P o s t " a n d " N e w s " w e r e o n

s a l e . O n T u e s d a y morn ing "The T imes " and "She f f i e l d Te leg raph "

a r r i ved .

The c l o th i e r s and ou t f i t t e r s on Thu rsday announced t ha t t hey wou ld

c l ose a t t he f o l l ow ing t imes du r i ng t he cr is is - Monday, Tuesday and

Thursday 6 p.m. ; Wednesday 1 p .m . ; F r i day 7 p .m . and Sa tu rday 8 p .m .

A t ra in f r om Ches te r f i e l d t o T ren t and re tu rn was run o n F r i d a y a n d

S a t u r d a y o n t h e L . M . S . R a i l w a y . The L.N.E.R. ran th ree t ra ins each

way be tween No t t i ngham and Derby on F r i d a y , a n d o n S a t u r d a y f o u r

e a c h w a y . O n l y a f e w b u s e s ran a f t e r Tuesday , bu t on Sa tu rday two

ran t o De rby , one t o Ha l l am F ie l ds , two t o No t t i ngham and t h ree t o

Heano r . O n S a t u r d a y t h e p r i v a t e b u s o w n e r s m e t t h e S t r i k e

Commi t tee , and i t was a r ranged tha t on and f rom Monday , t he buses

cou ld r un f o r t he pu rposes o f t ak i ng peop le t o wo rk , and t he cond i t i on

was l a i d down t ha t t he passenge r mus t use t he same bus he used

be fo re t he s t r i k e . E v e r y t h i n g w a s q u i e t u p t o M o n d a y e v e n i n g . " 1

M a n y p e o p l e o f c o u r s e c o n t i n u e d t o w o r k . S h o p s , o f f i c e s a n d t h e h o s i e r y

i n d u s t r y w e r e a m o n g t h e m . O n e w i t n e s s r e c a l l s t h a t s h e w o r k e d f o r a h o s i e r y

f i r m i n N o t t i n g h a m , a n d t h a t t h e f i r m c o l l e c t e d a l l t h e i r I l k e s t o n w o r k e r s b y

c a r , t o o k t h e m t o N o t t i n g h a m a n d h e l p e d t o a r range l odg ings i n t he C i t y un t i l

t he buses ran aga in .

Those on s t r i ke d i d no t i n t e r f e re w i t h t hose no t on s t r i ke . T h e r e w a a a f e e l i n g

t h a t i t c o n c e r n e d o n l y t h e m s e l v e s a n d n o t o t h e r s . ( I t was this that f inal ly

defeated the miners. The railwaymen and lorry drivers continued to move the massive 1 Ibid., pp 2

55

stocks of coal already on the surface) This did not prevent those in work from

helping those on str ike. The concerts and other fund raising events were well

supported. In addition, the miners would draw chalk circles on the pavement on street

corners, and even outside the Town. If a passer-by went t h r o u g h the circle he

dropped ld . (½p) in to i t and the miners used th is to suppor t themselves. There

was no p ressure to go th rough the c i rc le , those unwi l l i ng o r unab le t o he lp ,

s imp ly passed by , bu t many de l i be ra te l y wen t t h rough and dropped money for

the miners.

W i t h i n I lkeston there w a s no real ly s e r i o u s trouble. Eleven men were f ined

between 5s. (25p) and £1 for s ink ing coal shaf ts on Corpo ra t i on p rope r t y , 1 one

m ine r was bound ove r t o keep the peace a f te r assau l t ing a ne ighbour 's w i fe ,

and two men had the i r case d i sm issed a f te r a f i gh t a t t he coa l p i ck ing a t

"Care fu l P i t " on Heanor Road , I l kes ton . 2 These were the mos t se r ious cases

c o n c e r n e d w i t h the d i s p u t e in I l k e s t o n . More serious were two attacks on buses, o n e

at Ripley and the o t h e r at K i m b e r l e y . At R ip ley on 11 t h May , 1926 , four m iners

s toned a bus car ry ing schoo l chi ldren, i n j u r i n g t w o of them. They were ja i led for

two months each. At K imber ley a miner put a t ree in the path o f a bus on 7 t h

