The Hittite Writing of [ŋk] and [ŋg] and Related MattersAuthor(s): Charles CarterSource: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 99, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1979), pp. 93-95Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/598955 .

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CARTER: The Hittite Writing of [Ok] and [rig] CARTER: The Hittite Writing of [Ok] and [rig]

5 The Sabian connection was maintained by Scott-Fergu- son, IV, 279.

6 For the manuscripts and editions, cf. J. Kraemer, Das arabische Original des "Liber de porno," in Studi Orien- talistici in onore di Giorgio Levi Della Vida, I, 484-506

(Rome 1956); 'Abd-ar-Rahman Badawi, Makhtufitt Aristuf

f l-'arabiyah, in Revue de l'Institut des Manuscrits Arabes, 5 (1959), 59f.; F. Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrift- tums, III (Leiden 1970), 50; J. Bielawski, Phedon en version arabe et le Risdlat al-Tuffiaha, in J. M. Barral (ed.), Orientalia Hispanica sive studia F. M. Pareja octogenario dicata, I (Leiden 1974), 120-134.

7 For purposes of future identification, a somewhat larger specimen of the Arabic text may be given here: Man 'asdhu

yaqulu man bdri'u l-bardyd fa-yuqdlu lahu awwalu kulli

shay'in wa-sababu kulli mawjudin mubdi'u l-mubda'dti

(Ms. voc. mubdi'dti) wa-mukhtari'u l-kd'inati wa-sababu kawni l-kd'indti rabbu kulli shay'in wa-khdliquhu wa- mutammimuhuz wa-mukammiluha wa-muballighuha ild

5 The Sabian connection was maintained by Scott-Fergu- son, IV, 279.

6 For the manuscripts and editions, cf. J. Kraemer, Das arabische Original des "Liber de porno," in Studi Orien- talistici in onore di Giorgio Levi Della Vida, I, 484-506

(Rome 1956); 'Abd-ar-Rahman Badawi, Makhtufitt Aristuf

f l-'arabiyah, in Revue de l'Institut des Manuscrits Arabes, 5 (1959), 59f.; F. Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrift- tums, III (Leiden 1970), 50; J. Bielawski, Phedon en version arabe et le Risdlat al-Tuffiaha, in J. M. Barral (ed.), Orientalia Hispanica sive studia F. M. Pareja octogenario dicata, I (Leiden 1974), 120-134.

7 For purposes of future identification, a somewhat larger specimen of the Arabic text may be given here: Man 'asdhu

yaqulu man bdri'u l-bardyd fa-yuqdlu lahu awwalu kulli

shay'in wa-sababu kulli mawjudin mubdi'u l-mubda'dti

(Ms. voc. mubdi'dti) wa-mukhtari'u l-kd'inati wa-sababu kawni l-kd'indti rabbu kulli shay'in wa-khdliquhu wa- mutammimuhuz wa-mukammiluha wa-muballighuha ild

afdali ahwdlihifa-in qdla qd'ilun li-ma wuSifa bi-l-qudrati fa-yuqdlu lahfi li-wad'ihi s-surata fi l-hawd('i). ... al-'aql al-fa"dal... li-ma summiya 'aqlan. .. an-nafs... wa-li-ma wu$ifat bi-l-haydti.. . al-hayuld.. .fa-li-ma summiya hayuld ... .haqiqat al-jawhar (... .ifah).. . al-'illah . . al-ma'lul.... al-qadim ....

8 Cf. Ms. Kopriilii, I, 872, fol. 5a, under the headline Fi l- 'illah wa-s-sabab al-awwal.

9 Cf. M. Grignaschi, La "Siydsatu-l-'dmmiyya" et l'influence iranienne sur la pensee politique islamique, in Monumentumr H. S. Nyberg, III (Leiden-Teheran-Liege 1975), 33-287.

0 -Ed. 'Abd-ar-Rahman Badawi,al-Ufil al- Yundniyah li- n-nazariydt as-siydsiyahfi l-Isldm, intro., 32-72, text, 65- 171 (Cairo 1954); M. Manzalaoui, The Pseudo-Aristotelian Kitdb Sirr al-asrdr, in Oriens, 23-24 (1974), 147-257; M.

Grignaschi, L'origine et les metamorphoses du "Sirr al- 'Asrdr," in Archives d'Histoire Doctrinale et Litteraire du Moyen Age, 43 (1976), 7-112.

