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TheHero’sMother:LottaSvärdandmediatedmemoriesTheDynamicsofCulturalBorders,Volume6intheseriesApproachestoCultureTheory.AnuKannike&MonikaTasa(eds).MerjaEllefsonInstitutionenförkultur-ochmedievetenskaperUmeåuniversitet
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Abstract.Thischapterexplorestheretrospectivemeaningmakingofthe1918FinnishCivil
War,adramaticruptureinthecountry’shistory.Theaimistostudyhowthewarandpre-
waractivitieswereperceived,describedandrememberedbytheLottaSvärdorganisation.
Lotta Svärdwas born out of bourgeoiswomen’s desire to help theWhite Army and the
voluntaryauxiliarydefenceorganisationSuojeluskunnat(theWhiteGuards)1.Lottagroups
wereinitiallysubordinatedtolocalSuojeluskuntaunitsandbecameaseparateorganisation
in1921.Duetoitspopularityandsize,LottaSvärdplayedanimportantroleinshapingthe
nationalconsciousnessandmemoriesofthe1918war.Theorganisationisofgreatinterest,
since,overtheyears,Lottashavebothlostandregainedtheirgoodreputation.
The material consists of the Lotta Svärd magazine and Lotta pages in the military
magazinesSuomenSotilas,SuojeluskuntalaisenlehtiandHakkapeliitta in theperiod1919‒
1939.As theWinterWarbeganon30November1939,memoriesof the1918war faded
into the background. Much of remembering (and forgetting) is socially motivated, since
memoriesneed tobe communicated (Cubitt2007;Fentress&Wickham1992).However,
the early wartime experiences shaped the Lotta organisation’s activities, membership
requirements,ideologyandsenseofbelonging.Lottapagesandmagazinesoftendescribed
individual members’ experiences and contributions to the national struggle. Texts were
typicallywrittenfromthepointofviewof‘us’or‘I’,meaningthattheindividualwasalways
positionedasservingtheorganisationandtheFatherland.The1918warwas‘keptalive’by
variousrituals,involvingsacralisationoftheNation,forexampleflagraisingorvisitstowar
cemeteries.Sucheventswerealsodescribedinthemagazines,meaningthattherewasan
element of anniversary journalism (Kitch 2007; 2008). In the process these ritualswere
turnedintoLottarituals.
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Introduction
This chapter examines how the Finnish Lotta Svärd organisation remembered andmade
sense of the 1918 Civil War and the pre-war experiences. The focus is on mediated
memories, not onwhat ‘really’ happened. How thewar is recalled reveals the speaker’s
politicalaffiliation.CivilWar (Fi.sisällissota) isaneutral term,mainlyusedbyhistorians.
ThevictoriousWhiteside,LottaSvärdincluded,alwaysspokeof“theLiberationWar”(Fi.
vapaussota). Hence, in this chapter Civil War or 1918 war is used for the event itself,
whereasLiberationWarmarkstheLottaview.
ThebirthoftheFinnishnation-statewasaviolentanddramaticrupture.TheRussian
Empirecollapsed,theBolsheviksorchestratedtheOctoberRevolutionandFinlanddeclared
independenceon6December1917.TheFinnishcivilwarendedon16May1918withthe
White Army’s victory parade in Helsinki. That summer special treason courts were
established to dealwith the Reds, some ofwhom already been sentenced in field courts
(Roselius 2009; 2013). Women on both sides were involved in the war, but their
involvementwasjudgeddifferently.
Although Lotta Svärd was formally registered in 1921, it was born in 1918 out of
bourgeoiswomen’sdesiretohelptheWhiteArmy.ManyLottapioneerscamefromfamilies
inwhichbothsexeshadparticipatedintheresistanceagainsttheRussificationpoliciesat
the turn of the century. During the war, women assisted the White Army by cooking,
nursing,sewing,etc.AnnikaLatva-Äijö(2004)sayssomewomen’swishtofightcreatedan
instantfuroreandwomenwereforbiddenfromcarryingarms.
The Red women, on the other hand, received military training and the White’s
judgmentagainstthemwasharsh.SimplyworkingasanurseoracookfortheRedGuards
could lead to a longprison sentence.The “pant guardists” (Fi.housukaartilaiset) or “wolf
bitches” (Fi. susinartut), armed women wearing men’s trousers, were perceived as
monstrouswomenandriskeddeathsentences.Somewereshotonthespot(Hakala2006;
Hoppu2008;Pekkalainen2011).Theyvanishedfromthenation’scollectivememoryuntil
thelate1990s.AsPaulConnerton(1989;2009),JamesFentressandChrisWickham(1992)
pointout,bothrememberingandforgettingaresociallymotivated.Womenandwarisoften
a controversial topic. As Sofie Strandén’s (2010) interviews with Lottas, nurses and
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veteransshow,evenLottas lost theirgoodreputationduringWWII,althoughdisciplinary
problemswererare,asshownbyVilhoLukkarinen(1981). Itwasnotuntil thechangeof
politicalclimateinthe1990sthatLottaSvärdwasre-evaluated.
The name Lotta Svärd comes from Johan Ludwig Runeberg’s poem “Lotta Svärd”
about a woman who followed her husband to the Finnish War in 1809 and, after her
husbanddied,stayedamongthetroopslookingafterthemwithmotherlylove.Lottassaw
thepoem’sLottaasarolemodel.
The material consists of articles published in the Lotta pages in three military
magazines,andtheLottaSvärdmagazine,from1919to1939.Thedate30November1939
marksanotherviolentrupture,theWinterWar,andanewphaseinLottahistory.Thefirst
obituariesoffallenLottasappearedintheDecemberissue.Newheroesandmythsbeganto
emerge,andworshipoftheLiberationWarfadedintothebackground.The16MayWhite
Victory Celebration disappeared and Lotta Svärd was ordered to abolish the ‘socialist
paragraph’forbiddingLeftistwomenfromseekingmembership.DuringWWIILottaSvärd’s
membershiprosefromroughly100,000toaround240,000people,LottaGirlsincluded,ata
timewhenFinlandhadlessthanfourmillioninhabitants.