May, 1926. He was sentenced to three months hard labour. 3 As "Robin Hood put it:

"…w i t h f ew excep t i ons , t he re has been a remarkab le absence o f tha t

in te r fe rence w i th the l i be r t ies o f the peop le wh ich have i n some p laces

had to be dea l t w i t h by the po l ice , and have brought cond ign

pun ishment on the offenders"4

And Jottings wrote:

“…the commendable att i tude exhibited by those now unemployed as a

resul t of the str ike. There has not been the sl ightest disturbance of the

peace…”5

1 “Petty Sessions”, Ilkeston Pioneer., 16th July, 1926., pp 32 “Petty Sessions”, Ilkeston Advertiser., 28th May, 1926., pp 23 Ibid., 28th May, 1926., pp 24 “Robin Hood”, Ilkeston Advertiser., 14th May, 1926., pp 15 “Jottings”, Ilkeston Pioneer., 7th May, 1926., pp 4

56

Mr. P.R. Sudbury, who was in charge of the emergency arrangements in the Borough informed the

"Pioneer" that no local office would be open for volunteers as none were required.1 The police

have no records of extra duties retarding the dispute, nor any recollection of such

extra dut ies, and the local Army regiment, The Worcestershire and Sherwood

Foresters Regiment, was abroad.. . . the 1st Battal ion i n N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d a n d t h e

2 n d B a t t a l i o n i n India. The Regimental Depot a t Derby "s tood to" but were never

dep loyed outs ide the Barracks. The Reg imen t ' s f ou r Te r r i t o r i a l Ba t t a l i ons we re

neve r embodied or employed on dut ies, a l though i t is bel ieved many of them

s igned on as Spec ia l Constab les, but again , were rare ly use.

Nea r l y a l l w i t nesses reca l l t ha t t he summer o f 1926 was unusua l l y w a r m a r e

s u n n y . Th is , they c la im, under l ined the "ho l iday" sp i r i t a t t h e time. Howeve r ,

r eco rds a t t he No t t i ngham Wea the r Cen t re i n d i c a t e t h a t 1926 was cons iderab ly

coo ler than the average 1 9 4 1 - 1 9 7 0 w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s s u n s h i n e b u t

a v e r a g e r a i n f a l l . T h e s e f i g u r e s d e m o t s u p p o r t t h e s u g g e s t i o n t h a t i t w a s

u n u s u a l l y d r y a n d w a r m . F igu res fo r l a te r i n t he yea r i nd i ca te a s im i l a r

pa t te rn .

M u c h o f t h e e n t e r t a i n m e n t , s p o r t s , c o n c e r t s , e v e n t s a n d f u n d r a i s i n g

c o n t i n u e d a f t e r t h e e n d o f t h e G e n e r a l S t r i k e , e n d i n g o n l y w i th the end ing o f

the Coa l D ispute in November 1926.

1 Ilkeston Pioneer., 7th May, 1926., pp 457

Chapter 11

AFTERWARDS

The Ilkeston Pioneer described the return to work as follows:

"There was only a moderate response amongst the Stanton Ironworks men on

Tuesday evening. In a statement to the press on Wednesday, Mr. E.J. Fox, the

Managing Director, said the works re-opened that morning and 600 men restarted work.

Orders were received on Wednesday afternoon from the Union Officials for

all men to return on Thursday

Although there was a tendency fot the buses to return to the streets before

the news that the strike was over was to hand, there was more act iv i ty very

soon after its receipt. The first Trent bus seen for over a week passed alone

Lord Haddon Road on Wednesday evening.

The rai lwaymen held a meeting at the Miners Welfare Hall on Wednesday

when the telegram call ing off the strike was read. Some of the local men

went to sign on that evening. There is, however, a hitch, as the company is

only able to absorb the men in small numbers, and they are inclined to take

up the att i tude that they all came out together and must all go in together.

