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TheInternationalizationoftheBrazilianPublicProsecutor’sOffice:Anti-CorruptionandCorporate
Investmentsinthe2000s1
FabianoEngelmann1https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5720-3832
EduardodeMouraMenuzzi1
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3653-8796
1UniversidadeFederaldoRioGrandedoSul,Post-GraduationProgramofPoliticalScience,PortoAlegre/RS,Brazil
The success of different categories of legalprofessionalsinbuildingpositionsofstatepowerinBrazilsincetheendofthemilitaryregimeisinlinewiththelegitimationofmodels of law and international cooperation. This articlefocuses on the connections betweenBrazilian legal actors andthe international ‘fight against corruption’. By looking at theinternational connections of Brazil’s Public Prosecutor’sOffice(MPF),we aim to show how the promotion of anti-corruptionmodelsof lawistheresultofcorporatecooperationstrategies.We cite as evidence overseas travel by MPF agents and theirconnectionswith the international field in recent decades.Westartbyanalyzingcooperationdocumentsand thenattempt totrace the MPF’s pathway towards internationalization duringthe2000s.Keywords:Internationalization;judicialelite;publicprosecutor’s0ffice;cooperation;anti-corruption.
http://doi/10.1590/1981-3821202000010006Fordatareplication,see:https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/7XURZ5Correspondence:FabianoEngelman.E-mail:[email protected].
______________________________________________________________________________________________1This article results from a Research Project funded by the National Council for Scientific andTechnologicalDevelopment(CNPq).
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ule of law formats within countries that moved from military to
democratic regimes in the 1980s were influenced by a twofold
process.Ontheonehand,thereweretheinternationalmovementsthattookpart
intheresistancetothemilitaryandinthereconstructionofthejuridical-political
order. Among themwere pro-human rights NGOs and development cooperation
agencies involvedin ‘exportingdemocracy’(DEZALAYandGARTH,2002).Onthe
otherhand,theprocessofreconstructionoftheruleoflawprovidedopportunities
for reproduction strategies, with new symbolic investments and functions for
judicial elites arising as part of transition processes and the drawing up of new
constitutions. In the decades following the end of the military regimes, these
groups strove to build independent power bases anchored in the courts, public
ministries,andtheexpansionofstatebureaucracythatwerepermeatedbymodels
ofrespectforlegalrules(BOURDIEU,2012;ENGELMANN,2017).
Brazil is one of the most representative cases in South America of the
successofjudicialelitesinbuildingsuchpowerbasesinademocraticregime.This
article focusesonwhatweunderstandtobeasecondmoment in thisprocessof
the riseof legalpractitionerswithin thepower space, following the construction
and accumulation of political and symbolic capital in judicial institutions during
theperiodsubsequenttore-democratization.
The scenario involves connections between autonomous institutions,
especially thePublicProsecutor’sOffice, and internationalmovements thatdrive
theanti-corruptionagenda.Weintendtoshowthatthisinternationalconnection
is a relevant dimension for understanding both the corporate
empowerment of attorneys-general and, in general, the conditions of
appropriation and legitimation of this agenda in the domestic space. In the
corporatesense,anti-corruptionmovementshavehelped legitimizetheexpertise
of those engaged in prosecution actions against politicians by reaffirming the
independence and institutional and symbolic strength of judicial institutions.
Similarly, international factors have influenced the institutional designs,
lawsandbureaucraticstructuresthathaveflourishedinBrazilaroundthe
anti-corruptionagenda,aswellasthecoursesofactiontakenbythelargestanti-
R
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corruptionoperationsofthelastdecadeinwhichthecentralactorswereagentsof
thejudiciary.
Thisprocessinvolvedasecondgenerationoflegalspecialistsrecruitedfor
statecareersfromthe2000s2whodidnotparticipateintheconstitutionaldebates
andcorporatebattlesofthefirstdecadeafterthemilitaryregime.This‘consolidation’
of thepoliticalpowerof judicial actors in recentdecadesoccurred through their
greater autonomy vis-à-vis the political space. Their actions differ greatly from
those of the ‘gentleman politicians of law’ (DEZALAY and GARTH, 2002;
ENGELMANN, 2006) or themagistrates’ and prosecutors’ associationswho took
partintheConstituentAssembly(MACIELandKOERNER,2014)andwerepresent
inpoliticallifethroughoutthe1990s(ARANTES,2002;ENGELMANN,2006).Their
political and corporate activism sought to promote democracy and social
justice through the creation of important relational axeswith international
humanrightsmovements3.Internalmovementsinthelegalfieldalsoreinforced
thistendency,suchasthefoundingoftheAssociationofJudgesforDemocracy
in 1991 and the alternative law movement (1990 to 1995) which sought to
deconstruct the ‘neutrality’ of the law and involve judicial institutions in the
politicaldebateandresistancetotheneoliberalagendaoftheCollorandCardoso
governments(seeENGELMANN,2006).
In our period, institutions endowed with considerable autonomy and
consolidated power established relationships with both internal political
movementsandtheinternationalspace.Oneofthestrategiescanbefoundinthe
anti-corruptionmovementsthatoccupiedthecenteroftheBrazilianpoliticalagendain
ourperiod.Thediscourseofcleaninguppoliticsandthe‘fightagainstcorruption’
______________________________________________________________________________________________2Althoughfurtherandmoreextensivestudiesareneeded,a‘generationeffect’intheincreaseoftheanti-corruption agenda in the Public Prosecution Service may be postulated from an analysis of theprofessional and academic pathways of the prosecutors who have led the anti-corruptionoperationtaskforcesandhavebeenpartofinstitutionalinternationalizationmovementsoverthelastdecade.
3Inrecentyears,thecontradictionbetweentheMPF’spoliticalactivismanditsjudicialactivismhasprogressively intensified,resulting in theexternalizationofagenuine intergenerationalconflict.In2019,theOfficeoftheFederalProsecutorforCitizen’sRights,anMPFbodycomposedofpublicprosecutorswho joinedthe institution in the1980sand90s, issuedastatementonthe leaksofconversationsbetweenprosecutors involved inOperationLava Jato, to theeffect that ‘efforts totacklecorruptionneedtocomplywithhumanrightsstandards’(MINISTÉRIOPÚBLICOFEDERAL,2019b (FEDERAL PUBLIC PROSECUTOR’S OFFICE)) and emphasizing the importance of dueprocessandfreedomofthepress.
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has been bandied about frequently in the course of battles between political
groups throughout Brazilian history (PINTO, 2011). We should not, however,
dismisssuchdiscourseasamereside-effectoftheelectoralcycle;itisimportantto
verify the structural factors that fostered the genesis, development and
enhancement of this phenomenon. Our hypothesis is that in the Brazil of the
2000s,theseelementsappearintheexpansionofconnectionsbetweenlegalelites
intheJudiciary,thePublicProsecutor’sOfficeand,toalesserextent,thebureaucracies
of the Executive and the international space of anti-corruption agencies and
bodies. This is not to say that the internationalization of the anti-corruption
agenda is a causal determinant of the reorientation of the agenda of
Brazilian judicial institutions. But rather that due to structural similarities
between national arrangements (DEZALAY and GARTH, 2002) there is a clear
correspondence between the political and corporate strategies of certain legal
elitesandtheexpansionof the internationalanti-corruptionagenda.Thisagenda
penetrates the national power space on different fronts, including during the
drafting and passing of anti-corruption laws, increases in related budgets
(ARANTES, 2015) and political investment during Lula’s two mandates, as
describedinthebook‘TheLulaGovernmentandtheFightagainstCorruption’by
JorgeHage(2010).