11 Cf. Badawi's edition, 148, n. 4; Manzalaoui, 234ff.

afdali ahwdlihifa-in qdla qd'ilun li-ma wuSifa bi-l-qudrati fa-yuqdlu lahfi li-wad'ihi s-surata fi l-hawd('i). ... al-'aql al-fa"dal... li-ma summiya 'aqlan. .. an-nafs... wa-li-ma wu$ifat bi-l-haydti.. . al-hayuld.. .fa-li-ma summiya hayuld ... .haqiqat al-jawhar (... .ifah).. . al-'illah . . al-ma'lul.... al-qadim ....

8 Cf. Ms. Kopriilii, I, 872, fol. 5a, under the headline Fi l- 'illah wa-s-sabab al-awwal.

9 Cf. M. Grignaschi, La "Siydsatu-l-'dmmiyya" et l'influence iranienne sur la pensee politique islamique, in Monumentumr H. S. Nyberg, III (Leiden-Teheran-Liege 1975), 33-287.

0 -Ed. 'Abd-ar-Rahman Badawi,al-Ufil al- Yundniyah li- n-nazariydt as-siydsiyahfi l-Isldm, intro., 32-72, text, 65- 171 (Cairo 1954); M. Manzalaoui, The Pseudo-Aristotelian Kitdb Sirr al-asrdr, in Oriens, 23-24 (1974), 147-257; M.

Grignaschi, L'origine et les metamorphoses du "Sirr al- 'Asrdr," in Archives d'Histoire Doctrinale et Litteraire du Moyen Age, 43 (1976), 7-112.

11 Cf. Badawi's edition, 148, n. 4; Manzalaoui, 234ff.

The Hittite Writing of [ijk] and [Ug] and Related Matters

The writing of nasals before stops in the middle of Hittite words follows no one set pattern. The nasal velar continuant is dealt with in a number of ways. Simple -n- is sometimes written where we expect it, sometimes it is not written where we expect it, and sometimes it is written where we do not expect it.

The Hittite Writing of [ijk] and [Ug] and Related Matters

The writing of nasals before stops in the middle of Hittite words follows no one set pattern. The nasal velar continuant is dealt with in a number of ways. Simple -n- is sometimes written where we expect it, sometimes it is not written where we expect it, and sometimes it is written where we do not expect it.

Recently I had occasion to think again of Hittite nasals. The grammars state that -n- is weak in Hittite, and is

frequently not written before consonants. Thus, damekzi

(XXIII 1 iii 9), "he clings to(?)," written without -n-, but damenkir (VBoT 58 i 40), "they clung to(?)," written with- n-; haminkanzi (II 3 ii 24), "they bind" (with -n-), but hamikta (VII 1 iii 2), "he bound" (without-n-); and similarly in many other cases. On the other hand, -n- is sometimes written where it seems not to belong. For example, [tu]nnan- kisna, "for the body" (XX 28 i 2), alongside tunnnakisna; NINDAmulatin (VII 20 i 11) and NINDAmulantin (XXV 46 ii 8), s. acc. from mulati-, a kind of pastry; and likewise in a number of other places. Other details pertinent to the behavior of -n- in Hittite have been pointed out in many places and are rather well-known; but, I shall avoid men- tioning them here because they are not pertinent to the questions I want to treat in this paper.

My attention was redirected to these matters when I was

working with the parallel texts, KBo II 7 and KBo II 13, where, among other things, the cult of a deified mountain is outlined. The name of this deity is spelled HUR'SAGKenkaltla-

Recently I had occasion to think again of Hittite nasals. The grammars state that -n- is weak in Hittite, and is

frequently not written before consonants. Thus, damekzi

(XXIII 1 iii 9), "he clings to(?)," written without -n-, but damenkir (VBoT 58 i 40), "they clung to(?)," written with- n-; haminkanzi (II 3 ii 24), "they bind" (with -n-), but hamikta (VII 1 iii 2), "he bound" (without-n-); and similarly in many other cases. On the other hand, -n- is sometimes written where it seems not to belong. For example, [tu]nnan- kisna, "for the body" (XX 28 i 2), alongside tunnnakisna; NINDAmulatin (VII 20 i 11) and NINDAmulantin (XXV 46 ii 8), s. acc. from mulati-, a kind of pastry; and likewise in a number of other places. Other details pertinent to the behavior of -n- in Hittite have been pointed out in many places and are rather well-known; but, I shall avoid men- tioning them here because they are not pertinent to the questions I want to treat in this paper.