On enquiring at the off ices of the Company when the Ilkeston tram service

was l ikely to resume running, we were informed on Thursday morning that

the men were then holding a meeting, and there was no definite information

available.”1

However, things were not all running smoothly. The furnaces at Stanton and Staveley

had been "damped down" and could take a long time to restart. The Directors of Stanton had

opened the works on 10th May, 1926, two days before the ending, of the strike in order to make

arrangements to re-open on 12th May except the furnaces, which they began to f ire on 13 t h May,

1926.2 The Stanton workmen decided to work through Whitsun to f i re the furnaces.

Three had been f i red by 21 s t May, and a fourth soon would be. 3 However, the works

1 “Strike Items”, Ilkeston Pioneer., 14th May, 1926., pp 22 Harman E.E.G., unpublished., pp 1743 Ilkeston Advertiser., 21st May, 1926., pp 1

58

were forced to close again on 19 t h June, 1926 when the Company's resources of fuel

became exhausted. The firm's Directors made arrangements to assist cases of

f inancial distress by al lowing the Assistant Managing Director and Secretary to make

grants, repayable upon resumption of work.1 Work began again in the Company's

col l ieries as early as 1 s t September, 1926. Most of the Derbyshire miners

employed by Stanton returned to work by the middle of October, 1926, fo l lowing

Mr. G e o r g e S p e n c e r ' s negotiat ions. The Not t inghamsh i re miners remained out

unti l November, when the N.F.G.B. conceded defeat and Mr. Spencer negot iated

their return to work. 2 Gradual ly the works returned to normal.

The fund ra i s ing concer t s , mee t ings , vo lun ta ry soup k i t chens , feed ing o f

necess i tous cases , the Mayors D is t ress Fund , the Co -ope ra t i ve Soc ie t y week l y

g ran t o f £ 25 wo r th o f vouche rs , f ancy d ress compet i t i ons e tc . , a l l con t inued

th roughout the coa l d ispu te . No rea l ly re l iab le f igures on the amount ra ised or

spent by the v a r i o u s agencies a p p e a r t o b e avai lable. T h e M a y o r s Distress

F u n d , w h i c h w a s s t a r t e d i n t h e f u l l g l a r e o f p u b l i c i t y , h a d d i s a p p e a r e d

w i t h o u t a s o u n d b y D e c e m b e r 1926. No records ex is t , and the only c lues about

i t s end ing is p rov ided by the records o f the Co-opera t ive S o c i e t y . On 7 t h

October, 1926 t h e y moved t o contribute t o the Mayors Fund fo r the week 12 t h

October , 1926 and then to rev iew the s i tua t ion . 3 On 14 t h October, they agreed

that contr ibut ions to the Distress Fund cease, 4 and on 26 t h October, 1926 they

agreed to ask for a Balance Sheet of the Mayors Dist ress Fund. 5 Unfor tunately, i t

is not recorded whether they received the Balance Sheet, nor does it st i l l exist i f

they did. But i t may be assumed f rom th is , that the Mayors Dist ress Fund was

wound down somet ime dur ing October 1926, at any rate before the Mayor,

Counci l lor Wol l iscrof t , was replaced by the n e w M a y o r , C o u n c i l l o r M a n n e r s , i n

N o vember.6

The Feeding Centres for Necess i tous Chi ldren were under a great s t ra in du r i ng

th i s pe r i od , end accu ra te f i gu res on cos t do no t now exist, o n l y e s t i m a t e s

r e m a i n . I n Apr i l , 1926, the Gladstone Street F e e d i n g C e n t r e p r o v i d e d 5 6

1 Harman E.E.G., unpublished., pp 1322 Ibid., pp 132 - 1333 General Committee Meeting Minutes of the Ilkeston Borough Council, 7th October, 19264 Ibid., 14th October, 19265 Ibid., 28th October, 19266 Ilkeston Advertiser., 12th November, 1926., pp 2

59

c h i l d r e n w i t h 1 , 8 9 9 m e a l s a t a t o t a l c o s t o f £30.9s.7d. (£30.38p). 1 Th is

inc luded the cos t o f t ranspor t ing t h e c h i l d r e n t o the C e n t r e . Between May and

O c t o b e r , 1 9 2 6 , t h e number of chi ldren fed and the number of meals provided, is

probably fair ly accurate, as each child was given a t icket or voucher which h e or she

exchanged f o r a meal, t h u s t h e s e could be c o u n t e d . However, t h e c o s t in e a c h

month is only e s t i m a t e d . Table 2 provides t h e f igures for the Coal Dispute period:

