The impact of the Eritrean-Ethiopian border conflict on the … · 2016. 12. 15. · The sample...

This article describes a study on the impact of war onEritrean children living in an internally displacedpersons camp in the Gash Barka region. It is basedon a psychosocial needs assessment conducted withinthe framework of a psychosocial project by the Dutchnon-governmental organisation (NGO) ‘War Child’.Key research questions used included; the nature ofthe traumatic experiences of the children, the preva-lence of psychosocial problems, and the need for ther-apeutic intervention. Methods included; the analysisof previously conducted studies in Eritrea, open inter-views and focus group discussions with key inform-ants, and systematic observation of war-affected chil-dren. Findings suggest that powerful factors protect-ed children from the impact of the war, and thus pre-vented the occurrence of severe post traumatic stressreactions.

IntroductionDuring the past two decades, the effect ofwar and (political) violence on the mentalhealth of people and communities hasreceived ever-increasing attention.Commitment to the psychosocial well beingof war-affected communities has become aprime objective of the international care giv-ing community. Research and scientificunderstanding of the (long term) psychoso-cial impact of war is also increasing. In lightof this, a psychosocial needs assessment con-

ducted in Eritrea in 2001 - 2002 disclosedsome interesting protective factors that seemto have prevented severe exposure to stress,and the occurrence of post traumatic stressreactions in the assessed children. This arti-cle describes the background to these find-ings.

ContextEritrean history and culture have beenmoulded by the 30 years of struggle for inde-pendence from Ethiopia. Eritrean freedomfighters have virtually waged a 30-year warfor independence on their own. This resist-ance to Ethiopian rule, popularly known as‘The Struggle’ was an extraordinary event inthe history of Africa. It shaped Africa’syoungest nation, its people, and its nationalidentity. After the Eritrean gained militarymomentum, and a regime change inEthiopia at the end of the 1990’s, the State ofEritrea was formally declared independent inApril 1993. However, tensions with Ethiopiaremained and eventually resulted in anintense border dispute in 1998. About250.000 people were displaced, initially.After two year of sporadic conflict, fiercefighting erupted again in May 2000 whenEthiopian troops moved deep into Eritreanterritory, displacing 1 million people. This

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Lineke Westerveld-Sassen

The impact of the Eritrean-Ethiopianborder conflict on the children inEritrea; the role of protective factors


25_32_Westerveld 08-03-2005 14:57 Pagina 25

stage of the conflict has been the mostintense and costly in terms of humanitarianconsequences. The Government of Eritreacoordinated the international response asinternational NGO’s and United Nations(UN) agencies addressed the need for shel-ter, food, water, sanitation, reconstruction,reunification of families, education, de-min-ing and mine awareness. Women and children constitute about 90%of the Internally Displaced People (IDP).They are living in camps, often situated inremote and frequently inhospitable areascharacterized by arid, windy, desert circum-stances. The IDP camps’ administration sup-plied people with shelter, food, and water. Atthe time of this research, basic needs werenot always being met in every camp. Peopledepended on the haphazard arrival of atruck to fulfil their daily water needs. Theylived in tents or huts made of scrap materi-als. Unemployment was high and there werea high proportion of women living alone;widowed or separated by the war. Somecamps had recreated a sense of normalcy bythe presence of small shops, hairdressers, ormarkets. However, uncertainty prevailedabout the length of stay in the camps, as itwas unclear if or when people could returnto their villages. Emergency primary schoolswere present in each camp and the majorityof the children were able to attend school.The classrooms were made of straw mats,tents, or iron boards (makeshift classes).However, the straw mats were often eaten bydonkeys, or destroyed by wind. Only a roofdelineated some classrooms. Schools fre-quently lacked both furniture, and teachingmaterials.