My attention was redirected to these matters when I was

working with the parallel texts, KBo II 7 and KBo II 13, where, among other things, the cult of a deified mountain is outlined. The name of this deity is spelled HUR'SAGKenkaltla-

in KBo II 7 rev. 10, 12, 13, and 20; HUR.SAGKikkalisa- in KBo II 13 obv. 3 and 5; HUR.SAGKilinuna- in KBo II 13 obv. 1, 2, and 14. That these are three spellings of the same divine name is shown by the fact that HUR.SAGKikkalisa- and HURSAGKilinuna- interchange in KBo II 13: that HUR.SAGKilinuna- is paralleled by HUR.SAGKenkallsa- in KBo II 7 rev. 10; and that HUR.SAGKikkalia- ofKBo II 13 obv. 3 and 5 is paralleled by HUR.SAGKenkallsa- in KBo II 7 rev. 12 and 13, respectively. At present, it is impossible to explain, by reference to known phonetic laws, the identifi- cation of the name HUR SAGKilinuna- with either HUR.SAGKen- kaltsa- or HUR'SAGKikkalisa-. Moreover, the shape of the signs for li, nu, and na cannot possibly be so construed as to be read either en, ka, li, i, and sa, or ik, ka4, li, and sa. It is probably better, therefore, to think of HUR.SAGKilinuna- as a separate name for the deity. On the other hand, the difference between HUR.SAGKenkalsa- and HUR.SAGKikkalisa- is understandable phonetically in one of two ways. Thus, it is possible to state that weak phonetic [n] (or [g]) before [k] becoming both graphic and phonetic k is not strange or unusual. Or, the problem can be approached from another

in KBo II 7 rev. 10, 12, 13, and 20; HUR.SAGKikkalisa- in KBo II 13 obv. 3 and 5; HUR.SAGKilinuna- in KBo II 13 obv. 1, 2, and 14. That these are three spellings of the same divine name is shown by the fact that HUR.SAGKikkalisa- and HURSAGKilinuna- interchange in KBo II 13: that HUR.SAGKilinuna- is paralleled by HUR.SAGKenkallsa- in KBo II 7 rev. 10; and that HUR.SAGKikkalia- ofKBo II 13 obv. 3 and 5 is paralleled by HUR.SAGKenkallsa- in KBo II 7 rev. 12 and 13, respectively. At present, it is impossible to explain, by reference to known phonetic laws, the identifi- cation of the name HUR SAGKilinuna- with either HUR.SAGKen- kaltsa- or HUR'SAGKikkalisa-. Moreover, the shape of the signs for li, nu, and na cannot possibly be so construed as to be read either en, ka, li, i, and sa, or ik, ka4, li, and sa. It is probably better, therefore, to think of HUR.SAGKilinuna- as a separate name for the deity. On the other hand, the difference between HUR.SAGKenkalsa- and HUR.SAGKikkalisa- is understandable phonetically in one of two ways. Thus, it is possible to state that weak phonetic [n] (or [g]) before [k] becoming both graphic and phonetic k is not strange or unusual. Or, the problem can be approached from another

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 99.1 (1979)

point of view and in a more general way. Accordingly, it can be argued that, in Hittite, graphic -nk- and -kk- were different writing conventions (or allographic alternates) for the combination of a nasal velar continuant [g] and a voiceless velar stop [k], in much the same way that VK and YK both served to write [kk] in Greek (e.g., ouvKacte Lk. 15:6, 9, but ouyKEKca.UppIevov Lk. 12:2, and elsewhere in the NT, the

inscriptions, and even in moder Greek).