Table 2: Number of Children fed and meals provided and estimated cost between May and

October, 1926

Month Chi ldren Meals Est imated Cost

May 1,327 30,512 £350 2

June 846 25,914 £325 3

July/ August 457 36,396 £450 4

September 286 11,426 £175 5

October 216 6,389 £97 6

Total 3,132 110,637 £1,487

Table 2 indicates that the numbers of children being fed was fa l l ing consistent ly f rom a peak

in May, the month of the General Str ike. In November all the sub c e n t r e s w e r e

c l o s e d , leaving only t h e Gladstone Street Centre. There, in November 1 9 2 6 , 72

children were provided with 2,822 meals at an actual cost of £43.17s.9d. (£43.89p)

including t r a n s p o r t . 7 ( T h e G l a d s t o n e S t r e e t F e e d i n g C e n t r e c o n t i n u e d t o

p r o v i d e m e a l s f o r n e c e s s i t o u s c a s e s u n t i l W o r l d W a r I I w h e n o t h e r

c e n t r e s o p e n e d . T h e c o s t w a s s t i l l b e i n g m e t b y t h e E d u c a t i o n

C o m m i t t e e o f t h e I l k e s t o n B o r o u g h C o u n c i l . O n 2 0 t h M a r c h , 1 9 4 5 t h e

E d u c a t i o n C o m m i t t e e h e l d i t s l a s t m e e t i n g a n d o f f i c i a l l y p a s s e d a l l i t s

f u n c t i o n s o v e r t o t h e C o u n t y E d u c a t i o n C o m m i t t e e u n d e r t h e 1 9 4 4

E d u c a t i o n A c t , “ S c h o o l d i n n e r s ” f r o m t h e n o n b e c a m e a n a c c e p t e d , i f

n o t a c c e p t a b l e , p a r t o f s c h o o l l i f e . 8 As an e x a m p l e o f h o w l i t t l e was

known of the t rue cost o f feed ing the ch i ldren, the I lkeston Advert iser wrote that

1 Education Comittee Minutes in the Minutes of the Ilkeston Borough Council., 18th Mau, 1926., pp 2462 Ibid., 22nd June, 1926., pp 2813 Ibid., 15th July, 1926., pp 3174 Ibid., 21st September, 1926., pp 3495 Ibid., 19th October, 1926., pp 2856 Ibid., 23rd November, 1926., pp 337 Ibid., 16th December, 1926., pp 688 Ilkeston Borough Council Minutes, Education Committee., 20th March, 1945., pp 199 - 206

60

110,000 meals had been provided at a cost of "nearly £1,000", 1 since the start of

t h e i n d u s t r i a l troubles. From November 1926, the feeding centre was back to

normal . 2

The Poor Law Benef i ts administered by the Basford Poor Law Guardians was also in

serious trouble by the end of the dispute. By September 1926 the Guardians were forced to reduce

the level of benefits for wives from 12s. (60p) to 10s. (50p), leaving the children’s rate unchanged,3

and on 15th October 1926, they were so desperately short of money they were forced to suspend

payment altogether.4 This was not as disastrous for the recipient as might at first appear, because by

the middle of October most men in Ilkeston were back at work. The miners employed by Stanton and

Staveley Ltd had been drift ing back to work by the end of August, and production was

almost back to normal by mid-October,5 and the foundries at Stanton would begin as soon as the

supply of fuel restarted. The miners employed at Manor, Cossal and Trowell collieries, all returned to

work early in September.6 This return to work was despite, or possibly because of, the visit of

A.D. Cook, the leader of the M.F.G.B. to I lkeston.7 At th is meet ing, he was

apparent ly pushed and jost led by the crowd.