Target group The psychosocial needs assessment wasfocused on children living in IDP locationsas described above and attending the (emer-

gency) primary schools. The sample of theassessment was selected from three IDPcamps located in the Gash Barka region andfrom one war-affected village situated nearthe border. The Gash Barka region is thelargest region of Eritrea, covering 27% of thetotal surface of the country, and one of theworst war-affected in the country. At thetime of the research, the region hostedapproximately ten IDP, refugee and/orreturnee (from Sudan) camps or settlements. The sample counted 348 children participat-ing in recreational activities and includedchildren of both sex and from different ages;ranging from 8 to 18 years old (M= 11.8).The majority of the children were from theTigray or Tigrinya tribe and originally camefrom rural villages close to the border withEthiopia. A small minority were from theKunama or Saho tribe. They did not alwaysattend school because of language differ-ences and the nomadic life style of theirnative tribes. They were included in theassessment through participation in commun-ity projects.

MethodologyIn order to determine the psychosocial needsof the target group, data on the psychosocialwell being of the children was collectedthrough both qualitative and quantitativemeans.1. As a first step, and as a broad explorationof the needs assessment context, all previ-ously done research and developed materialson this issue in Eritrea were collected andanalysed (The State of Eritrea- Ministry ofHealth Report, 2000; Ministry of Labourand Human Welfare, 1999, 2000; UNICEF,2001; National Union of Eritrean Youth andStudents and Save the Children Fund-UK,2001). 2. Open interviews with key informantswere held. The key informants included

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The impact of the Eritrean-Ethiopian border conflict on the children in Eritrea; the role of protective factorsIntervention 2005, Volume 3, Number 1, Page 25 - 30


expert organisations, ministries, parents, care-takers, teachers, social workers, and nationalpsychologists. The interviews consisted ofopen-ended questions related to the (psy-chosocial) state of the children in the camp, totheir (culturally) appropriate development,their cultural background, and their existingneeds. Before the actual interviews with par-ents/caretakers, the interpreter visited the fam-ily homes in order to provide the families witha brief description of the study, and its pur-pose. In total, 33 individual interviews, in col-laboration with an Eritrean interpreter, wereheld including: four school directors, 25 par-ents/caretakers, and four professionalsinformed in this field (social workers, publichealth workers, and national psychologists). 3. Focus group discussions with teacherswere organised around four open-endedquestions, including the school performancesof the children, their behaviour, the socialsupport structure around them, and the relat-ed needs of the children. The meetings wereorganized in the selected IDP schools, aim-ing to gather additional information aboutthe children, to explore existing social sup-port systems and at the same time to raiseawareness of potential problems, childrenmay experience. Focus group discussionmeetings were held with 68 teachers from sixschools and with one parent-teacher associa-tion. 4. Children participating in extra curricularrecreational activities (sport and musicgames) were systematically observed by theresearcher, by the national group workersorganising the recreational activities, and bythe teachers, following a list of pre-set obser-vation criteria. The observation criteria wasbased on items of psychosocial instrumentsfrequently used with children and adoles-cents following different traumatic events,like the Impact of Events Scale (Dyregov,Kuterovac, & Barath, 1996) and the Hopkins

Symptom Check list - 25. The final criteria inthe observation checklist were the participa-tion of the children in the proposed activity(five items); four anxieties related items, foursomatic complaints and seven hyper arousaland watchfulness items. The items are listed inthe box below. Items were rated on a scale from0 to 3 and the observations were analysed

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Box 1 Observation checklist

How did the children participate in theactivity?The children were:InterestedExcitedPassive

How did the children behave towardsyou?The children were:PleasantObedientAccepting/ respectful

What was the condition of the children? The children complained of, or were experiencing:HeadachesStomach painsBreathing problemsNausea or faintingNightmaresFear/anxietyMemory loss/poor concentration

How did the children behave towardseach other?The children were:TalkativeRelaxedGentleIndependentTenseHyperactiveAggressive


with an SPSS programme. Before the actualdata collection, the translation into Tigrinyaof each item of the checklist was discussedwith the national group workers and with aninterpreter during assessment training. Adefinition and description of each item wasagreed on. In this way, culturally appropriateand unanimous understanding of the itemswas reached.