The ‘fight against corruption’ became, during the 2000s, an international
cause,propagatedbytheUnitedStatesandthroughstandardsupheldbytheOECD,
the UN and the World Bank, all of which induced the proliferation of
domesticlawsinthenationalspace(TOURINHO,2018),andtheexpansion
of complianceprogramsvia economic regulations4. In general terms, theagenda
was legitimized in the national power space with help from the moral and
economic doctrines propagated by think tanks, transparency NGOs, investment
riskassessmentagenciesanddevelopmentbanks(ENGELMANN,2018,2017).The
strength of these prescriptions is evident in the expansion of anti-corruption
agencieswithvariedfunctions,whicharelegitimizedandinsertedintothespaceof______________________________________________________________________________________________4Therelationshipbetweenthesebodiesandanti-corruptionmovementscanbeseeninaseriesofinstitutional documents, such as those of the OECD (2014a; 2014b), theWORLD BANK (2012;2000)andUSAID/USAGENCYFORINTERNATIONALDEVELOPMENT(1999).
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political struggles (SOUZA, 2010). Institutional and symbolic claims of
independencefromrulersarefueledbyawholesetofinternationalprescriptions
and constitute thekeyelementof the successof theseendeavors in thenational
politicalspace.
Within theBrazilian framework, the Judiciary and thePublic Prosecutor’s
Officehavebecomecommandcentersforthedisseminationoftheanti-corruption
catechisminmultipleconnectionprofiles.Thelinksthatreinforcethepositionsof
those working to advance the anti-corruption agenda within these institutions
range from technical legal cooperation related to anti-corruption operations, to
cooperation agreements linking judicial institutions with NGOs, OECD working
groups and other international bodies. Likewise, the proliferation of spaces
dedicatedtoacademictrainingandthedisseminationofideasaroundanti-corruption
is indicativeof the consolidationof thisdoctrine. It is essential toconsider
thewhole process of import-export of ideas,models of operation and corporate
conceptions(ENGELMANN,2017).
Startingoutfromthisbroadframework,thistextintendstorevealthebasis
of these connections in the caseof theFederalPublicProsecutor’sOffice and its
internationalpartners.Ourhypothesisisthattheanti-corruptionagendahashada
dislocatingeffectofBrazilianpolitical-judicialactivism.Inotherwords,thepenetration
of international initiatives acquires symbolic and institutional strength by
aligning itself with the corporate investments of judicial institutions
and otherbureaucracies thathavebenefited fromaccumulated institutionaland
symboliccapitaloverthelasttwodecades.
Forapoliticalsociologyofanti-corruption
Expandingasacatechismthatappealstothestrengthofmoralideasand
thetechnicalrationalityofglobalmarkets, ‘anti-corruption’anchorsitselfinthespace
of national power through the transformation of the law, the creation of anti-
corruption agencies and public transparency. The literature on anti-corruption
programsandinitiativespointstotheexperiencesofregimetransitioninEastern
European countries from the1990s onwards as representative of the expanding
phenomenonofagenciespromotingthisagenda(SCHERRERetal.,2009;SMILOV,
2009;SOUZA,2010).Severalworkshavedemonstratedhowthese initiativesare
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leveraged in the course of domestic political struggles and election campaigns.
They also show how certain political forces connect themselves to NGOs and
international bodies (DJALILI, 2000; FARAVEL-GARRIGUES, 2009; HEURTAUX,
2009; PUJAS, 2000). Such studies highlight the importance of taking into
consideration the import-export logic of these movements and not simply
attributingthephenomenato‘externalpressure’onthespaceofdomesticpower.
Thescenariosofmobilizationofvariousactorsarounda‘policyjudgment’5
resultfromacombinationoffactors,wherebylegalelitesundertakerealcrusades
for the ‘moral rectification of politics’ anchored in their position in State power
structures(BOURDIEU,2012).Inthiscontext,theforceofthelawisleveragedina
political operation (BOURDIEU, 1981; ENGELMANN, 2018) with the central
objective of subjecting elected representatives to criminal punishments. This
practiceisknowninthefieldofinternationalrelationsaslawfare6.Itconsistsof
themanipulateduseoflegalrulesagainstpoliticalopponents,mostcommonly
in the US. Anti-corruption operations run by government-related prosecutors
targetpoliticalopponents. IntheBraziliancase, thephenomenonacquiresavery
specificcharacteristic.Lawfareactorsareacategoryofagentsembeddedinstate
power that have structurally gained a great measure of independence from
politicalpressure.
A key area of research on this phenomenon concerns anti-corruption
operations. More specifically, the ‘hyper-activism’ of judicial agents and control
bureaucracies enhanced by the mediatization of political and financial scandals.
StudiesofthemostfamousEuropeancasesofthe1990s,suchas‘OperazioneMani
Pulite’inItaly(BRIQUET,2001;VAUCHEZ,2004)andthescandalsthatresultedin
the sentencing of politicians in France (ROUSSEL, 2002; VAUCHEZ, 2017) and
Spain (PUJAS, 2000) have shown how this works. Their authors discuss
the political meanings of these operations and to what extent they fit into the
______________________________________________________________________________________________5Thenotionoflawfareisabroadoneandisalsoemployedbyauthorswhodiscussthesocialbasisof the relationship betweenmorality and politics, such as in research on how voters perceivecorruptionandpoliticianswhoaresentencedincourt.SeeLascoumesandNagels(2015).
6Formoreontheconceptoflawfare,seeAnsah(2010).
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frameworkofstructuralchangesinthepositionofjudicialinstitutionsinthespace
ofpower.
Looking at the French case, Roussel (2002) highlights importance of
considering the autonomization of judicial institutions in relation to political
power,withtheweakeningoftiesofsolidaritybetweenjudgesandpoliticiansand
the emergence of an autonomous judiciary. This process favors a newmodel of
professionalexcellencethatincludestheinterventionofmagistratesinthepolitical
space from the ‘outside’ legitimated as ‘defense of general interests’. These
processesofempowermentandeducationarebolsteredbythepenetrationofthe
concept of transparency into both the media and state power. Lascoumes and
Nagels (2015) draw attention to a historical pattern of weak penalization of
politicalandfinancialeliteslinkedtoFrenchcorruptioncases.Theyemphasizethe
small number of cases sent to court by the administrative authorities that
supervise the crimes of large companies. Among the causes of this phenomenon
aredisputesoverinvestigativepowerbetweenthejudiciaryandtheregulatorsof
thebureaucracyaswellasamodelcharacterizedbyrelativelysmallerautonomy
intermsofjudicialresourcesinrelationtothepoliticalspace.
Corroborating the hypotheses of Briquet (2001), Roussel (2002)
Lascoumes and Nagels (2015) highlight three key factors that deserve to be
considered in order to understand the involvement of judicial agents and civil
servants inprocesses involving financialandpoliticalelites.First,adherencetoa
professionalcultureofindependencestronglyassociatedwithlegalprerogatives.This
is followed by legalism opposed to favoritism for elites. This legalism does not
mean‘obediencetothesystem’,butapointfromwhichprosecutorsinterpretfacts
and breakwith the conservative routine of a priori protection for elites. Finally,
LascoumesandNagels (2015)pointout thatanotherpotentiating factorof ‘anti-
corruption’ operations is the organization ofwork and the division of roles that
have evolved within the judiciary, police and administrative-financial control
bureaucracies.