TheLiberationWarappearedroutinelyinvarioustypesoftext.Myfocusisonstories
about women’s contributions to the war and national struggle during the Russification
period.Textsthatdonotmentionwomen’sinvolvementatallareexcluded.Thetwoseries
of articles called Hero’s Mother and PatrioticWomen are included in-so-far-as the texts
refer to war or pre-war activities. Both series are rather impersonal presentations of
womenwhohaddonesomethingadmirableorwhosesonshadbeensoldiers.Presentations
of heroes’ mothers consisted mainly of a headshot and a short biography. Occasionally
several mothers were presented in the same article. Commemorative articles were
published particularly during anniversaries related to districts, local Lotta units or key
historical events. Especially important years were 1933 and 1938, the fifteenth and
twentieth anniversaries of the Liberation War, as well as year 1934, the Jaegers’ (Fi.
Jääkärit)twentiethanniversary2.Thestudiedarticlesaregenerallyfairlylong,onepageor
more.
BarbieZelizer(2008),CarolynKitch(2007;2008),JillEdy(1999)andEyalZandberg
(2010) speak of journalism’s memory work and how journalists function as social
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storytellers.TheLottaandmilitarymagazinesservedthesamefunctionbutweregenerally
not producedbyprofessional editorial offices. Theywere voices of specific organisations
andtheirmemoryworkstemmedfromaparticularpointofviewandexperiences. Itwas
consequentlymoreimportanttotellthe‘right’storythantotellthewholestory.
Memoriesmustbe articulated, but they arenot limited solely towords (Fentress&
Wickham 1992; Cubitt 2007). They can be preserved in both speech and rituals, for
exampleWwarcemeteries,orheroes’graves(Fi.sankarihaudat)were importantmemory
sites. Lottas looked after the graves and provided help for White veterans. Rituals
performedatthegraveyardsandnationalmonumentsarevisibleinthemagazines,butless
so in the studied articles,which focus onwomen’s activities before andduring the 1918
war.
ThefoundationofLottaSvärd,LottapagesandtheLottamagazine
AstheLiberationWarended,theWhiteArmywasnotofficiallydemobilised.Instead,itwas
reorganised into the regular army and a voluntary auxiliary paramilitary group called
Suojeluskunnat,theWhiteGuards.ExistingLottagroupswereinitiallysubordinatedtolocal
White Guard units, but the explosive increase of Lotta groups soon led to organisational
disarray.Latva-Äijö(2004)discussesatlengthLottaSvärd’searlyyears,itsorganisational
tiestotheWhiteGuardsandtheHighCommand’sattemptstocope.Itisnotpossibletogive
an exhaustive account of all the disputes in this article. However, in the end, theWhite
GuardHigh Command imposed a solution on the Lotta groups. By order of the Supreme
Commanderon27January1921,LottaSvärdwastobeseparatedfromtheWhiteGuards
and given its own chairman (Latva-Äijö 2004; Lukkarinen 1981; Kataja 1986; Pirhonen
1979).TheordertookeffectasofMarchthatyear,andasaresultcommonstatuteswere
acceptedandaCentralBoardnominated.
Throughout the 1920s, the Central Board struggled to consolidate its position and
convincelocalgroupstoadoptitsrules,uniformsandroutines.SincethenameLottaSvärd
wasregistered,localgroupseitherhadtojointhecentralorganisationorfindanewname.
Lottaworkwasorganisedintosections,coveringtasksconsideredsuitableforwomen3.In
1928FanniLuukkonen,theLottaleaderfromSortavalaintheKareliandistrict,waselected
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chairmanoftheCentralBoardandremainedinthatpositionuntil1944,whenLottaSvärd
andtheWhiteGuardswereabolishedunderthepeacetreatywiththeSovietUnion.Under
Luukkonen’s leadership, Lotta Svärd developed into the country’s largest women’s
organisation, within which the Lotta Girls got their own unit, in 1931 (Latva-Äijö 1998;
Seila1972;Bäckström1993).
LottaSvärdneededaway to communicatewith the increasingnumberofmembers
andgroupslocatedaroundthecountry.Duringthe1920s,Lottashadneitherthemeansnor
thewish to start their ownmagazine. Lottaswere hesitant to competewith themilitary
magazinespopularamongLottaandWhiteGuardistfamiliesandthusriskthesemagazines’
survival. Instead, Lottas wrote for Suomen Sotilas (Finland’s Soldier) and
Suojeluskuntalaisenlehti (WhiteGuardistMagazine),renamedtoHakkapeliitta in1926. In
themid-1920sLottasgottheirowncolumninSuojeluskuntalaisenlehti.SuomenSotilasand
the more radical Suojeluskuntalaisen lehti were founded in 1919. All Lotta and White
Guardistmagazinescloseddownin1944,whileSuomenSotilasstillexists.
The first magazines produced by the Lottas themselves were Christmasmagazines
published by local associations before the organisation was officially registered (Kotila
1993;Latva-Äijö2004).TheseChristmasmagazineswereanimportantsourceofincometo
theLottasandin1922theCentralBoardtookovertheirpublication.AsLottaSvärdgrew,it
also outgrew the column space available in the military magazines. Despite continuing
resistance,thefirstsampleissueofLottaSvärdmagazinewaspublishedinDecember1928.
Lotta leaders felt that the family andwomen’smagazines of the time had given up
uplifting,patrioticcontent.LottaSvärdwastobe“apatrioticwomen’smagazinethatcould
also be read by patrioticwomen outside Lotta Svärd”with the purpose of strengthening
“thementalitythatguaranteeslifeandpeaceinourcountry,aswellthemoralposture,the
willtostayfree, independent,andtheeducationinself-preservationandnationaldefence
amongwomenandinFinnishhomes”(LS1928,1‒2).
The aimwas thus to reach awider audience, not only its ownmembers. Laternew
magazines were founded, although Lotta Svärd remained the flagship. Pikkulotta (Little
Lotta)wasfoundedin1938,andrenamedLottatyttö(LottaGirl)in1943.DuringtheWinter
War (1939‒1940) Lottas had little time for journalistic efforts, although during the
ContinuationWar(1941–1944)aSwedishversionofLottaSvärdmagazinewasfounded,as
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well asFlicklottan (LottaGirl inSwedish).A freemagazine,Kenttälotta(FieldLotta),was
publishedspecificallyfortheLottasonactivedutyinawiderangeoftasks.
18to22issuesofLottaSvärdwerepublishedperyearincontinuouspagination,with
between 292 and 376 pages per year. At the end of the year all articleswere organised
thematically in a separate list of contents. The thematic categories were Lotta work,
religion, society, general topics, stories, memoirs, person portraits, literary reviews,
handicraft and information.Althoughpartiallyoverlapping content-wise, these categories
remainedthesameovertheyears.