This second interpretation is supported by the fact that

phonetic [ok] or [rg] is found written not only -nk- (as in sarninkun, "I replaced") and -ng- (as in zamangur, nom.- acc. sing., "beard"), but apparently also simply -k- (as in

sarnikmi, "I replace"; zamakur, "beard"). The occasional

appearance of graphic -n- before -k- where it is not

expected, as in [tu ]nnankisna, and the occurrence of simple - k- in forms like tunnakisna, where other spellings have-kk-

(e.g., tunnakkegsar), indicates that graphic -k- did not

always represent a simple velar stop, but at least sometimes a nasal velar continuant plus a velar stop ([Jk] or perhaps [jg]), when used in the middle of words in Hittite. Thus, -k- in spellings like LUsakunni- "priest" (not to be confused with

sakuni-, "well," "spring"; but note LUsankunni-), ninikanzi

("they lift"; but see nininkanzi), istarnikzi ("he sickens"; but note istarninkuen, "we sickened"), hunikzi ("he beats to

pieces"; but note the participle, huninkant-), harnikmi ("I destroy"; but note harninkanzi, "they destroy"), etc., represents phonetic [jk] or perhaps [ng], not simply [k]. That is, there is a loss of graphic -n- in such occurrences, but not of

phonetic [rj]. Furthermore, the alternation of-nk- with-kk- in forms of tunnakkessar is especially pertinent to the

problem of the relationship between HUR'SAGKenkaltSa- and tIUR SAGKikkalisa-, and lends additional support to the thesis that these two spellings represent one pronunciation or set of sounds, not two. To put the matter in more general terms, the Hittites had not stabilized their writing conven- tions with respect to nasals in the middle of words.

If the preceding argument is acceptable, then the not infrequent loss of-n- in the writing before -d-, -t-, and -z-, as well as the occasional, unexpected appearance of-n-, can be seen as another instance of unstabilized writing conven- tions bearing on nasals in Hittite. Thus, in a number of words and forms, -n- is sometimes not found written where it is expected, and sometimes it is found where it is not expected, before -d-/-t-. For example, sanhunda and sanhuta are both nom.-acc. neuter pl. ptcs. from sanhuwai-, "to roast." The adverb, nuntaras, "swiftly," "soon," is also found as nutaras, without -n-.1 On the other hand, -n- appears unexpectedly in forms of NINDAmulati- (a kind of pastry). Thus, we find acc. sing. NINDAmulatin, as we expect; but, we also find NINDAmulantin. From nahsaratt-, "fear," we have the expected nahsarattan, but also nahsarantan, with -nt-

instead of-tt-. Again, before -z-, -n- disappears from the

writing relatively frequently. Note dasuwaza and dasuwanza, both nom. sing. from dasuwant-, "blind"; istazanas and istanzanas, both nom. sing. from istanzana-, "will," "soul";

dagazipas and daganzipas, nom. sing. forms of daganzipa-, "earth," "ground"; irhazi and irhanzi, both 3 pl. prs. of irhai-, "to delimit," "to finish"; mallazi and mallanzi, both 3 pl. prs. of malla-, "to grind."

To sum up: where -n- (before -g-, -k-, -d-, -t-, and -z-) is found on the one hand to be written in a number of places where it is not expected, and, where, on the other hand, it is omitted from the writing in many words or forms where it is

expected, it is probably better to assume unstabilized writing conventions for phonetic [ok], [ng], [nd], [nt], and [nz] in Hittite than to posit scribal error, use of singular predicate with plural subject, or a multiplicity of (phonetic as well as

graphic) stems.2

CHARLES CARTER UNIVERSITY OF NORTH DAKOTA

1 The reading ki-it-pa-da'-la-az in KBo III 1 ii 34 = BoTU 23A ii 34 (Tel. Procl.) for expected kitpandalaz has been brought to my attention. The sign before -la- is drawn U?, but Forrer (in BoTU) had already suggested emending to -da-.

2 It can be argued that what is found in the material treated in this paper is a series of examples illustrating the phenomena referred to as morphographemics and back-writing. Probably no one would take exception to that statement. But, I have not tried, in this paper, to do for Hittite what, for example, Gelb and Politzer did for Akkadian (I. J. Gelb, "A Note on