Thespreadofthe‘anti-corruption’gospelinjudicialinstitutionsandstate
bureaucracies and its overlap with political battles in an importer country of
political and legal models (BADIE, 1992) presents a complex challenge. An
understandingof the logicssurroundingthestrategiesandtacticsof this import-
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exportmovementandtheiroverlapwithnationalpowergameshasbecomecrucial.
AsDezalayandGarth(2002)andEngelmann(2017)demonstrate,thedualplayof
legal elites that attempt to reinforce or rebuild positions in the national power
spaceinSouthAmericaisanimportantstartingpointforunderstandingwhatisat
stakewhenStatemodelsareimported.
Inthislight,theanti-corruptionfightassumesgreatcentralityinthe‘rule
of law’ and ‘good governance’ promoted by US think tanks (ABELSON, 2006;
ENGELMANN,2017,2018;McGANN,2017;MEDVETZ,2012;ROCHA,2015).This
movement of ideas is connected to the internationalization of the regulations
governing the activities of transnational US corporations by the 1977 Foreign
Corrupt Practices Act, which boosted the prescriptions for conformity and the
strengtheningofanti-corruptionauthorities(FAVAREL-GARRIGUES,2009).
Inthetermsofthisgeneraldiscussion,theresearchunderlyingthisarticle
startsoutwith amore systematicunderstandingof the institutional cooperation
networksthatlinkjudicialagentswiththeinternationalanti-corruptionspace.We
startedoutbylookingatinternationaltreatiesandagreementsparticipatedinby
theBrazilian government, theFederalPublicProsecutor’sOffice and theFederal
Judiciary. In addition to cooperation documents, we looked at reports on
cooperationandtheinternationalcirculationoftheagentsleadingtheprocessas
sources.Thegoalherewas to identify recurringpatterns thatwouldallowus to
clarifylinkswiththeinternationalspace.Wetookanespeciallyprobinglookat
theFederalPublicProsecutor’sOffice’sinvolvementininternationalcooperation.One
key source were the records of leave for travel abroad taken by public
prosecutors between 2008 and 2018. This gave us a broader picture of
destinationcountriesaswellastheprofileofthemostfrequentlyrecurringanti-
corruption-relatedevents.
Internationalcooperationandinvestmentsbythelegalelite
International anti-corruption cooperation involves building a space for
formal and informal prescriptions, networks and agreements between NGOs,
international organizations, development agencies and legal and police
professionals.Atthenationalendofthisspace,stand-outfeaturesincludethe
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specialization of agents of the Judicial branch and the Public Prosecutor’s
Office,andtheemergenceofautonomoustransparencyandcontrolagencies.The
1977 US Congress approval of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA)
represented an important milestone in the internationalization of the ‘anti-
corruption’ catechism7. Initially controversial within the OECD due to its
scope ‘beyond the nation state’, this US initiative strongly influenced the
subsequent approval of the OECD Anti-Corruption Convention of 1997, which
came into force in1999.The introductionofOECDprogramsand initiatives is in
linewith the trainingandactivismworkof theNGOTransparency International,
foundedin1993(COEURDRAY,2004).Otherprogramsderivingfromthe2003UN
Conventionweresubsequently introduced.TheUN, throughUNODC,hasspurred
the adoption of national laws contributing to the expansion of ‘anti-corruption
agencies’ by fostering of legal and police expertise garnered from ‘anti-drug’
programs(Table05).
Inthe1990s,withleadershipfromtheWorldBankandtheIMF,financial
agencies also included anti-corruption prescriptions in ‘good governance’
models. The proliferation in the 2000s of specific international agreements and
programs for technical cooperation and training is another area that deserves
attention.Theseprogramsareanchoredinvariousentitiesandpenetratethe
national spaceby facilitating agreements in less formalizednetworkswith
the agents that increasingly circulate in this space, or even by reproduction of
equivalentprogramsbynationalagencies.
Theconditionsforthesuccessoftheseprescriptionsinthenationalspace
varyaccordingtothemobilizationstrategiesandpoliticalusestowhichtheyare
put by groups and agents interested in reinforcing or maintaining
positions in thespaceofpower.Even if initiativeprofilescanbe identified, the
overlap between internationalized formal and informal networks is an important
element. Transparency International, for example, acts in the construction of the
______________________________________________________________________________________________7ThisFCPAprohibitspaymentstoforeigngovernmentofficials,foreignpoliticalpartiesand/orcandidatesforforeignpoliticalofficeinexchangeforcommercialoreconomicadvantage.ItappliesnotonlytoUS-basedcompaniesorcompaniesotherwisesubjecttoUSlaw,butalsotoUSlistedcompaniesandothercompaniesthatengageincorruptiononUSterritory.
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anti-corruption catechism through thediffusionof publications and the
construction of measurement indicators that mobilize the discourse of
the‘independence’ofNGOsandthescientificfield.Toreinforcethisdoctrine,itacts
while anchored in the share of state power held by anti-corruption agencies,
judiciaries and public ministries in concluding cooperation agreements for
consultancy on the use of public resources, as in thecaseofBrazil’sMPFand
NationalJusticeCouncil(CNJ).Wecanalsomentionthethinktanksthatpromotethe
fight against corruption as an instrument for promoting the rule of law
(ENGELMANN, 2017). These guide strategies towards members of national
agencies,magistratesandprosecutorsbyconferringawardsordistinctions,orby
financing lecturesandpublications ina spaceof “construction, reproductionand
circulation of ideas designed to shape public debate based on the principle of
legitimacy”(SVARTAMANN,2018,p.131).
AnotherimportantmovementrelatestotheactionsoftheUnitedNations
OfficeonDrugs andCrime (UNODC). In1997, theUNODC8promotedprojects in
various countries that focused on ‘anti-corruption strategies’. In addition to the
dissemination of its prescriptions, the UNODC Global Program seeks to ‘identify
examplesandbestpractices’developedonanationalscalethatcancontributeto
an ‘international strategy’ in terms of anti-corruption. The program serves as a
focalpoint for thevarious fieldofficesaround theworldandplaysan important
role in standardizing police operations methodology. In this sense, it provides
models of investigation, interrogation and international legal cooperation and
transfersexpertiseacquiredsincethe1970sinthefightagainstorganizedcrimeto
thesphereofcriminalizationofcorruption(ANDREASandNADELMAN,2006).
WithinthescopeoftheUNODC,theJudicialIntegrityGroup9,createdafter
meetingsofheadsofthejudicialbranchesofgovernmentinvariouscountries,has
theobjectiveofbringingtogether judgesanddisseminatingprinciplesofconduct
relatedtoanti-corruptionprescriptions.Anotherimportantfrontforstrengthening
cohesion between moral prescriptions, expertise and law is the movement to
create trainingand information-sharingnetworksbetweenagencies.Encouraged
______________________________________________________________________________________________8UNOfficededicatedtofightingcrimeanddrugtrafficking.9SeeNaçõesUnidas(2008(UNITEDNATIONS))andInternationalTransparency(2007).
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by OECD and UN conventions, the ‘autonomous anti-corruption agency’ model
formspartoftheprescriptionsoftheseinternationalmovements.Representative
examplesincludetheinformalnetworkscreatedin2001withintheframeworkof
theEuropeanUnion,EuropeanPartnersAgainstCorruption(EPAC)andtheAnti-
CorruptionAgencyNetwork(ANCORAGENET)establishedin2006.