Thedecentprofitof theChristmasmagazinesmayhavecreatedunrealistic financial
expectationsand theLottaSvärdmagazine’shumble turnoverwasadisappointment (see
circulationdatainFigure1).Sincethefounderslackedjournalisticexperience,theydidnot
realise thatpatriotic themeswere absent in the commercialwomen’smagazinesbecause
therewas nomarket for them. Although themagazinewas sold at newsstands, itsmain
sourceof revenuewassubscribers,andunfortunatelymanymemberscouldnotafford to
buy it.While the leadership initiallymay have hoped for better revenue,money had not
been the primary reason for starting Lotta Svärd. It was a tool for disseminating Lotta
ideology,spreadingorganisationalinformation,informingmembersaboutpracticalmatters
andgettingfeedbackfromthefield.
Figure 1. Circulation of Lotta Svärd and the Christmas magazines per year (Kotila1993).
LottaSvärd Joululotta Jullottan1929 9119 35639 165401930 7195 35778 160411931 7233 32951 152491932 8180 32360 147841933 10469 35429 144041934 12100 41837 147941935 12722 41 788 14 750 1936 12 593 45000 150001937 13313 47 229 14 586 1938 * 51275 146561939 * 41188 12584*Noinformationavailable.
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Since the organisation had approximately sixty-four thousand members in 1929 and
slightly over one hundred thousand in 1939, the circulation of theLottaSvärdmagazine
was modest. Subscribers came mainly from the more affluent southern districts. The
magazine hadmore readers than subscribers, which did not improve its income. It was
customary,forexample,toreaditaloudduringworkevenings.
Lottamagazineswere runby editorial boards consistingofmembers of theCentral
Board, sectionanddistrict leaders,meaning that there couldbeno conflictsbetween the
organisation’sgoalsand themagazine’s journalistic integrity (Kotila1993; cfÅker1998).
The boards were stable and people resigned only for personal reasons. In reality the
editorialsecretarieswereinchargeofthework.VeraLinkomies,wifeofawell-knownhigh-
ranking conservative politician, was Lotta Svärd’s editorial secretary until 1940 when
Valma Kivitie took over the position. Both women had previous journalistic experience,
whichwas unusual. In 1935 a typist, and five years later a clerk,were hired to help the
editorial secretary. The tram itself did not produce the content. Instead, suitable
contributors had to be found for each issue, for example military pastors, officers,
politicians, academics, and popular male and female authors or poets. There were few
advertisements and they had to be suitable, meaning no ads for tobacco or alcohol.
Advertisementswereusuallyplacedonthelastpage.
BothLottaleadersandordinarymemberswroteforthemagazine.HiljaRiipinen,the
firsteditorinchief,oftenwrotearticlesherself.Memberswereencouragedtosubmittheir
own texts, for example throughwriting competitions. Lotta districts had correspondents
writingaboutlocalactivities.DuringtheannualLottaDaysin1930,theeditorialsecretary
gaveanevaluationofthemagazine’sfirstyearandexplicitlyaskedformorecontributions
fromthedistricts,includingarticlesaboutheroes’mothers(LS1930,132‒134).TheLotta
archive contains many letters, in which the writers confess that they would have never
dared to send their stories elsewhere, and that they trusted “their ownmagazine”.Most
authorswerewomen, only about eight percentageweremale. However, therewere also
amplenumbersofunsignedtexts;usuallyinstructions,officialinformationorpresentations
ofmembers, leaders, etc. Initials and pseudonyms, like “Iwas there too”, “field Lotta” or
“Lotta’shusband”,werealsoused.
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In1936theCentralBoardtookafirmergripofthemagazine.HiljaRiipinenwasfired
andChairmanFanniLuukkonenbecamethe formaleditor-in-chief.Riipinenwascordially
thankedforherservicesandshewasaskedtocontinuehergoodworkinothertaskswithin
the organisation (LS1936, 114).According to the official explanation,Riipinen couldnot
continue as the editor-in-chief because sheno longerbelonged to theCentralBoard.The
Lotta archive contains angry letters protesting against Riipinen’s dismissal with some
membersevencancellingsubscriptionsasaresult.
TherealreasonwasRiipinen’spoliticalopinions.DuetotheLiberationWarheritage
radicalright-wingattitudeswereacceptableandmainstreamuntilthemid-1930s.Thenin
1932 the Mäntsälä rebellion, in which even White Guardists had been involved, failed4
leading to an official crackdown. The political turmoil quietened down, but Riipinen
remainedasfarrightasever.ShewasoneofthefoundersandmembersofParliamentfor
theright-wingIsänmaallinenkansanliitto(PatrioticPeople’sFront)party.However,despite
herdismissalshecontinuedtobealeadingfigureintheLottaorganisation.
Nationandremembering
According to Maurice Halbwachs (1992), collective memory binds individuals’ personal
memories together.While individualmemoriesmay differ, they are nevertheless part of
group memory, and remembering itself is typically done in shared social and cultural
contexts. Fentress and Wickham (1992) think Halbwachs overemphasises the collective
nature of social consciousness. They speak instead of a social memory that identifies a
groupandgives itasenseof itspastand future.BarbaraMisztal (2003),however,points
out that even Halbwachs saw collectivememory asmultiple, since different groupsmay
havedifferentmemories.
Lotta Svärd represented experiences andmemories thatwere specific for a certain
generation and segment of society, despite the existence of counter-memories. The Reds
hadtheirownviewofthe1918war.The‘collectiveness’ofLottamemoriesisthusamatter
ofdefinition.AapoRoselius(2009)saysmoreRedsdiedinthewar’sviolentaftermaththan
duringfighting,afactthatwasatthetimelabelledmalevolentagitation.TheReds’pointof
view,post-wartreasoncourts,prisoncampsandexecutionswereabsentfromLottatexts.
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Lottasfocusedinsteadonthegoodworkdonebythepatriots.
Nationisbothanimaginedandamnemoniccommunity.Itisimaginedsincefeelings
of togetherness are created between distant others (Anderson 1993; Ekecrantz 1998).
Hobsbawm(2012)speaksof inventionoftraditionandSmith(1991)seesnationbuilding
mainlyasareconstructionofitsethniccoreandintegrationofitsculturewiththemodern
state.Anation,nevertheless,sharesacollectivename,mythofcommonancestry,historical
memories, culture, system of ideas, specific homeland and a sense of solidarity (Gellner
1997; Smith 1991). The Finnish national awakening began in the 1840s and became
increasinglypoliticalduringtheYearsofRepression(1899-1905and1908-1917),meaning
thatmanyLottapioneerswerepoliticallyactiveduringthenation’sformativeyears.Female
activismpartlycontributedtotheacceptanceofuniversalsuffragein1906.