OutcomesThe majority of the assessed children did notdirectly witness the war of 1998 - 2000. Mostof them had fled before the conflict erupted.There had been increasing political tensionbefore the conflict started and therefore localcommunities, especially women and chil-dren, had time to flee to the IDP camps setup by the government. Therefore, in mostcases, displacement took place before theactual fighting in the villages began. A fewpeople had to flee while soldiers were shoot-ing and looting, but most women and chil-dren got to safety before the fighting. Oneexception was the village where the assess-ment was conducted. There, the targetgroup directly witnessed and experiencedthe war. Children saw people dying (includ-ing classmates, a few teachers and the schooldirector), and receiving wounds. They alsohad to flee from bullets and bombs. Overall,the displacement was well organised.Villages and communities were kept togeth-er and settled in the same location. Childrenmoved together with their family, theirfriends, their neighbours, and sometimestheir teachers and other members of theircommunity. Small children were shieldedfrom all forms of violence. The extendedfamily system played an important role inproviding support to children who had beenseparated from their parents. Orphans were,and are still, being cared for by relatives andin some cases, unrelated families. The

assessed children were displaced into a des-ignated IDP camp where they depend onexternal aid for their basic needs and wherethere is constant uncertainty if or when theywill return home. They go to school, butteachers complain of students sleeping dur-ing class; ‘they are weak and dormant’. Thisis due to lack of food and tiring householdchores such as fetching wood or water fromdistant locations. Many children have lostclose family members (father, brother, orother relatives) and now live in single parenthouseholds. Teachers clearly indicated thatas a result, the children have too manyresponsibilities, which creates anxiety andfrustration about their living conditions. Themajority of the children were also worriedabout missing relatives, the loss of theirfathers and brothers, and what life will belike without them. Many children alsoexpressed concern about the loss of theirlivelihood (cattle, land); they speak and thinkabout it a lot. They worry about their future,and about the risk of the war starting again.Attitudes regarding returning home aredivided; most children wish to return but areat the same time afraid of what they will findand wonder if they will be able to continuetheir education. Teachers observed a highlevel of fighting amongst the students. Thechildren get angry easily and fight quite cruel-ly. According to the teachers, the disruptionof the school system, the teaching conditions(open classrooms, wind) and the lack ofteaching materials affect the children themost; ‘they are affected because their dailylives are affected’.The opinion of interviewed parents and/orcaretakers about the psychosocial impact ofwar on their children was also divided. Fortyfour percent indicated that the behaviour oftheir children was not affected by the war.Some children expressed problems (night-mares and bad dreams) shortly after the con-

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flict, but these have disappeared now. ‘Theyare obedient and respectful (…) the war hasnot brought any serious impact on the chil-dren’s behaviour’. Thirty six percent clearlyindicated that their children have directlybeen affected by the war. Children fear loudnoises, suffer from nightmares and baddreams, and in particular, fight amongstthemselves and are sensitive or get angryeasily. They also talk about the war and playwar games. Playing war games was general-ly viewed as a very serious, and perhaps themost, negative consequence of the conflict;‘they have learned about aggression’. A fewparents however indicated that these prob-lems might also be related to their livingconditions and that ‘it’s normal’. In total,60% of the parents and/or caretakersexpressed their concern that children wor-ried about their current living conditions,and about their future; ‘living in a tent is aproblem in itself (…) the displacement hasit’s own impact’.

AnalysisIn all previous research on the impact of waron Eritrea children, no apparent signs of trau-matisation or adjustment problems werefound. Findings suggest that children werewell protected in the war and the social net-work is still intact. The main conclusion of areport on the appropriateness and the need toimplement a psychosocial program in Eritrea(Médecins Sans Frontières- Holland, 2000)was that a mental health program that address-es traumatic stress and psychosocial problemson a community level would not be appropri-ate. Special points of interest were that somechildren and women had bad dreams andother emotional reactions after their experi-ences, but after some time these reactionsdiminished or disappeared. The identified pro-tective factors in that research were unity, con-nectedness, and community support.