TheEuropeanContact-PointNetworkAgainstCorruption(EACN),created
by the European Commission, brings together leaders from various agencies
anchoredinthenationalpowerofEuropeancountries.Inthissamedimensionwe
canalsobementiontheEuropeanAnti-FraudOffice(OLAF),aspecializedfinancial
fraudunit created in1999, and theGroupof StatesagainstCorruption (GRECO),
linked to the European Council, which brings together representatives from
member states. Among academic actions for specific training purposes, wemay
includetheInternationalAnti-CorruptionAcademy(IACA),whichhasagreements
with the Brazilian Public Prosecution Service for training on techniques and
prescriptions.AninternationalinitiativecreatedinBeijingin2003,theInternational
Association of Anti-corruption Authorities (IAACA), is also indicative of the
activitiesofinter-agencynetworks.
In 2011, the OECD launched the CleanGovBiz program. This initiative
focuses on public administration and state institutions and guides the
development of instruments to combat corruption. According to the OECD,
CleanGovBizisastrategicpriorityfortheorganizationandispartoftheG20Anti-
Corruption Action Plan, which has set out biennial goals since 2010. It was
preceded by the Declaration on Propriety, Integrity and Transparency in the
ConductofInternationalBusinessandFinance(thePITDeclaration)of2009.This
aimstoencouragecountriestopromoteimprovementsinbusinessenvironments
through cleaner and more efficient markets and more transparent government
systems.A setof ‘tools’, called ‘theToolkit’ areprovidedaspartof theplan, and
show,amongother things,howprocurementprocesses canbe improvedorhow
governmentactorscanencouragecompaniestoadoptcomplianceguidelinesand
reformnational judicial systems to ensure the cooperationof judges inhanding
downsentencesincorruptioncases.
In line with international programs, the National Program for the
DisseminationofInternationalLegalCooperation(GrotiusBrazil),withafocuson
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anti-corruption training of civil servants, was instituted in 2010. It promotes
everything from technical training courses to academic publications and
universityextensionprograms focusedon legal cooperation. Itwasemployed in
various regions acrossBrazil10. TheAnnualReport of theNational Secretariat of
Justice11 and the 10th Commemorative Report on the National Strategy for the
FightagainstCorruptionandMoneyLaundering(ENCCLA)12,theNationalTraining
and Training Program for the Fight against Corruption and Money Laundering
(PNDL)havearecordofconductingcoursesinpartnershipwithseveralBrazilian
institutionsandhadtrained364agentsby2012.
TheinternationalcirculationofMPFagents:theSecretariatofInternational
Cooperationandtheinternationalexchangesofpublicprosecutors
Over thecourseof the2000sand2010s,national cooperation initiatives
onanti-corruption13sawconsiderableadvances.Ontheonehand,wefindspecific
lawsresultingfrominternationalagreementsthatpointtotechnicalcooperationin
combating money laundering and asset recovery. On the other hand, there are
broaderscopelawsthathaveadirectimpactontherepositioningofthelegalelite
that circulate among thepublic andprivate sectors (Table01), suchas thePlea-
Bargaining Law and the Anti-Corruption Law, both from 2013 (ENGELMANN,
2017).
It is important to analyze the cooperation agreements that link the
national space of justice institutions and government bureaucracies to the
international anti-corruption space. Such analysis reveals the connections that
anchor the prescriptions of international networks, NGOs, programs and
organizations in the field of national power. The expansion of these
agreements in the2000shighlights at least twophenomenainthelegalfield
(Table 02). First, it expands the international circulation of Brazilian state
______________________________________________________________________________________________10SeedetailsintheBrazilreport(2011).11SeedetailsintheBrazilreport(2012a).12SeeBrazilReport(2012b). 13For furtherdetailsoncooperationagreementsseethe followingdocuments fromtheMinistériode Relações Exteriores (2015a; 2015b (MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS)), International Anti-Corruption Academy (2016) and Rede Ibero-Americana de Cooperação Internacional (2011(IBERO-AMERICANINTERNATIONALCOOPERATIONNETWORK)).
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functionaries around new doctrinal and technical conceptions of law.This
impacts not only on the strategic direction of institutions such as the Public
Prosecutor’s Office, but also on internal anti-corruption operations through the
adoption of penal negotiationmodels, asset recovery techniques (and recovered
asset management) and intensified data sharing, as well as the adoption of an
‘internationalanti-corruptionregime’tocombatmoney-launderinginthenational
space(TOURINHO,2018).
Table01.Anti-CorruptionLawsinthe2000s2000 FiscalResponsibilityLaw SupplementaryLawNº1012000 CrimesagainstPublicFinancesLaw LawNº10,0282001 Lawontheconfidentialityofthe
operationsoffinancialinstitutionsSupplementaryLawNº105
2002 ElectronicNotificationLaw LawNº10,520ofJuly2009 TransparencyLaw SupplementaryLawNº1312010 CleanSlateLaw SupplementaryLawNº1352011 AccesstoInformationLaw LawNº12,5272013 PleaBargainingLaw LawNº12,8502013 Anti-corruptionLaw LawNº12,8462016 Anti-terrorismLaw LawNº13,2602016 State-ownedenterpriseliabilityLaw LawNº13,3032017 Tenmeasuresagainstcorruption PL4850/2016–PLC27/2017(inprogress)2019 Anti-crimePackage PLNº881/2019,PLNo.882/2019andPLP
No.38/2019Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor’sbasedonDiárioOficial(2000-2018).
In a general sense, the most concrete result is that the networks for
sharingtechnicalresearchinformationwereexpandedtoaninternationalscale.
Secondly,theinternationalagreementsareinlinewiththeinternalcorporate
movements of different categories of legal professionals. In particular, the
categories positioned in spaces at claim autonomy from politicians and leaders,
suchastheComptrollerGeneraloftheUnion(CGU),theGeneralAdvocacyofthe
Union (AGU), the Federal Police and the Public Defender of the Union (DPU)14.
Thesecategoriespursuetheguaranteesprerogativesofindependenceobtainedby
theJudiciaryandthePublicProsecutor’sOfficesincetheendofthemilitaryregime
(seeARANTES,2015).
______________________________________________________________________________________________14Regarding the controversial attempt by DPU agents to involve the MPF in the fight againstcorruption,seethepublicdebatebetweenSãoPauloStatePublicDefenderMarcosViníciusMansoLopesGomes(2018)andRiodeJaneiroStatePublicDefenderElisaCruz(2018).
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Table02.InternationalagreementswithBrazilianparticipationinthe2000s Date Summaryofagreement(objective,responsiblebody,resultsand
actions)Inter-AmericanConventionagainstCorruption(CaracasConvention)OAS
1996PromulgatedinBrazilbyDecreeNº4,410,2002
PromoteandstrengthenthedevelopmentbyeachStatePartyofthemechanismsnecessarytoprevent,detect,punishanderadicatecorruption.Promote,facilitate,andregulatecooperationamongStatePartiestoensuretheeffectivenessofmeasuresandactionstakentoprevent,detect,punish,anderadicatecorruptionintheexerciseofpublicfunctions,aswellasactsofcorruptionspecificallylinkedtotheexerciseofpublicfunctions.Partner:governmentofBrazil.
ConventionontheFightagainsttheCorruptionofForeignPublicOfficialsOECD
1997PromulgatedinBrazilbyDecreeNº3,678of11/2000
Takeallnecessarystepstoestablishthatunderitslawsitisacriminaloffenseforanypersonintentionallytooffer,promiseorgiveanyimproperfinancialorotheradvantage,eitherdirectlyorthroughintermediaries,fromaforeignpublicofficial,totheofficialinquestionortothirdparties.Partner:governmentofBrazil.