Lottasparticipatedintheconstructionofanationalidentityandanacceptablepast,as
wellastheappropriateinterpretationofkeyhistoricalevents.MiikaSiironen(2012)says
Lotta Svärd and the White Guards were White Finland’s most important symbols and
organisationalcore.LottaSvärditselfcouldbeseenasanimaginedcommunity.Despiteits
sizeandgeographicalspread,memberssharedafeelingoftogetherness, fosteredthrough
publications,annualLottaDays, ideologicaleducationandpracticalwork.Believing inthe
common cause was linked to working for the common cause. Mosse (1975) speaks of
longing for uplifting, extraordinary experiences, typical for both religious cults and the
secularreligionofpolitics.InLottatexts,theFatherlandwasGod’screation,meaningthat
religiositywasintertwinedwithpatriotism.Thiscombinationgavethemundaneworkthat
thewomendidadeepermeaning,anauraofsanctity.CookingfortheWhiteGuardswasnot
justaboutcooking.Itwasaboutparticipatinginajointeffortofdefendingandservingthe
Fatherland.
Lottas aimed to honour and preserve the memory of activist women. This
commemorative effort becamemore systematic and intentional over the years. The first
autobiographicalstoriesappearedin1919,althoughthepublicationofValkoinenkirja(The
WhiteBook)in1928wasamoreconsciousefforttomakeuseofwomen’sexperiences.The
book’sstoriesresemblethosepublishedinthemagazinesandarethereforenotincludedin
the analysis. The “Hero’s Mother” series was another attempt to collect women’s
experiences. Itspurpose, introduced in theLottaSvärd’s sample issue inDecember1928,
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wasasfollows:
ThepatriotismthatparticularlytheYearsofRepressionhadawakenedintheFinnish
people,burnedstrongly intheheartof theFinnishmother.Thisspiritual fire left its
markonthewholehousehold,andtheyouthwhogrewupinthefamily.Inthisway,
FinnishmothersplantedinthemindsoftheirsonslovefortheFatherland,lovethatin
the moment of destiny turned into heroic deeds. Since we Lottas believe that the
memory of these bravemothers ‒motherswho for the freedom of the Fatherland
manytimessacrificedtheirsons,theirlives’onlysourceofjoyandsafety‒needsto
bepreservedso that thesewomenbecomerolemodels for thenewgenerations,we
willpublishinthepagesofLottaSvärdmagazineshortstoriesoftheirlivesandnoble
workaseducators(LS1928,6).
Thearticleserieswastobeseenas“wreathshonouringthesemothers,whohadsacrificed
somuch”,andasanattempttopreservetheirmemoryforfuturegenerations.The“moment
ofdestiny”was theLiberationWarand theherowas thesonwhodiedorwaswounded.
Thekeywordshereare‘rolemodels’,‘memory’,‘sacrifice’and‘heroicdeeds’.Heroismand
sacrificewillbediscussedinthenextchapters.
According to Kitch (2007, 34) photographs are memory objects that “allow their
ownerstorecallandregainthecontextofwhichtheywereonceapart”.Thetextshadfew
photographs.Attimespicturesandtextdidnotmatch.Forexample,apictureofasmiling
youngwomanwith ammunition beltswrapped aroundherwaist appears in at least two
stories, neither of which is about her. One of the stories is written by twowomenwho
sharedtheirexperienceofvisitingaRussianarmybarrackstobuyweapons(LS1938,131).
Theytiedammunitionbeltsandacoupleofrifles to theirwaists,coveredthemwith long
overcoats,andwalkedoutwithoutbeing frisked.Theprimarypurposeof thepicturewas
thus to evokememories of thewar andwartime activities, not to illustrate that specific
story.
Another such example is the photograph in Tekla Hultin’s article about the 1905
general strike (LS 1930, 249). It shows a large crowd singingMaamme laulu (later the
national anthem)at the Senate Square inHelsinki as the strike ended. The squarewas a
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mnemonicsiteandasitefornationalrituals.AstatueofTsarAlexanderII, theuniversity,
thecathedralandtheSenateofFinlandwerelocatedthere,andin1904GovernorGeneral
BobrikovwasshotdeadthereonhiswaytoaSenatemeeting.HultinmentionsBobrikov,
butinsteadofsayinghehadbeenmurdered,shestatesthat“heleftoffice”.Riipinen’sarticle
aboutthe1930peasantmarchhasasimilarphoto,asthemarchalsoendedatthesquare
(LS1930,161).
Theimportanceofbeingactive:Memoriesofdoing
Lottatextstypicallyfocusondoingsomething.Iftheauthorhaddonenothingspecial,she
eithersoundsapologeticorcreatesa feelingofparticipation.Forexample,MailaTalvio,a
well-knownauthorandwriterofLottastories,wrotealongstoryaboutlifeinRedHelsinki
in spring 1918 (LS 1938, 130‒132). She confesses that shewas not involved in thewar
effortatallandwhenaRedGuardpatrolinspectedherhandbag,itonlycontainedapieceof
hardryebread.Yet,bydescribingherownthoughtsandobservations,themoodamongher
friends and the Whites’ general feeling of uncertainty, she nevertheless places herself
withinanon-goingdrama.
AlthoughsomeLottapioneershadbeenmembersofNaiskagaaliduringtheYearsof
Repression,itwasrarelymentioned.NaiskagaaliwasasisterorganisationtoKagaali,both
foundedtoorganisepassiveresistanceandspreadforbiddenleafletsandpublications.Only
onetext,writtenbyaformermember,focusesonit.Shedescribesthecommonfeelingsof
danger,importance,sisterhoodandtrust,andthejoyofworkingforacommoncause.She
mentionsmeetings, contactpeople in thecountryside, the importanceof collecting funds,
theneedtokeepthemoneyboxesandpeople’snamessafeandthefrightevenfalsealarms
of police raids created. She also praises the leading figures Dagmar Neovius and Tekla
Hultin. (LS 1937, 289‒290) Both women were journalists and members of Parliament.
Althoughthetextdoesnotprovideanydetails,itshowstheimportanceofparticipation.