Morphographemics," MOlanges Marcel Cohen, pp. 73-77; "WA = aw, iw, uw in Cuneiform Writing," JNES, XX, pp. 194-196; "Notes on von Soden's Grammar of Akkadian," BO, XII, pp. 99, 103) and Italian (Robert L. Politzer, "A Note on the North Italian Voicing of Intervocalic Stops," Word, XI, pp. 416-419). The task of proving, or disproving, that all the orthographic irregularities associated with nasals in the middle of words in Hittite represents back-writing is, in my opinion, of nearly impossible proportions. There are too many chronological problems pertaining to many of the texts (not to mention problems arising from and associated with

geographical distribution); consequently, the task of show- ing what was early and pristine, what was late, and what was archaizing is formidable, to say the least. As for morpho- graphemics, it is obvious that some of the allographic alternants attested for nasals plus stops in Hittite are morphographemic, while others are "more adjusted to the linguistic norm." Nevertheless, and as I said before, the point or thesis of this paper is not to demonstrate the phenomena of

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WONG: Self and Society in Tang Dynasty Love Tales WONG: Self and Society in Tang Dynasty Love Tales

morphographemics and back-writing in Hittite. Instead, I have attempted to show only that Hittite orthographic tra- morphographemics and back-writing in Hittite. Instead, I have attempted to show only that Hittite orthographic tra-

ditions bearing on nasals in the middle of words were not stabilized. ditions bearing on nasals in the middle of words were not stabilized.

Self and Society in Tang Dynasty Love Tales

As readers of fiction who have become used to the value of the defiant self in love, we may be

surprised or disappointed to find this value greatly diminished in the most famous examples of Tang dynasty chuan qi love tales. But when we put aside our a priori expectations to seek out their

meaning, we find that their great concern for adherence to social norms does not detract from their

special appeal.

Self and Society in Tang Dynasty Love Tales

As readers of fiction who have become used to the value of the defiant self in love, we may be

surprised or disappointed to find this value greatly diminished in the most famous examples of Tang dynasty chuan qi love tales. But when we put aside our a priori expectations to seek out their

meaning, we find that their great concern for adherence to social norms does not detract from their

special appeal.

"The Story of Miss Li" (Li Wa Zhuan), one of the most

popular of the Tang dynasty's "tales of the marvelous"

(chuan qi), tells of a promising young man who, having set out for Changan, the Tang capital, to take the appropriate examinations which would lead him to an official career, succumbs to the charms of a courtesan (Miss Li) there and

squanders his generous allowance.1 After being tricked and

abandoned, he sinks to the social depths of having to earn his

keep at a funeral parlor. There, while singing a funeral dirge in a contest for mourners, he is recognized and brought before his father who believed his son had died at the hands of robbers. At this point, Western readers familiar with the biblical "Prodigal Son" might rightfully expect a tearful reconciliation: after all, the boy had been a favorite of his father who, only hours earlier, had wept in recalling the

report of his death. What follows therefore borders on the incredible: ". .. After they reached the residence, his father berated him, saying: 'In having conducted yourself in this

way, you have disgraced our house. How dare you show your face here again?' He then took him on foot to a place west of the Meandering Stream and east of the Apricot Gardens, removed his clothes, and whipped him several hundred times with a horsewhip. The young man, unable to bear the pain, fainted dead away. His father abandoned him there and went off."2

If we may suppose that fatherly love is universal, this scene is disturbing in two ways. First, we are incredulous at the utter lack of personal feeling on the part of the father for a son he once pridefully called the swift thoroughbred of the

family.3 But even more we are amazed at the pure concern for the sanction of society ("... you have disgraced our house.") and at the extreme measure to which the father goes to retain that sanction. The reunion of son and father at the story's end, after the young man survives and reacquires social

prestige via success at the examinations, can thus arouse as much digust for the father as relief for the son.

While such reactions have nothing directly to do with the artistic merits or demerits of the story concerned, they

"The Story of Miss Li" (Li Wa Zhuan), one of the most

popular of the Tang dynasty's "tales of the marvelous"

(chuan qi), tells of a promising young man who, having set out for Changan, the Tang capital, to take the appropriate examinations which would lead him to an official career, succumbs to the charms of a courtesan (Miss Li) there and

squanders his generous allowance.1 After being tricked and

abandoned, he sinks to the social depths of having to earn his

keep at a funeral parlor. There, while singing a funeral dirge in a contest for mourners, he is recognized and brought before his father who believed his son had died at the hands of robbers. At this point, Western readers familiar with the biblical "Prodigal Son" might rightfully expect a tearful reconciliation: after all, the boy had been a favorite of his father who, only hours earlier, had wept in recalling the

report of his death. What follows therefore borders on the incredible: ". .. After they reached the residence, his father berated him, saying: 'In having conducted yourself in this

way, you have disgraced our house. How dare you show your face here again?' He then took him on foot to a place west of the Meandering Stream and east of the Apricot Gardens, removed his clothes, and whipped him several hundred times with a horsewhip. The young man, unable to bear the pain, fainted dead away. His father abandoned him there and went off."2