In this psychosocial needs assessment, thesystematic observations of the children alsoindicated that the target group did not showsigns of (abnormal) stress directly related totraumatic experiences of war. A few childrenshowed some post traumatic stress reactionsshortly after the conflict, but the reactionsmostly disappeared quite quickly. One excep-tion was the children who experienced theactual fighting and who lost classmates andteachers in the bombing of their school. Theydo score slightly higher on hyper arousal andwatchfulness items than the children who didnot have those kinds of experiences. On thewhole, the observed reactions seem to bedirectly related to the stressful living circum-stances and to unfulfilled basic needs. Themost prevalent observation was that childrenare tense. They are sensitive, get angry easily,have difficulties concentrating in class, andrelaxing during recreational activities. In their displacement, the children left theirhome and livelihood behind; they had to fleeand became a ‘displaced person’ living ininhospitable areas. They are worried abouttheir everyday basic needs and about theirincreased responsibilities. They live in anenvironment that does not provide them abasic sense of security. Children are oftenengaged in survival strategies, which some-times requires aggressive behaviour andfighting. They attend school in classroomswithout walls, or with 70 other children fromvery different age groups. This also mayexplain the observed lack of concentration.Moreover, the schools generally lack facilitiesand materials, but also the manpower to cre-ate an enjoyable learning environment forthe children. These finding suggest that children sufferfrom their current situation and that duringthe conflict; some powerful protective factorswere at play. Through this assessment, fourprotective factors were identified.

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1. The organization of displacement: The majorityof the children in the assessed area of GashBarka were not directly caught up in the bor-der conflict; they fled before the fightingerupted to safer areas and therefore did notwitness many violent events. Being preparedfor conflict by anticipating its outburst takesaway the ‘suddenness’ of the conflict andcould mitigate the psychosocial impact. Thechildren from the sample did experiencesome important elements of a traumaticexperience as defined by Kleber & Brom(1992), namely the powerlessness, theextreme discomfort and the acute disruptionof one’s existence; but the experience was alittle less ‘acute’ as they had time to preparethemselves. This may have also left themfeeling little less powerless than they wouldhave if the conflict had started without anyclear-cut warning.2. Social network: In the displacement, villagesand communities were kept together.Children moved together with their family,their friends, their neighbours, often theirteachers, and with other members of theircommunity. By displacing whole communi-ties, the social support network within thecommunity was not interrupted; safety,trust, and stability were largely continual.Maintaining the social structure around chil-dren seems to act as a strong protective fac-tor. For governments and the military, thesefindings could argue for the development ofearly warning systems for the eruption ofconflicts, so that women and children can bedisplaced in time and in an orderly fashion,thus preventing long term psychosocialeffects on the next generation.3. Family support: The assessed children wereshielded from the conflict by their families.An important protective factor in this respectwas the continuous presence and connected-ness of the family (nuclear and extended),which cared for the children and protected

them. This finding confirms the assumptionthe children exposed to the stresses of warbenefit most from the presence of family andrelatives (Kjerstin, 1998; de Jong, 2002). Thecare for orphaned children extended beyondthe family context to the whole Eritreancommunity, as the government of Eritrea isknown for caring for these children by plac-ing orphans in foster families and orphan-ages. 4. The outcome of the battle: Talking about theconflict, children express a deep sense ofpride and respect for the fighters and forthose who gave their lives for ‘The Struggle’.The children did not seem to resent the con-flict or feel they were war victims. They indi-cated a familiarity with conflicts, with thesuffering of war and with losing familymembers as ‘martyrs’ or ‘heroes’ of war. Animportant fact in this respect is that the peo-ple of Eritrea feel like winners and are proudof their resistance. Another protective factor,therefore, seems to be the feeling of victory;is it easier to cope with the devastations ofwar when the battle has been won? Theexpressed sentiments of the children couldalso relate to the findings of Eldebour andhis colleagues (1997) on the moral reasoningof children in trying to make sense of whathappened in war-like situations. Furtherstudies on the role of political struggle andnational identity, as a protective factor is rec-ommended.