Anothersuchexample isa storyaboutCountessMannerheim,a relativeofMarshall
Mannerheim. Her admirable deed was to organise a concert that the Tsarist authorities
closeddownas toooppositionaland later tostandbyherhusbandwhowasdeportedby
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GovernorGeneralBobrikov.EllenSvinhufvud,thepresident’swife,iscalled“heroLotta”for
thesamereason.ShefollowedherhusbandintoexileinSiberia,wherehewasdeporteddue
tohisnationalistactivities(LS1932,84‒85;1938,312‒314).Althoughthesewomenonly
sharedtheirhusband’sfate,theyareframedasthestories’heroines.
Severalarticlesmemorialiseactivistwomen’sassistancetoTheJaegerMovement(Fi.
jääkäriliike). Jaegers were patriotic youngmen, who left Finland for military training in
Germany. Some served in theGerman army inWorldWar I.When the FinnishCivilWar
began,theyreturnedhomeandjoinedtheWhiteArmy.Thearticlesspeakofknittingsocks
andsendingparcelstoJaegersorassistingmenontheirwayoutofthecountry.Acoupleof
textsfeatureSaaraRampanen,calledtheJaegers’nurse(LS1931,52‒53;1934,313;1937,
28).ShelaterwroteabookaboutherexperiencesattheEasternfront.Asecondnurse,Ruth
Munck, became a Lotta leader,whereasRampanen emigrated toCalifornia. These stories
showhowwomenplayedasmallroleeventheEasternFront.
Commemorative articles fromLottadistrictswere fairly impersonal andprovided a
general overview of the first years of these districts. The districts explained whether
women had been involved in the Jaeger Movement and passive resistance, or had first
joined the struggle during the Liberation War. The work women did during the war is
brieflylisted,whereaslargescaleoperations,suchasorganisinglinen,clothesandfoodfor
thousands ofmen in provisional recruiting and training centres, are described at length.
Smallprivatecontributions,suchasapairofhand-knittedsocksdonatedbyapoorwoman,
arealsomentioned.Somearticlesquoteunnamedfront-linesoldiers,whogivethanks for
all the help they received and express admiration for thewomenwhobrought themhot
coffeeandcomfortevenunderfire.
These textsall showtheprideLottas felt for their involvement.Themainpointwas
theirparticipation,ratherthantheextentornatureofit.Itwasimportanttodosomething,
nomatter how little. The feeling of pride ismore tangible in the autobiographical tales,
wherethelanguagealsotendstobemoreemotional.Thesestoriesdescribebothpersonal
accomplishments and the joy of having been part of something exceptional, something
greaterthanoneself(cfMosse1975).
Lottasspeakincollectiveterms.Theuseof‘we’and‘us’makeseventheoccasional‘I’
part of the collective. At times, instead of the grammatically correct conjugation of the
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predicate,apassiveformisusedtogetherwiththepronoun‘we’.Thisistypicalforspoken
Finnishandgivesthetextaninformaltone.Inatextthismayeitherbeasignoftheauthor’s
inexperience inwriting, or awayof highlighting the joint effort. TheFinnishpassivehas
neitheragentnorformalsubject,whichshiftsthefocustodoingandtotheendresult,(for
example,soldierswerefed).Thus“thedoer”becomesirrelevant.
Perceptionsofcausesandeffects,friendsandfoes
LottaSvärdsawwomen’sparticipationintheresistanceagainstRussificationasaprelude
tothevoluntaryworkcarriedoutduringandaftertheLiberationWar.Activitiesindifferent
periodsoftimeareintertwinedinthemediatedmemoriesandformachainofcausesand
effects.Although the commemorative articlesdonot explicitlydiscuss causes andeffects,
Russificationwasimplicitlypresentedasthecausefornationalawakening.Thecountryhad
tobeliberatedfromRussiansandtheirhenchmen,whichledtotheLiberationWar.Infact,
thenationalawakeningbeganinthe1840swiththefirstdividinglinebasedonthequestion
oflanguage.Russificationbeganin1899andcreatednewdividinglines.LottaSvärdsteered
awayfromlanguagesquabblesbyadoptingofficialbilingualism.Lottatextsdonotdiscuss
thepreviousdominanceofSwedishortheroleoftheSwedish-speakingelite.Thematteris
mentionedinpassinginonearticle(LS1937,289‒290).
Thesemediatedmemories are fragmented; unsuitable details are excluded and key
patriotic events appear as part of Lotta history. A speech given at the 10th anniversary
celebrationofSuonenjokiLottaorganisationisaprimeexample.Thespeakerremindedthe
audience of the 1899 February manifesto, how the Russians had “purported to destroy
Finland’sancientandpreciousconstitution”andhowthepeoplesoughttoprotect“thelaws
of the country by lawfulmeans” (LS 1929, 209‒210). The “lawfulmeans”was the Great
Petition:nearlyhalfamillionsignatureswerecollectedinlessthantwoweeks,mainlyby
skiingtoeventheremotestvillages.Thespeakerrecalledsigningthepetitionanddepicted
itasasolemn,almostholymoment.Sheexplainedhoweventhepoorestpeasantslearned
towrite theirnames just for theoccasionandhowdisappointedeveryonewaswhen the
Tsarrefusedtoseethedelegation.Shethusimpliesthatdespitetheregime’sillegalactions
15
the Finnswere still loyal to the Tsar and that the loss of loyaltywas Russia’s fault. She
emphasised the feeling of national unity and the enthusiasm that arose from theproject.
Theworkingclasswasnotyetanenemy,althoughshedoesnotsaysoaloud.
AKarelianLottapresentsasimilarchainofcause(oppression)andeffect(activism):
Thestruggle for independenceduring the lastyearsofTsarist reignhad thoroughly
awakened Karelia. The oppression of the Russian authorities and later the united,
senseless brutality of the Red Russians in their own negative way hastened and
ensuredtheendresult.AnactivistmovementwasborneveninKarelia.[...]InVyborg
femaleactivistshadorganizedthefirstcollectionoffundsinwinter1916andbegan
makinglinen,socksandglovesfortheJaegersandforfutureuse(LS1938,38).
ThetextlinksRussianoppression,nationalawakening,activism,femaleactivismandLotta
Svärd.CallingtheRedGuards“RedRussians”divides“trueFinns”(Whites)andthosewho
gave up their Finnishness by joining the Reds. This is, however, an unusual example of
dehumanisation of the enemy. Lottas seldom wrote of the Reds. The speaker also
convenientlyequatesallRussianswithReds.