CooperationagreementFinancialActionTaskForceofLatinAmerica(GAFILAT)
2000 GAFILATisaregionalgroupthatbelongstotheinternationalnetworkofagenciesdedicatedtopreventingandcombatingmoneylaunderingandterroristfinancing.ThecoreofthisnetworkistheOECD-basedFATF,locatedinParis,whichissuesthe40Recommendations-theinternationalstandards-thatallitsmembercountriesarerequiredtoimplementintheirnationallaws.Partner:governmentofBrazil.TheMPFbecameanofficialmemberofthenetworkin2014.
UNConventionagainstCorruption,inInternationalCommercialTransactionsUN
2003PromulgatedinBrazilbyDecreeNº5,687of2006
01.Promoteandstrengthenmeasurestopreventandcombatcorruptionmoreeffectivelyandefficiently;02.Promote,facilitateandsupportinternationalcooperationandtechnicalassistanceinpreventingandcombatingcorruption,includingassetrecovery;03.Promoteintegrity,accountabilityandpropermanagementofpublicaffairsandproperty.Partner:governmentofBrazil.
TheIbero-AmericanPublicProsecutorTrainingNetwork(RECAMPI)andtheIbero-AmericanNetworkforInternationalLegalCooperation(IberRede)
SignedinMadrid2010
01.ThepurposeofthisFrameworkAgreementistolaydownthegeneralbasisforcollaborationbetweenthePartiesinvolvedinareasofcommoninterest.02.Tofacilitatethiscollaboration,thePartiesundertaketoinformeachotheraboutthelinesofactionidentifiedasprioritiesineachperiod,andtheactivitiesthatwilldevelopthem.03.ThePartiesagreetodevelopanannualActionPlanwiththisFrameworkAgreementandtheprioritiesidentifiedbyeachofthemforthatperiodasthegeneralbasisforcollaboration,inwhichtheyshallsetoutthemostappropriateformforsaidcollaborationaswellasthespecificactivitiestheyaretoperform.Partner:FederalPublicProsecutor’sOffice.
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Date Summaryofagreement(objective,responsiblebody,resultsandactions)
MultilateralConventiononMutualAdministrativeAssistanceinTaxMattersOECD
2011PromulgatedinBrazilbyDecreeNº8,84208/2016
ThePartiesshallprovideeachotherwithadministrativeassistanceintaxmatters.Thisassistanceshallcover,whereapplicable,measurestakenbyjudicialbodies.Saidadministrativeassistanceincludes01.theexchangeofinformation,includingsimultaneoustaxauditsandparticipationintaxauditscarriedoutabroad;02.thecollectionoftaxcredits,includingprecautionarymeasures;and03.thenotificationofdocuments.
CooperationagreementInternationalAnti-CorruptionAcademy(IACA)
2013CGU2016CNMP
Thecooperationtakesplacebetweenagencieswiththevoluntaryexchangeofinformationfromanon-exclusivedatabase.Formsofcooperationincludecreationofandsupportformutualanti-corruptionprojects;meetingstoevaluatestrategies;exchangeofinformationandresults,especiallyinregardtoactivitiesofcommoninterest;commitmenttopromotetraining;andmutualassistance.Partner:NationalCouncilofthePublicProsecutor’sOffice(CNMP)andGeneralComptrolleroftheUnion(CGU).
CooperationagreementTransparencyInternationalandMPF
2014 Shareknowledgeonareasofcorruptionpreventionandpublictransparency.TransparencyInternationalofferedtoprovideassistancefreeofchargeintheJ&Fcase.Partner:FederalPublicProsecutor’sOffice.
MPFandWorldBankMemorandumofUnderstanding
2015 FacilitateinformationanddataexchangeinthefightagainstfraudandcorruptioninWorldBankfundedprojects.
CNJandTransparencyInternationalCooperationAgreement
2017 Focusonpromotinganti-corruptionpracticeswithinthejudiciary.Theinstitutionsenvisagepresentingaworkplandetailingactivitiesrangingfromtrainingjudgesontopicssuchasanti-corruptiontoprotectingvictimsandwitnesses.ThepartnershipinvolvestheexchangeofexperiencesbetweentheinternationalentityandtheBrazilianbody.Partner:NationalJusticeCouncil(CNJ).
TransparencyInternationalandMPFCooperationAgreement
December2017
Establishaworkscheduleandguidelinesforinvestingpartofthecompany’sleniencyfinesintosocialanti-corruptionprojects.Partner:FederalPublicProsecutor’sOffice.
Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor’sbasedonEngelmann(2018).
The establishment of internationalization channels for these institutions
andagencies in thespaceopenedbyanti-corruptionactivism, forgesacorporate
paththatgoesfarbeyondtheoriginalprerogativessetforthinthelawsofthe1988
Constitution.Thereinforcementofprerogativesofinvestigationandsupervisionof
the political field comes from ‘interpretation’, proposed laws and technical
specializationintheseinstitutionsandagenciesthroughoutthe2000s.Inaddition,
itbenefits fromincreasedresources,asthe ‘nationalanti-corruptioncamp’
mediates international prescriptions that acquire the force of law (ARANTES,
The Internationalization of the BrazilianPublic Prosecutor’s Office: Anti-CorruptionandCorporateInvestmentsinthe2000s
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2015), a program that unites the media, moral entrepreneurs, business
associations, international NGOs and their local reproducers (ENGELMANN,
2017, 2018). In this regard, it is interesting to note the comparative data from
studies on the ‘scandalization’ of politics,which reveal the unequal treatment of
theExecutive,LegislativeandJudiciarypowersandthePublicProsecutor’sOffice,
and empirical evidence on the complex effects of the association between the
mainstreammedia and the justice system inBrazil’s democracy (FERES JÚNIOR,
MELO,andBARBABELA,2018;FERESJÚNIOR,BARBABELA,andBACHINI,2018).
According to Saraiva (2016), the increasing investment of MPF staff in
convention-related meetings intensified the exchange of information between
themandtheirinternationalcounterparts,aswellasamongpublicservants
fromrelatedbodiesinothercountries,police,taxauthoritiesandadministrative
controlbodies.
Closercontacts,inthissense,arecentraltotheimprovementofcooperation
channelsindependentoftheBraziliangovernment15(Table03).Inaddition
to participating in working groups linked to international conventions and
agencies, theMPF expanded its relationshipwith Transparency International by
participating in the production of its annual reports. Likewise, another way in
whichtheMPFparticipatesininternationalforaisthroughcollaborationinstudies
conductedbydifferentbodiesaimedatimprovingpublicandprivatemechanisms
inthisarea.
The participation, especially of the MPF, in cooperation programs
highlights the internationalization of methods that involve operating profiles
derived in many cases from counter-trafficking models. Apart from technical
cooperation, some of these agreements relate directly to the creation of ‘anti-
corruption laws’ in the national space during the 2000s. The MPF is a
representative case due to its central importance. It began its more
systematic anti-corruptionactivitywith thecreation,in2005,oftheCenterfor
International Legal Cooperation (CCJ). From the end of 2009, the MPF began______________________________________________________________________________________________15In2015,theheadquartersoftheSecretariatforInternationalCooperationestablishedagrouptoset up a legal liaison officewith the French government. The resulting office included the onlyliaisonmagistrateinBrazilabletoexpediterequestsformutualassistancebetweentheMPFandtheFrenchjudiciary(MINISTÉRIOPÚBLICOFEDERAL,2015).