Many I lkestonians fel t completely let down by the str ike leaders. A g rea t many

peop le had su f fe red hardsh ip fo r a ve ry long t ime. A l though Mr . Spencer

managed to ga in good wages and cond i t i ons upon a return to work, m a n y

s t r i k e r s w e r e in v e r y d e e p debt. Money g iven by the Bas fo rd Guard ians had to

be repa id , as d id ha rdsh ip l oans made by Stanton to its employees; "slates" at local shops

and "pubs" had to he wiped off and "pop" still had to be re-claimed from the "pop shop". The

disillusion felt was highlighted by the pamphlet which was going round during September

1926 (See Plate 11, pp 12). The miners who had been leaving the area in small numbers before

the strike, left at the rate of between 6 and 10 e v e r y day. They would take al l their

wor ldly goods to I lkeston North rai lway stat ion on horse drawn wagons, transfer them

into railway boxcars, and move, with their entire family to the coalfields of South Yorkshire.

This decline can be clearly seen in the 1931 census which shows that Ilkeston had only 3,671 men in

1 Ilkeston Advertiser., 26th November, 1926., pp 42 Ibid., pp 43 Ibid., 20th September, 1926., pp 34 Ibid., 8th October, 1926., pp 15 Harman E.E.G., unpublished., pp 1326 Ilkeston Advertiser., 24th September, 1926., pp 37 Ibid., 27th August, 1926., pp 2

61

mining,1 compared with 5,130 in 1921,2 almost a third down in just ten years, whilst the

total population for I lkeston rose marginally in that time, standing at 32,813 in 1931.3

Membership of Trade Unions also declined following the strike, including unions

unaffected by the dispute. For example, membership of the Ilkeston Hosiery Union, which

had stood at 7,600 in 1921, had fal len by over a half in 1927 to 3,200. It fell still further, to

3,000, in 1933, and had begun to pick up to 4,000 by the outbreak of war in 1939.4

Since 1926, the coal industry in Ilkeston has all but completely disappeared. All the mines have

closed, by 1981 leaving only Shilo Opencast, on the opposite bank of the Erewash Canal to Ilkeston.

(See Plate 10, pp 11) Many Coal Pickers of the 1926 era claim that it was they who

proved the worth of shallow or opencast mining in the area when they dug the coal cut there. In

fairness, it must be admitted that there were no opencast mines in the county prior to 1926,

although there had been talk of starting a site near Ilkeston.5 Since the mid 1960's Stanton has

declined, and today is just a shadow of its former self, and, since the mid 1970's the hosiery industry

in the area has declined drastically. The town is in decline, and relies heavily upon small

industries and factories who are attracted to the town, partly by the ethics of the Ilkeston worker. He

is known as a hard worker, not afraid of an honest day’s work in return for an honest day’s pay, he is

unlikely to be in a union or to want to join one, and as 1926 showed, not afraid to "blackleg" or work

when others refuse.

Chapter 12

CONCLUSION

The leaders could, and probably did, expect more support from the workers of Ilkeston

than they received. However, the people of Ilkeston simply wanted to be left alone. Their

wages and conditions, though poor, were superior to the wages and condit ions of other

sections of industry around the country, and many felt it was ludicrous that they were being asked

to strike in order to achieve wages and conditions below those they already received. The

result was that the Ilkeston people felt that this was someone else's fight, not theirs, and no-one

really took it seriously. A holiday spirit prevailed during the ten days of the General Strike with

concerts, fairs and meetings. However, the majority of workers returned to work as quickly as

possible, many returning before the dispute was officially ended.

1 Census 1931, Population and Occupation Tables for Derbyshire., Table 17., pp 442 Census 1921, Population and Occupation Tables for Derbyshire., Table 16., pp 453 Census 1931, Population and Occupation Tables for Derbyshire., Table 2., pp 14 Gurnham R., 1976., Table 5:3, pp 1035 Ilkeston Advertiser., 2nd April, 1926., pp 4

62

During the Coal Strike following the General Strike, the miner’s spirits were generally high.

Many miners had savings or close family upon which they could draw for support. For

those without, agencies attempted to assist, including the miners unions, the Education Committee,

the Mayor, the Co-op, and many people sympathetic towards them. Sports Events, carnivals,

concerts, even parties were organised to help pass the time. But as with the General Strike, the

miners began to drift back to work long before the dispute was officially called off.