Thegeneralstrikein1905isanotherexample.OnlyTeklaHultincommemoratesthe
25th anniversary of the strike, “the greatest and most efficient demonstration in our
country and the perhaps most complete and largest strike that has ever taken place
anywhere” (LS1930,249‒251). Interestingly, shedoesnothesitate to thank theworking
classmovementforstartingthestrikeanddoinganexcellentjobinorganisingit.Shealso
emphasisesthenationalunityagainstRussificationanddownplaysthedifferencesbetween
theradicalworkingclassmovementandcautiousbourgeoispoliticalgroups.Shepresents
themainpartiesas theFinnsand theRussians.Hultin,partof theConstitutionalpolitical
group, described the Finnishdelegation’smeetingwith theGovernorGeneral, Lieutenant
General Obolenski. Her story places humble, modest and sincere Finns against a grand,
arrogant representative of the Russian Empire. Hultin’s text nevertheless ends with a
warningagainstnationaldiscord.TheNovemberManifesto,draftedbyMechelin,oneofthe
leadingConstitutionals,andacceptedbytheTsar,endedthefirstperiodofRussification.
InRiipinen’sviewthenotionbehindtheJaegerMovementwasnotsimplylimitedto
16
achievingindependence,italsoencompassedtheideaofnationalunityandastrongFinland
(LS1934,269).Inherviewthecountry“wasfoughtandwonfreeafterathousandyearsof
foreign rule” and shouldbeprotectedagainst the “chaotic, undisciplined,worthlessEast”
(LS1929,17‒18).Sheequates“foreignrule”withthe“East”,conveniently forgettingboth
that Finland was part of Sweden until 1809, and that the relationship with the Russian
Empireonlyturnedsourmuchlater.
As these examples show, Lottas’ imagined community was White Finland. Leftist
Finlandappearsonlyindirectly,andwhenitdoestheviewsoftheLeft,andothercitizens
whowerenotpatrioticenough,wereportrayednegatively.SinceLottaSvärdwasfounded
during the1918war,Lottasbelieved that the individual’s survivalwasdependenton the
survivaloftheFatherland,meaningthateverycitizenhadtodefendthecountryagainstthe
commonenemy‒Russiansandtheirhenchmen.LottaSvärd’s interestsandideologythus
coincidedwiththehegemonicbeliefsystemandtheinterestsofthestate.
Amnemonic communitymust familiarise newmemberswith the collective past in
ordertoensurethattheyidentifywiththepastandattaintherequiredsocialidentity.Ina
speechforyoungLottas,aspeakersays:
We,whowereborn ina freeFatherland,havealsoa sacredobligation toprotect it.
Putting their faith in us, our fathers and brothers did their heroic deeds. [...] How
couldwebetraytheirtrust?(LS1939,36).
KarlMannheim(1993)andMisztal(2003)saygenerationsacquiredistinctprofilesthrough
their specific shared experiences, memories and discourse of self-thematisation. Many
Lottas,however,camefromfamilieswheremenwereinthearmyortheWhiteGuardsand
childrenwereactiveinLottaorWhiteGuardyouthunits.SeijaNevala-Nurmi(2006)speaks
ofdefencefamilies,withnosignificantgenerationalconflicts.Althoughthechildrendidnot
havefirst-handexperience intheLiberationWar,participation intheyouthorganisations
meant sharing their parents’ beliefs and experiences. All generations participated in the
samehistoricalandsocialcircumstancesandsharedthesamementality.AccordingtoIlona
Kemppainen(2006)rememberingisanimportantpartofanation’sself-understandingand
self-perception.Fallenheroesmustberemembered,notonlybyfriendsandrelatives,but
17
alsoby thecollective.Lottas saw thesacrificesof theearliergenerationasan inspiration
andobligation.
Theheroismofsmalldeedsandhealingstoriesforgruesomeevents
Commemorativetextsdownplaydifficultiesandofferhealingstorieswithwhichtohealthe
effects of gruesome events. For example, in 1919 Suomen Sotilas published a series of
articles,offeringaLotta’spersonalaccountofhertimeatthefrontline.Shewroteofcooking
food for hungry soldiers without a field kitchen or other equipment, constantly moving
fromonelocationtoanotherandlookingforaplacetocook.Shedownplayedthedangers
andpracticaldifficulties.Forexample,cookingwhiledodgingflyingbullets,emergesmainly
as a subtext. Willingness to serve is presented as more important than the appalling
conditions.
Lottas’viewofheroismwastwofold.Ononehand,mendyingfortheFatherlandwere
perceivedas ‘true’heroes,whileontheotherhandtherewastheheroismofsmalldeeds.
NurseIngridBäckström-Boije’swartimediaryisatypicalexampleofmaleheroismand‘die
smiling’ stories. She donated her diary to the Lottamagazine to commemorate the 15th
anniversary of the Liberation War. The texts consist of short dated notes, describing
personalobservations,thoughtsandfeelings.Shewrites:
Hasanyoneseenthelookonarecentlyfallenyoungvolunteer’sface?Thereisnothing
sobeautiful among the living.This is to say thatdying forFatherland is thehighest
momentof life, concentrationof loveandsacrificewithoutany limits.Thisbeautiful
glowradiatesfromthefeaturesofthedyingmen(LS1933,58).
Thisparticularexcerptincludesboth“ayoungvolunteer”and“men”.Lottatextsareseldom
explicitly age specific, meaning that protagonists usually appear to be adults. Siironen
(2012) writes about the large number of boy soldiers and the “Runebergian” idea of
sacrifice.JuhaPoteri(2009)claimspastorsoftencomparedthedeathoftheWhitesoldiers
withthesacrificeofJesus.AsKaarleSulamaa(2009)shows,religionwasingrainedinLotta
18
ideology.InLottatextsdeath,painandsufferingaretypicallydescribedinapositivelight.
Noonecomplainsandnooneisafraid.Menalwaysdiepeacefully,havinghappilysacrificed
theirlivesfortherightcause.Afterall,theFatherlandwasGod’screation.
Thepossiblephysicalandpsychologicalproblemsofveteranswereconsequentlynot
discussed in Lotta texts. Riipinen’s article, lamenting some Jaegers’ difficulties, is an
exception (LS 1934, 274). She admits that some former soldiers had psychological or
physicalproblemsandsomehadleftthemilitary,feelingdiscriminatedagainstwhenthey
could not speak Swedish, often spoken by officers. Riipinenwas nevertheless quite sure
thatthesemen,despitealltheirproblems,hadnoregretsandtheystillbelievedtherewas
nothing“noblerthantofightfortheFatherland”.