If we may suppose that fatherly love is universal, this scene is disturbing in two ways. First, we are incredulous at the utter lack of personal feeling on the part of the father for a son he once pridefully called the swift thoroughbred of the

family.3 But even more we are amazed at the pure concern for the sanction of society ("... you have disgraced our house.") and at the extreme measure to which the father goes to retain that sanction. The reunion of son and father at the story's end, after the young man survives and reacquires social

prestige via success at the examinations, can thus arouse as much digust for the father as relief for the son.

While such reactions have nothing directly to do with the artistic merits or demerits of the story concerned, they

nevertheless point to a fundamental problem in modern Western criticism of Chinese fiction, the problem of cultural values. As Western critics, we inevitably bring to our

analysis of Chinese works assumptions and attitudes foreign to the subject; nor are these assumptions and attitudes purely emotional. From the provocative article "Some Limitations of Chinese Fiction" published by the late John L. Bishop some twenty years ago to many of the books and articles

dealing with the criticism of Chinese fiction since, we encounter example after example of critics attempting, consciously or otherwise, to apply Western criteria directly to the categorization and evaluation of Chinese works.4 While this is in no way a purely wasted exercise-after all, the discovery that Chinese works do not always fit Western

prescriptions is instructive in itself-it can sometimes cause us to close our eyes both to the artistic features of a particular work and to new frontiers of literary appreciation to which the work can take us.

This essay is really an experiment. It is an attempt to

hypothetically delineate the difference of outlook between a Chinese reader of traditional times and the contemporary reader in the West. Tentative generalizations that may be

open to question will by necessity be made. The aim, however, is not to establish these generalizations themselves but rather, through applying them to the analysis of three

outstanding examples of chuan qi love tales, to suggest a broader approach to the appreciation of Chinese fiction. Tales dealing with love are chosen because they bear most

directly on a central problem, the problem of the dichotomy between self and society. As Professor C. T. Hsia has pointed out, the traditional Chinese storyteller appears to leave unresolved the internal contradiction between the maintenance of social decorum on the one hand and sym- pathy for the defiant self on the other.5

Hsia was of course commenting on stories in the vernacular (bai hua) collected during the late Ming dynasty by Feng Meng-long (1574?-1645?). The chuan qi tales with which we are concerned were written some seven centuries before

nevertheless point to a fundamental problem in modern Western criticism of Chinese fiction, the problem of cultural values. As Western critics, we inevitably bring to our

analysis of Chinese works assumptions and attitudes foreign to the subject; nor are these assumptions and attitudes purely emotional. From the provocative article "Some Limitations of Chinese Fiction" published by the late John L. Bishop some twenty years ago to many of the books and articles

dealing with the criticism of Chinese fiction since, we encounter example after example of critics attempting, consciously or otherwise, to apply Western criteria directly to the categorization and evaluation of Chinese works.4 While this is in no way a purely wasted exercise-after all, the discovery that Chinese works do not always fit Western

prescriptions is instructive in itself-it can sometimes cause us to close our eyes both to the artistic features of a particular work and to new frontiers of literary appreciation to which the work can take us.

This essay is really an experiment. It is an attempt to

hypothetically delineate the difference of outlook between a Chinese reader of traditional times and the contemporary reader in the West. Tentative generalizations that may be

open to question will by necessity be made. The aim, however, is not to establish these generalizations themselves but rather, through applying them to the analysis of three

outstanding examples of chuan qi love tales, to suggest a broader approach to the appreciation of Chinese fiction. Tales dealing with love are chosen because they bear most

directly on a central problem, the problem of the dichotomy between self and society. As Professor C. T. Hsia has pointed out, the traditional Chinese storyteller appears to leave unresolved the internal contradiction between the maintenance of social decorum on the one hand and sym- pathy for the defiant self on the other.5

Hsia was of course commenting on stories in the vernacular (bai hua) collected during the late Ming dynasty by Feng Meng-long (1574?-1645?). The chuan qi tales with which we are concerned were written some seven centuries before

95 95

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