For most workers this reluctance to strike and urgency to return to work was for the

basest of reasons - money. Most Ilkeston workers in 1926 were relatively well rewarded

for their labour with, often, additional rewards for loyalty. They saw no reason, nor sense, in

killing the goose which lay the golden egg. In addition, most Ilkeston workers, although supporting

the Labour Party, and since 1922 returning a Labour Member of Parliament, 1 were somewhat

conservative, and their fear of radical changes was greater than their need for

improved wages and condit ions. To most I lkestonians the General Strike and Coal

Dispute was not the momentous polit ical or social event so beloved of the history

books. Rather it was a "pain in neck", an interlude which had to be endured and passed

through as quickly and painlessly as possible. What happened in I lkeston was not

part of history, rather i t was ant h istory. It was a whole town which, though obeying

union instructions "cocked a snook" at the world and got on with the business of

l iving their l ives in the way they wanted to l ive it.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ILKESTON PUBLIC LIBRARY

Books

Betty J.H., "English Historical Documents, 1906-1939" pub. Routledge and Kean Paul, London

1967

"Encyclopedia Britannica" pub. William Benton, London, 1970

Gadsby E., "Black Diamonds, Yellow Apples" pub. Scollins and Titford, Ilkeston, 1978

Griffin A.R., "Mining in the East Midlands, 1550-1947", pub. Frank Cass and Company

Limited, London, 1971

Gurnham R., "The Hosiery Union 1775-1976" pub. National Union of Hosiery and Knitwear

Workers, Leicester, 1976

Hargreaves C., "Fathers Derbyshire", pub. Morleys Bible and Bookshop Ltd., Ilkeston, 1978

1 Craig F.W.S., 1969., table 306., pp 32363

Scollins R. and Titford J. "Ey Up Mi Duck"., Part 1, pub. Scollins and Titford, Ilkeston,

1976

Smith R.F., "A History of Hallcroft School" pub. Morleys Bible and Bookshop Ltd.,

Ilkeston, 1971

Thomis M.I., "The Luddites" pub. David and Charles Archon Books, Newton Abbot,

Devon, 1970

Trueman E. and Marston R.Z., "History of I lkeston" pub. Pioneer Printing Co Ltd.,

Ilkeston,1899

Williams J.E., "The Derbyshire Miners" pub. George Allen and Unwin Ltd., London, 1962

Newspapers

"Ilkeston Advertiser" pub. Ilkeston Advertiser Ltd., Ilkeston

"Ilkeston Pioneer" pub. Pioneer Publishing Ltd., Ilkeston

Periodicals

Dunbar C.S., "Coal is the Spur" pub. in "The Commercial Motor", 23 April, 1954

"Ilkeston - Official Handbook" 7th ed., pub. J. Burrow and Co. Ltd., London. (bi-

annual)

"Stanton and Staveley News" pub. Stanton and Staveley Ltd., Ilkeston, Near

Nottingham. (monthly)

Reports

"Annual Health and School Medical Report for the Borough of Ilkeston, 1924" pub. Borough of

Ilkeston, Ilkeston, 1925

"Annual Health Report for the Borough of Ilkeston, 1972" pub. Borough of Ilkeston,

Ilkeston, 1973

Minutes

"Ilkeston Borough Council Monthly Meetings" Minutes pub. by Borough of Ilkeston,

Ilkeston

Consulted but not quoted

Hargreaves C., "Grandfathers Derbyshire- pub. Morleys Bible and Bookshop Ltd., Ilkeston,

1978

64

Lewis V., "The Iron Dale" pub. Stanton and Staveley Ltd., Ilkeston, Near Nottingham, 1959

"100 Years of Progress (1880-1980)" pub. National Union of Mineworkers (Derbyshire area),

Chesterfield, 1980

NOTTINGAM UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

Books

Arnot R.P., "The General Strike, May 1926, Its Origins and History" 2nd ed.,

pub. Augustus M. Kelly, New York, 1967

Craig F.W.S., "Bri t ish Parl iamentary Elect ion Results, 1918 -1949" pub.