Kemppainen (2006) points out that during WWII some women also died heroic
deaths. The studied Lotta texts have no such examples. Instead, Lottas write about the
heroismofsmalldeeds,suchasthefollowing:
[...] a quiet farmer’swifewho has laboured at her chores year after year, prepared
foodforthefamilyyearafteryear,takencareofthecows,andputherfaithinGodand
theFatherlandbroughtupmany childrendespitepoverty andotherdifficulties. [...]
Or, the exhausted father, who had done everything for his family, now resting in
peace,fallenasahero.Or,anotherhonestFinn,whohadconscientiouslyfulfilledeven
thedemandsofhismostpressingduties,bravelyfoughtforhisbeliefs,toiledtirelessly
for the good and right. [...] But (to be called) a hero a person must have given
everything,doneeverything, even ifotherpeoplewouldn’tnotice it.Areyouahero?
(LS1930,1,originalemphasis)
Storiesofpoorwomen’ssmalldonationsareinlinewiththis.Apairofsocksmayseemlike
aninsignificantdonation,butifitwasallthewomancouldgiveordo,shehadconsequently
doneeverything.Thekeywordsare‘everything’and‘sacrifice’.Mengavetheir‘everything’
bydyingandwomenthroughhardwork,self-sacrificeandselflessservice.But,heretheself
wasnotdepletedintheserviceofGodbutintheserviceoftheFatherland.Sulamaa(2009)
seesLottasasprotestantnationalisticnuns.Lottasbelievedintheideaofservice.Chastity
andstrictsexualmoralswerean importantpartof theLotta ideology,althoughthis topic
19
wasnotdiscussedinthestudiedarticles.
There is latent intertextuality in the texts. Lottas belonged to the generation who
knew many of Runeberg’s poems by heart. Lottas mainly referred to the poem “Lotta
Svärd”,sinceshewasarolemodelandtheorganisationwasnamedafterher.Anotherwell-
knownpoem is aboutPaavo fromSaarijärvi, a farmerwhose faith inGoddespite several
years’ misfortune never wavers ‒ “the Lord tests but does not abandon”. Paavo never
complains regardless of howmiserable his life is. Stories of Heroes’mothers, as well as
many autobiographical stories, contain the same attitude. The Heroes’ mothers were
generallypoor,strugglingtofeedtheirfamiliesandsomehadlostbothhusbandandson(s).
Theymightbesad,poorandgriefstrickenbuttheynevercomplained.
Men’sviewofwomen’sheroismissomewhatambivalent.IntextsdirectedtoaLotta
audiencewomen’s contribution is at least brieflymentioned.Officers, such as Lieutenant
ColonelZilliacus,ChiefofStaffofWhiteGuards’HighCommand,usuallywrote ingeneral
termsofthewar,nationalstruggleandwomen’swillingnesstoworkforthecause(e.g.HL
1926, 9 or HL 1926, 16‒20). In some texts even ordinary soldiers reminisced about the
womentheyhadencounteredatthefront.
At times the women were depicted as braver than the men. For example, some
soldiers fleeing from battle were accused of cowardice by women, who then
demonstrativelypickeduptheriflesandstompedoff towardsthebattle.Themenhadno
alternative but to return to their posts. In another story a local White Guard leader
describeshowhisgroupwasonguarddutyandsuddenlyheardfootstepsinthedarkness.
Theyheardanervous femalevoice asking if theywere “theWhiteboys”. Shehadwaded
throughthedeepsnowandpassedtheRedGuardsjusttobring“theWhiteboys”hotcoffee.
IntheprocessshetoldwhatsheknewabouttheReds'troopmovements.Theauthorsays:
Withgreat risk forher life,withoutsparingherself, shehad thecourage todowhat
shecould.Only thesoldiersatpresentknowthevalueanddifficultyofherdeed,as
unimportantasitmayseemintoday’speacefulsociety(SS1920,70‒72).
Thequotationshowsagaintheimportanceofdoingsomething,nomatterhowlittle.Onthe
otherhand,itissometimesdifficulttodeterminewhetherthepraiseforwomen’sbraveryis
20
seriousorironic.Forexample,inanarticleaboutheroicwomeninJoutseno,ayoungladyis
said to throw herself down like a seasoned soldier when the Reds are shooting with a
machinegun,andtohavequickly jumpupreadytoencouragethesoldiersassoonasthe
shooting stops. She is described as “burningwith patriotism”, doing her bit to keep that
front section from collapsing. The tone of the text is slightly ironic. It also shows how
unsuitablefightingwasthoughttobeforwomen.Shecouldencouragebutnotshoot.
Discussion
As stated, the past was reminisced about particularly during anniversaries and
commemoration days. Edy (1999) speaks of various types of anniversary journalism.
Lottas’ anniversary stories aimedprimarily at creating an emotional connectionbetween
the past and the present. Only a few articles contained descriptions of both the
commemorative celebrationand thehistorical event.The stories generally contained few
historical facts. Lottaswrote to an audience that alreadyknewwhat,whenandwho, but
neededanappropriateexplanationofwhybad thingshappenedandwhat thepurposeof
thesufferingwas.Therewasaneedtoconnectthepasttothepresentinmeaningfulways.
Thepastwasconnectedtoperceptionsofadesirablefuture,aswellastothepracticalLotta
workandthereasonfortheorganisation’sexistence,i.e.thesurvivaloftheFatherland.
YvonneHirdman(1993)speaksofagendersystem,basedonseparationofthesexes
andmen’spositionasanorm. IrmaSulkunen(2007)discusses the importanceofFinnish
non-genderedpublicactivity,theblurringofgender-basedpublicandprivatespheresand
the self-evident character of women’s social participation. However, it was thought that
only certain types of taskswere thought to suitewomen, a belief that is visible in Lotta
texts. Lottas believed in the separation of male and female roles. Although Lottas
emphasisedtheimportanceofparticipating,theydidnotchallengetraditionalgenderroles
or fight for gender equality. On the contrary, Riipinen (1927) claimed that the Lotta
movement had surpassed the women’s movement, since Lottas worked with men, not
againstthem.
Lotta ideologyandactivities containedboth conservingandemancipatingelements.