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strategicallymonitoring compliancewith international conventions, as highlighted
bySaraiva(2016),byconductinginternationalinsertionassessmentthatindicates
theautonomyofinitiativesinrelationtotheExecutive:
Theretofore, the MPF had been occasionally invited to attendmeetings of international bodies on the subject, usually when somebranchoftheExecutive(especiallytheMinistryofForeignAffairs,theCGUor the Ministry of Justice) considered its presence relevant. Startingfrom 2009, Gurgel Santos (General Prosecutor at the time) beganincreasing the frequency with which representatives we appointed toOECD,UNandOASmeetingsthatdealtwithanti-corruptionconventions.InJuly 2010, a working group was set up specifically for MPFrepresentation at thesebodies,whichwas to complement theworkofthe ASCJI. With General Prosecutor Rodrigo Janot taking office inSeptember2013, the InternationalLegalCooperationSecretariat(SCI)wascreated, andplace under the responsibility of amemberwith exclusivededication to legal cooperation (...). Subsequently, an Executive Groupwas set up in view of the need for frequent conventions and otherinternationalevents(SARAIVA,2016,p.207).
In the 2010s, two cooperation agreements were made with the NGO
Transparency International. The first, more generic, agreement, signed in 2014
related to ‘knowledge sharing’. In 2017, the second agreement, which aimed at
conductinganti-corruptioncampaignswiththeuseofpartoftheassetsrecovered
in theoperations. Inparticular, theamountsobtained fromthe fines imposedon
companies foundguiltyofcorruptionpractices.Thus,onecanobservethat
inadditiontothecirculationofprescriptionsfromtheinternationalspaceand
theestablishmentofautonomousrelationships,fundswerealsosetuptoleverage
cooperationwith international bodies.This connection reveals theMPF’s role as
formulatorandexecutorofpublicpolicyinthedistributionofthesefunds16.
Theseinitiativeswereaccompaniedbythecreationofnationallyanchored
actions.InSeptember2015,theNationalCouncilofthePublicProsecutionService
(CNPMP)createdtheNationalAnti-CorruptionForum(FNCC)17.Thisconstitutesa
______________________________________________________________________________________________16Onwhichsubject,itisinterestingtonotetheannouncementfromtheFederalPublicProsecutor’sOffice(2019c)thatithadcreatedofafoundationresponsiblefordefiningthecriteriaforallocatingthesefunds,andthatthosecomingfromitsagreementwithPetrobraswouldsoonbeavailable.
17ThedetaileddocumentsandevaluationsoftheMPF’scooperationagreementswithTransparencyInternational,aswellastheinitiativesoftheNationalCorruptionForummaybeconsultedontheinstitutionalwebsiteoftheNationalCouncilofthePublicProsecutionService.
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‘political’ action on the part of theMPF and appears as a centralizing space for
discourse circulation. It involves initiatives that transcend the organization’s
sphereofactionandengagewiththespaceofanti-corruptionactivism.According
to its founding document, its objective is “to foment debate and the
constructionofpreventionandrepressioninitiativeswithintheBrazilianFederal
PublicProsecutionServiceintendifferentaxesofaction”(CONSELHONACIONAL
DOMINISTÉRIOPÚBLICO,2015).Theseinitiativesinclude:Transparencyandthe
LawonAccess to Information, internalcontroland theprofessionalizationof the
public administration, educational campaigns, training for social control,
legislativemeasuresandeducationalprojects.
Table03.ProfilesoflinksestablishedininternationalagreementsConnections Commitments-betweentheBraziliangovernmentandforeigngovernments-betweentheBraziliangovernmentandinternationalbodies(OECD,UNandOAS)-betweenjudicialorcontrolinstitutions(CGU/MPF/Revenue)andcounterpartorganizationsorinstitutions-betweentheFederalPublicProsecutor’sOfficeandNationalJusticeCouncilandTransparencyInternational
-commitmenttoimplementing‘measures’tocontrolandcombatcorruption-commitmenttocriminalizingcorruptioninthepublicsector(transformingitintoacriminalmatter)-commitmenttosharingfiscalandtaxdata,etc-commitmenttocombatingmoneylaunderingand-thesharingofinformationonthisthemecommitmentto‘anti-corruption’training-trainingofjudges,prosecutors,civilservants,advisoryserviceontherecoveryofassetsrecoveredduringanti-corruptionoperations
Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor’sbasedonMinistryofForeignAffairs(2015a;2015b;2018)andBrazilianPublicProsecutor’sOffice(2015;2016;2018).
Initsconditionasanintermediateeliteentity(BADIE,1992),thesuccess
oftheMPFreinforcesitsroleassponsoroftherecommendationsofinternational
agencies in national political processes. In 2015, the President of the
Financial Action Task Force (FATF), Roger Wikins, visited General Prosecutor
RodrigoJanot,andalertedhimtothefactthattheabsenceofeffectivemeasuresto
criminalize terrorist organizations could lead to the imposition of economic
sanctionsonBrazil.Asaresultof themeeting, thePGRforwarded letters to
theOfficeofthePresident,theChamberofDeputies,theMinistryofJusticeandthe
Federal Senate recommending that an Anti-Terrorism Law be put in place as a
matter of urgency. To close the international circuit in that year, the measures
adoptedbytheMPFatthedomesticlevelwerepresentedatameetingoftheFATF
in Austria (MINISTÉRIO PÚBLICO FEDERAL, 2015). In 2016, Law Nº 13,260
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defined the concept of terrorism and a terrorist organization and established
investigativeandproceduralprovisions.
The international community lavished rewards on theMPF. On the one
hand,internationalrecognitionofitsprivilegedstatusasanevaluatorintheanti-
corruption system: in 2015, public prosecutors participated in the evaluation
mechanisms of the international anti-corruption systems of Suriname
(MESISIC/OAS),Antigua,Barbuda(IRG/UNCAC),Sweden,Spain(WGB/OECD),and
Canada (FATF) (MINISTÉRIO PÚBLICO FEDERAL, 2015). On the other,
international awards and foreign media appearances, widely reproduced in the
‘field of scandals’ (GRÜN, 2018) in Brazil. In 2015, General Prosecutor Rodrigo
Janotislistedamong100globalthinkersbyForeignPolicy,amagazinespecializing
in international politics. In 2017, the prosecutors Deltan Dallagnol, Carlos
Fernando do Santos Lima and Roberson Pozzobon represented Operation Lava
Jatoat theannualawardceremonyof theGlobal InvestigationsReview(GIR),an
agencythatspecializesininternationalinvestigations.In2018,LavaJatoprosecutors
inParaná,RiodeJaneiroandBrasiliareceivedtheSpecialAchievementAwardofthe
InternationalAssociationofProsecutors(AFFONSO,2017;BRANDTandAFFONSO,
2018;COUTINHO,2015;MINISTÉRIOPÚBLICOFEDERAL,2018c,2017f).
At the domestic level, theMPF’s strategy of primacy in the fight against
corruptionhas facilitated recognitionof its centralposition in theBrazilian
anti-corruption system, and has carved it out a role as the central authority for
internationalcooperationrequests inrespectofcriminalmatterspursuanttothe
Convention on Judicial Assistance betweenMember States of the Community of
PortugueseSpeakingCountriesinCriminalMatters.Thisinvolvesallrequestsfrom
theBrazilianprosecutortoAngola,CapeVerde,Guinea-Bissau,EquatorialGuinea,
Mozambique,SãoTomeandPrincipeandEastTimor(BRASIL,2016;MINISTÉRIO
PÚBLICOFEDERAL,2016).