ReflectionThe psychosocial needs assessment conduct-ed in Eritrea demonstrated that the assessedchildren were protected from the direct harmof war and violence by some powerful fac-tors. However, the children are continuouslyaffected by the stress of their living condi-tions. The stress of everyday life, which arethe indirect effects of war, could be equally,or even more, important for many children

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than exposure to organised violence (Parson,1996). A long-term study would be neededfor verification. At the time of the assess-ment, children were surviving and hoping toreturn to normal living conditions. At suchtimes, psychosocial aid programs should pro-mote the protective factors at play and focuson the displayed strengths of the children.Scientific research should focus on the role ofprotective factors and how these might beused in prevention programs for children inarmed conflicts.On the longer term, the psychosocial wellbeing of the assessed children remains uncer-tain. It is unclear and unpredictable what willhappen when normal life returns. Whenmost basic needs are met, or when the feel-ing of victory subsides, attention may shift tomore psychological needs, giving traumatiz-ing experiences the opportunity to surface.Children may also unlearn the necessaryskills for independent living in a normal,non-war society (Quouta, El-Sarrai, &Punamaki, 2001). Certain preparedness or asafety net in the case of problems arising inthe near future therefore seems necessary.According to Eritrean professionals, pre-paredness should be established through sen-sitization and public awareness campaigns atgrass-roots level, and through the building ofprofessional capacity on an institutionallevel. However, the analysis of earlierresearch and reports conducted by differentexperts and institutions show the lack of pro-fessional expertise in the field of psychosocialhealth care in Eritrea. This brings us to a last important dilemmafor international psychosocial health careinterventions in war-affected areas. Whenpsychosocial needs assessment demonstratesthe relative psychosocial well being of war-affected children, international (emergency)aid organisations usually decide not to imple-ment an intervention. On the other hand, the

preparedness for delayed psychosocial effectsof war may require capacity building and thedevelopment of national safety nets.Therefore, it is recommended that organisa-tions take this risk of long term or delayed(direct and indirect) effects of war intoaccount while assessing the needs for psy-chosocial interventions in war-affected areas.

ReferencesDyregov, A., Kuterovac, G. & Barath, A. (1996).

Factor analysis of the Impact of Event Scale

with children in war. Scandinavian Journal of

Psychology (137), p.339-350.

Eldebour, S., Baker, A.M. & Charlesworth, W.

(1997). Political violence and moral reasoning

in children. Child abuse and neglect, 19 (2).

Jong de, J. ed. (2002). Trauma, war and violence: Public

Mental health in socio-cultural context. New York,

Plenum.

Kjerstin, A. (1998). Paper presented at the

European Consultation “Health hazards of

organized violence in children, II- protective

factors and coping”. Bergen, the Netherlands.

Kleber, R.J & Brom, D. (1992). Coping with trauma,

theory, prevention and treatment. Lisse, Swets &

Zeitlinger B.V.

Médecins Sans Frontières- Holland (2000). Made in

Eritrea; a mental health assessment in Eritrea.

National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students and

Save the Children Fund-UK (2001). Report on

separated children in Five IDP camps; a quick survey.

Parson, R. (1996). It takes a village to heal a child.

Journal of Contemporary Psychotherapy, 26,251-286.

Quouta, S., El-Sarrai, E. & Punamaki, R.L. (2001).

Mental flexibility as resiliency factor among

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children exposed to political violence.

International Journal of Psychology, 36 (1), 1 - 7.

The State of Eritrea; Ministry of Labour and

Human Welfare (1999). Children in Eritrea affect-

ed by the border conflict: a psychosocial needs

assessment.

The State of Eritrea; Ministry of Labour and

Human Welfare, UN Children’s Fund and

SCF-UK (2000). The situation of separated children

in IDP camps in Eritrea.

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