Poli t ical Reference Publications, Glasgow,1969

Kee R., "General Strike Report" pub. Yorkshire Television Ltd., Leeds, 1976

Documents

"Census 1921" Population and Occupation Tables for Derbyshire, pub. H.M.S.O.,

London

"Census 1931" Population and Occupation Tables for Derbyshire, pub. H.M.S.D.,

London

"Hansard" pub. H.D1.E.O., London

"Registrar Generals Statistical Review of England and Wales, 1924" pub. H.M.S.O.,

London, 1925

Registrar Generals Statistical Review of England and Wales, 1972" pub. H.M.S.O.,

London, 1974

"Royal Commission on the Coal Industry, 1925" (Samuel Commission) Cmc.

2,600, pub. H.M.S.O., London, 1925

Micro-film

"The Mining Situation" Report of a Special Conference of Executive Committees,

29 Apri l-1 may, 1926, pub. T.U.C. General Council, London, 1926

"The Times" pub. Times Ltd., London

Special Collection

" B r i t i s h Gazette" pub. H.M.S.O., London, 1926

65

British Worker" pub. T.U.C. General Council, London, 1926

“Daily Graphic" pub. Graphic Publications Ltd., London, 1926

MANSFIELD N.U.M.

Books

Griff in A.R., "The Miners of Nottinghamshire, 1914-1944" pub. George Allen and

Unwin Ltd., London, 1962

Reports

Peake C.V., "Report on the Incidence and Control of Pneumoconiosis in the East

Midlands Coalf ields, 1935-1970. With Particular Reference to Harworth

Coll iery" unpublished report. Reproduced by permission of N.U.M., Mansfield

Minutes

"Derbyshire Miners Association" Minute Books, pub. M.F.G.B., London

"Miners Federation of Great Britain" Minute Books, pub. M.F.G.B., London

STANTON AND STAVELEY LTD

Harman E.E.G., "A History of Stanton and Staveley" unpublished paper. Reproduced by

permission of Stanton and Staveley Ltd.

CHESTERFIELD PUBLIC LIBRARY

"Derbyshire Times" pub. U. Edmunds Ltd., Chesterfield

ILKESTON CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETY LTD.

"Special Management Committee Meetings" Minute Books, unpublished. Reproduced by

permission of Ilkeston Co-operative Soc. Ltd.

"General Committee Meetings" Minute Books, unpublished. Reproduced by permission of

Ilkeston Co-operative Soc. Ltd.

"Weekly Management Committee Meetings" Minute Books, unpublished. Reproduced by

permission of Ilkeston Co-operative Soc. Ltd.

66

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Plates 1 – 6 Reproduced by permission of “Punch”

Plates 7 – 9 Reproduced by permission of Ilkeston Reference Library

Plate 10 Reproduced by permission of Lubbertus Fletcher

Plate 11 Reproduced by permission of Nottingham University Library

I would l ike to thank the following individuals and organisations for their help in the

preparation of this paper:

E.C. Pepperdine Nottingham Weather Centre

K.C. Allen Regimental H.Q. The Worcester and Sherwood Foresters

Regiment

J,S, Graser Ilkeston Co-operative Society

J.P. Whelan N.U.M. Mansfield

M Jobling Ilkeston Reference Library

A, Gilks Stanton and Stavely Ltd.

The Staff Nottingham University Library

The Staff Chesterfield Public Library

Ann and Ray Frost The Coffee Tavern, I lkeston

In addit ion, I would l ike to acknowledge the following individuals for their t ime, which

they gave freely

Mr. C. Hargreaves and Mr. and Mrs. Rigby for their help in arranging interviews

Miss K. Beardsley, Mrs. L. Hooley, Mr. and Mrs. Baker, Mr. I . Straw, Mr. C.F.

Adcock, Mr. E. Rostock M.B.E., J.P., Mrs. E. Straw, Mr. A. Fletcher, Mr. and Mrs.

Eaton, Mr. and Mrs. Jordan, for their t ime and memories

Mrs. P.J. Fletcher, for correcting and typing this paper

The Nott ingham University Photographic Department for copying and binding.

Finally, I would l ike to thank all those who I have missed cut, those who gave me

help but who, for a variety of reasons, would not give me their names, and especially

to those who attempted to help, but whose health or memories simply were not up to

the task.

67