Theanalysisoftheprofessionalandacademicpathwaysanddataofthe22
federal prosecutors belonging to the Support Group of the MPF Secretariat for
InternationalCooperationcreatedin2013,whichrepresentsthecontinuityofthe
2005initiatives,makesimportantinferencespossible.TheSecretariat’strajectory
corroborates the hypothesis of a cumulative specialization over the last fifteen
yearstowardsamodeloflegalcooperationinwhichtheMPFactsindependentlyof
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government institutions.Most of themembers of this group graduatedwith law
degrees during the 1990s, half of them between 1998 and 2001. Entry into the
MPFoccurredforthemostpartbetweenthesecondhalfofthe1990sandtheearly
2000s,nearlyadecadeafterthepromulgationofthenewConstitution.
This was a generation of prosecutors who had not participated in the
formationoftheMPFinthedecadesubsequenttothedemocratictransition.This
meansthat theyhadnotparticipated in the internaldiscussionsabout theMPF’s
‘role in democracy’ during the 1990s, which was very much a continuation of
constitutional debate (ARANTES, 2002; ENGELMANN, 2007; MACIEL and
KOERNER,2014).Mostofthemembersofthegroupcanboastamaster’sdegreeor
a PhD, half ofwhichwere obtained abroad, in Spain or theUnited States. Those
withthehighestacademicqualificationsarealsopartoftheregionalMPFtraining
schools and, in some cases, are university professors. This, in addition to their
variousbooksandarticlesonlegalissues,indicatessomedegreeofinvestmentin
the theoreticaldebateand the trainingof expertson themes linked to theMPF’s
activities. Even though their publications deal with various aspects of law, the
theme of criminal legal cooperation is clearly predominant among the books,
dissertationsanddoctoraltheses.Themaintopicsincludecomplianceandspecific
issuesrelatedto‘fightingcorruption’.
Connectionsandinsertionintotheinternational‘anti-corruption’space
Foreign tripsundertakenbyprosecutorsprovide anotherprism through
whichtoobserve the intensificationof theautonomous internationaleddies
flowingaroundtheMPFinthe2000s.Travelprofilesprovideimportantcluesthat
corroborate the connections between internationally circulating institutional
strategiesandtheprosecutors’investmentsinexpertiseandnetworksofexchange.In
ordertoobtainarepresentativeoverviewoftheinternationalcirculationofstate
prosecutors,we built a database of information covering the period 2008-2018,
extracted by consulting all the editions of the Official Gazette, in which 878
authorizationsforattendanceatoverseaseventswerepublished.Weselectedtrips
relatedtoinstitutionalcooperationintheprosecutionofcrimeandthemesfalling
withinthescopeof‘anti-corruption’.Weexcludedexchangetripsderivingdirectly
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from the status of prosecutor, such as the completion of postgraduate courses
abroad,fromthisstudy(Graph01).
Theinformationavailableintheofficialrecordscontainsthenameofthe
prosecutor, his or her destination and the period of the trip. Staffing levels and
roleswerealsocataloged,allowingustocreateaprofileofprosecutorswhotravel
internationally. Analysis of travel records in our period allowed us to observe a
cleartrendofincreasedtravelfrom2015,coincidingwithOperationLavaJato.The
dataconfirmthatthemostfrequenttravelerscomefromthegroupofprosecutors
who occupy prominent positions in the Secretariat of International Cooperation.
Ourdatabasealsoshowedthatthistrendisalsopresentininter-statetripswithin
Brazil,whichisindicativeoftheproliferationofanti-corruption-linkedevents.
Graph01.Numberoftrips/year(2008-2018)
Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor’sbasedonDiáriosOficiais(2000-2018).Elaboratedbytheauthor’sbasedonDiáriosOficiais(2000-2018).
Overtheperiod2008-2018sevencountriesstandoutamongdestinations
forprosecutors:TheUnitedStates,France,Argentina,Italy,Portugal,Austria
andPeru(Table04)(Graph02).
The first feature is that the predominant connections are with the
United States and European countries. France and Portugal appear as preferred
destinations for postgraduate law teachers in the 2000s (ENGELMANN, 2009;
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
180
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
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WOHNRATH, 2018). The United States is likewise the preferred destination for
partners in the largest lawfirms(ENGELMANN,2011).Thesecondfeature is the
strong presence of cooperation between South American countries. Paraguay,
Uruguay and Colombia appear shortly after the most frequent destination
countries (USA, France, Argentina, Italy, Portugal, Austria and Peru), and this
indicates the importanceof taking into consideration the sizeofSouthAmerican
networks, in terms both associative (between publicministries) and technical18.
MozambiqueistheAfricancountrythatappearsmostfrequently.
Table04.MostfrequentdestinationsforProsecutors(2008-2018)País 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 TOTALUSA 02 02 03 01 02 09 26 18 23 06 90France 01 03 04 08 12 10 17 11 07 72Argentina 04 10 01 01 03 05 03 03 16 04 50Italy 01 01 02 09 17 10 09 49Portugal 01 02 05 04 07 03 03 08 02 03 38Austria 01 01 01 01 05 09 09 06 03 35Peru 03 03 08 04 08 07 33Total 06 02 15 13 13 25 39 68 76 76 39
Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor’sbasedonDiáriosOficiais(2000-2018).
It is worth mentioning the efforts to expand formal and informal
associativenetworksbetweenpublicministriesacrossSouthAmerica.In2014,the
MPFformallyjoinedtheAssetRecoveryNetworkoftheLatinAmericanFinancial
ActionTaskForce(RRAG/GAFILAT)andappointedtheSecretaryofInternational
Cooperation, Vladimir Aras, to act as a point of contact (MINISTÉRIO PÚBLICO
FEDERAL,2015).
In2016,theSecretariatforInternationalCooperationandtheMPFHigher
School held a roundtable discussion in Brasília with Jaime Arellano Quintana,
Executive Director of the Justice Studies Center of the Americas (JSCA)19, on
______________________________________________________________________________________________18Geliski (2018) demonstrates the importance of associative cooperation networks in theconsolidationofpublicdefendermodels.
19The Justice Studies Center of the Americas is an international body under the inter-Americansystem (OAS). It promotes technical assistance from governments and judicial institutions inreformingthejusticesystemintheregion.ThecareerofJaimeArellanoQuintanaprovidesaclearillustrationofthewaylegalelites intheanti-corruptionsystemcirculate internationally.HeisaChilean lawyerandholds adegree from thePontificalCatholicUniversityofChile (1984-1988)andamaster’sdegreeinPublicAdministrationandPublicPolicy(1995-1996)fromtheAmericanUniversity (Washington, USA) paid for by a Fulbright scholarship and the Presidency of theRepublic ofChile scholarship.Duringhis stay in theUSA,hewas an advisor to theChileanEmbassy.
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‘Procedural Reform and Public Prosecution Models in Latin America’. From the
formal perspective, the commitment made by the representatives of the Public
MinistriesofIbero-Americancountriesin2018tocreateJointInvestigationTeams
(ECI) is evidence that the institutions have increased their transnational
information exchange channels (MINISTÉRIO PÚBLICO FEDERAL, 2018a;
TOURINHO, 2018). From the informal perspective, the political efforts by the
BrazilianMPF toprotect thepositionofmembersof the ‘Lava Jato’ task force in
Peruhighlight strategies for strengthening the relationshipsbetweenagents and
their positions in the national fields (MINISTÉRIO PÚBLICO FEDERAL, 2019a,
2018b).
RegardinginternationalcooperationbetweenSouthAmericancountries,it
is interestingtonotetheexistenceofempiricalevidenceshowingthatUSforeign
policy bodies contributed financially to the international travel of Brazilian
prosecutors.Thiswasdonebyfinancingparticipationineventsthatpromotedthe
sharingnotonlyofanti-corruptionlessonslearnedduringOperationLavaJato,but
alsotheinternationalizationofsuchinvestigations.ThefactthattheUnited
States Embassy paid the accommodation and meal expenses of Brazilian
representativesisrecordedinUSapprovalsforsuchdisbursements20.