Although Lotta Svärd as an organisation stayed away from party politics, some of its
21
memberswerepoliticallyactive.Thus,Lottamagazine instructed itsmembers tovote for
‘patriotic women’ from bourgeois parties, and if such women were not available, for a
patriotic man. Voting ‒ and voting for women ‒ was hence thought to be important,
althoughpatriotismwasemphasisedmorethangender.NiraYuval-Davis(1997;1998)and
PäiviHarinenandSonjaHyvönen (2003) say thatnationalgalleriesofheroesareusually
male.Lottasattemptedtochangethatbyincreasingthevalueoftheworkdoneatthehome
front but without questioning gender roles. Similarly, although Lottas valued ordinary
women’sexperiencesandcontributions,men’sheroicdeathwasneverthelessseenas the
ultimate sacrifice. For example, the stories of heroes’mothers often saidmore about the
menthanthemothers,particularlyifamanhaddied.
Kitch (2007; 2008) says that memory needs to be domesticated. Nostalgia
personalises the past, blending individualmemory into sharedmemory of generation or
nation.Shethinksthatproducingaunifiedimageofthepast isanactofself-preservation
andthatnostalgiaofferspeopleawaytodefinememoryinwaysthatfulfiltheirneeds.For
Lottas,retellingthestoriesofpasthardshipswasawayofredefiningandmakingsenseof
them and confirming the common identity. These memories contained an element of
nostalgiaas theoldergeneration felt theyhadparticipated ina larger-than-lifeeventand
thefuturegenerationsneededtohonourthesacrificesmade.Thesacrificeswouldnotbein
vainaslongastheywererememberedandappreciated.
Lotta textswereameansofsocialisationandhadadistinctiveeducationalair.They
taughtdesirableattitudes,valuesandbehaviourandaimedtoinfluencereaders’cognitive
thinkingand intentions.TheyaimedtomakeLottas internaliseLottadisciplineandact in
the desiredmanner by their own choice. Lottamagazines also taughtmembers never to
doubtthemselves,althoughitisnotasexplicitinthecommemorativeasintheinstructive
articles.Lottasweretoldneveraskiftheycoulddosomething.Theyshouldonlyaskhowto
doit,orhowtodoitbetternexttime.Thisprinciplewasexpressedexplicitlyininstructive
articles,andimplicitlyinpersonalstoriesof“Ihadnoideaevenwheretobegin,butIrolled
up my sleeves and it all went well” moments. In brief, although Lottas believed in
traditionalgenderroles,theyalsofostereda‘womencan’attitude.
Weshouldnotoveremphasisetheimportanceoftextualrepresentations,sincebeinga
Lottawasforemostaboutpracticalwork.AlthoughaLottawastoparticipateonlyingender
22
appropriatetasks,shewasexpectedtoknowhowtomakedecisions,solveproblems,take
responsibility andexecute.After all, LottaSvärdhad close ties to themilitaryalthough it
wasnotdirectlypartofthearmy’schainofcommand.SinceLottasweretoreplacemenina
widerangeofduties, theyhad toknowhowtoobeyordersanddowhathad tobedone.
Thistopicappearsmainlyinarticlesprovidingpracticalinformationandinstructions.But,
bydescribingconcretesituationsanddifficulties, thecommemorative textsprovidemany
examplesofproblemsolving,decisionmakingandtakingresponsibility.
MagazinesHL=Hakkapeliitta1926‒1928.LS=LottaSvärd1928‒1939.SS=SuomenSotilas1919‒1928.
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Notes
1TheRedandWhiteGuardscantravetheirhistorybacktothe1905generalstrike.Suchgroupswereformedonbothsidesto’keeporder’inthestreets.However,thefirstclashesoccuredduringthestrike.SuojeluskunnatgrewoutofthisexperienceandformedanessentialpartoftheCivilWarWhiteArmyundermannerheim’sleadership.There is no established translation for Suojeluskunta (or, Suojeluskunnat in plural), which was an essential part of the White Army. Suojelus means ‘protection’. Kunta has several meanings, but in this context it refers to a collective, for example ihmiskunta means ‘mankind’. The word valkokaarti (White Guard) also exists, for example in Helsingin valkokaarti (White Guard of Helsinki). In Finnish Suojeluskunta is more common, since it is the official name of the organisation. Haapala and Tikka (2012, 81) speak of “Protection Guard”, combining suojelus and kaarti. Heimo and Peltonen (2006, 52) prefer “White Guard”. Lavery (2006), Nevala-Nurmi (2006), Ahlbäck and Kivimäki (2008) say “Civil Guard”. Kirby (2006) uses suojeluskunta but also mentions “the White Guards”. The Reds used the word lahtarit, i.e. the butchers. I will use “White Guards” to emphasise the political element and the link to the White Finland.2JaegerMovementwasbornduringthesecondRussificationperiod(1908-1917).YoungpatrioticmenweresmuggledoutofthecountrytoGermany,wheretheyreceivedmilitarytraining.AFinnishJaegerbattalionfoughtforGermanyintheFirstWorldWar.AstheFinnishCivilWarbeganmostofthemcamehomeandjoinedtheWhiteArmy.Jaegers,particularlytheJaegerofficers,werequiteinfluentialintheFinnishmilitaryforces. 3The first section included cooking and field kitchens. The second trained women for field and military hospitals. The third manufactured and acquired needed equipment, e.g. uniforms or material for field or military hospitals. The fourth worked with internal and external information, gathered funds, for example by organizing lotteries and organising Lotta and White Guard events
26
and fetes. This section later had more diversified tasks, for example working as army secretaries, telephone operators and enemy aeroplane spotters.4Inthelate1920sandtheearly1930sFinlandexperiencedasurgeofright-wingradicalism,whichturnedintoso-calledLapuanliike(theLapuaMovement).ItsactivitiesculminatedinMäntsälärebellion.SeveralhundredWhiteGuardistsinterruptedasocialistmeetingandgavethegovernmentanultimatum.Forexample,theSocialDemocraticPartyshouldbeabolished.SincetherewerethousandsofarmedWhiteGuardistsaroundthecountry,thesituationwasserious.Challengingthegovernmentwasamistake,whichendedtheLapuaMovement.ThegovernmentandPresidentSvinhufvud,awell-respectedconservativepolitician,decidedtousethelawagainstsubversiveactivityagainsttherebels.ThesituationcalmeddownafterSvinhufvud’sfamousradiospeechaskingpeopletogohome.Thepublicopinionalsoturnedagainsttheradicals.TherebelswereconvictedandtheLapuaMovementwasabolished.Itsleadersfoundedthesmallright-wingpartyPatrioticPeople’sFront(Fi.Isänmaallinenkansanliitto,IKL).