Analysisofthedataonparticipationineventsabroadindicatestwo
major international insertion profiles in respect of prosecutors. One is that of
participation in thematic and institutional associative networks linking Latin
Americanagents.Inmostcases,eventsarerepeatedannuallyandarestableover
the time series.The secondprofile is thatofparticipation inmore specific
anti-corruption events in the countries of the northern hemisphere. Technical
cooperationandtrainingofexpertswerepredominantactivities.
______________________________________________________________________________________________ReturningtoChilebetween1996and2006,“hebuiltavariedpubliccareerinlegislativeadvice,design and implementation of public policies in the justice sector, and the modernization andmanagement of public institutions” (CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS DE JUSTICIA DE LAS AMÉRICAS,2019,p94).Between2006and2010,hewaslegalmanageroftheChileanEconomicDevelopmentAgency. In 2010, he became a senior partner of the traditional firm Jara andMarin Abogados(1976), acting in the area of public law and representing the private sector before regulatorybodiesandtheComptrollerGeneraloftheRepublic.HehasbeenExecutiveDirectorofJSCAsince2014.
20SeePGROrdinancesNºs392to396ofMay10,2017,publishedintheOfficialGazetteofMay18,2017,p.94(MINISTÉRIOPÚBLICOFEDERAL,2017a,2017b,2017c,2017d,2017e).
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Graph02.Evolutioncountry/yearmostfrequentdestinations
Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor’sbasedonDiáriosOficiais(2000-2018).
ThereisasignificantvolumeoftraveltovariousUN,UNODCandOECD
events. They include the OECD Anti-Corruption Working Group and the
Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Convention against
Corruption,whichholdsregularmeetingsrelatedtotheimplementationofthe
UN Anti-Corruption Convention. Also noteworthy are the meetings of the
InternationalAssociationofAnti-CorruptionAuthorities(IAACA)andtheFinancial
ActionTaskForceonMoneyLaundering(GAFI/FATF),aswellasongoingtraining
andcooperationeventswiththeUSDepartmentofJustice.
Finalconsiderations
The increase in the international circulation of MPF staff – beyond the
group of participants in the international prosecutor cooperation core –
showshowtheinstitutionhasinvestedininternationalizationasanationalpower
strategy.ThedatashowhighercirculationthanisindicatedbytheMPF’sown
documentsoncooperation,whichcorroboratesthehypothesisofaninternational
cooperation model that does not pass through the recorded channels of the
MinistryofForeignAffairsorotherregulargovernmentchannels.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
USA
France
Argentina
Italy
Portugal
Austria
Peru
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As international studies that propose a political sociology of ‘anti-
corruption’movementshaveshown,itisnecessarytoconsiderbothnationaland
international priorities to fully grasp the nature of the phenomenon. The
diversificationof international initiatives is connectedwith thedifferentpolitical
logics that condition their importation into the national power space. These
connectionsareledbyagencies,NGOsandtechnocracieswherelegalelitesplaya
keyrole.Insomecases,theroleoflargeinternationalizedlawfirmsinterestedin
changinginternalcompetitionrulesisgreaterthanthatofstateagencies–thisis
morecommoninthecaseoftheEuropeanUnion.
Conversely,theBraziliancaserepresentsanexampleoftheappropriation
and reworking of these norms by autonomous bureaucracies. In particular, the
FederalPublicProsecutor’sOfficestandsout inthat itsagentshavesucceededin
assertingtheircorporateandpolitical independencesincetheendofthemilitary
regime.ThelegitimacyoftheMPFasa‘corruptionfighter’benefitsfromthelarge
volume of resources secured throughout the 2000s and the symbolic capital
accumulatedsincethedraftingoftheConstitution.
Bureaucratic specialization in the Brazilian state surrounding the fight
againstcorruptionisdirectlyrelatedtotheproliferationoflawsresultingfromthe
internationalconventionswith theOECD,UN,OAS thatwereratifiedbyBrazil in
the early 2000s. Prosecutors’ corporate investments levered this framework to
strengthenthe institution’sautonomyinrelationtothegovernmentandthe
politicalspace. Inthecontextofanti-corruptionoperations,wecanseeasecond
corporate moment following the battles in the 1986 Constituent Assembly, one
aimedatthecriminalizationofpoliticalagents.
Thecapacityof theBrazilianMPF tobecome thecentralprotagonist
in this network of anti-corruption agencies constituting nuclei of autonomous
internationalcooperationinrelationtogovernmentalchannelsrevealsacomplex
phenomenoninwhichlegalelitesanchorthemselves intheinternationalizedlaw
space. This process transcends the conjuncture effects and successive police
operations that have placed judicial institutions at the center of political debate
andarelinkedtotheglobalgrowthofindependentauthoritiesandcontrolbodies.
This phenomenon is evident in the expanding international circulation of
prosecutors during the 2010s and the continued proliferation of less formal
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networksaroundassociations, training seminarevents and lectures. Likewise, in
expanding formal cooperationwithpublicprosecutors inothercountries, theUS
StateDepartment,andinternationalorganizations.Theeffectsof thisprocess
deserveacontinuousdeepeningofstudiesconsideringthewiderlegalspaceand
theotheragencies connected to anti-corruption. In regard, inparticular, the
autonomy and institutional and symbolic strengthacquiredby these legal elites
and their institutionalization as a regulatory agency capable of acting against
certainpoliticalelites.
TranslatedbyRobinsonFraserSubmittedonMarch04,2019
AcceptedonOctober16,2019
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Annex
Table 05. Synopsis of main international anti-corruption actions (conventions,organizations, networks, programs and international agencies specialized in anti-corruption)
Action Origin Year ObjectiveForeignCorruptPracticesAct(FCPA)
EUA 1977 USfederallawtocombattransnationalcorruptionbycertainUS-relatedpersonsorentities.TheFCPAhastwomainprovisions,accountingprovisionsandanti-briberyprovisions.Thefirstdealwithaccountingtransparencyrequirementsandthesecondmakeitillegaltopaybribestoforeigncivilservantsforthepurposeofobtainingormaintainingbusiness.
TransparencyInternational
Germany 1993 CreatedbyformerWorldBankdirectorPeterHeigen,theagencypromotesanti-corruptionactions,publications,rankingsandcooperationprograms.Since1995,ithaspublishedanannualCorruptionPerceptionIndexwithcountryrankings
GROTIUSProgram
EuropeanUnion
1996 Promotesinternationallegalcooperationthroughthetrainingofdifferentcategoriesofjusticeprofessionals,andsupportsinitiativesbypublicinstitutionsorprivatebodies
OECDAnti-CorruptionConvention
OECD
1997 ConventionontheFightagainsttheCorruptionofForeignPublicOfficialsinInternationalBusinessTransactions.Encouragesthecreationofindependentnationalagencies.
WorldBank Washington 1999 Fromtheearly2000son,corruptioncontrolhasbeenincorporatedintothenotionofgoodgovernance.TheWorldBanksupportsopinionpollsonthetopic
TheGroupofStatesagainstCorruption(GRECO)
EuropeanUnion(Council)
1999 TheobjectiveofistoimprovethecapacityofitsmemberstofightcorruptionbymonitoringcompliancewiththeCouncilofEurope’santi-corruptionstandardsthroughadynamicprocessofmutualevaluationandpeerpressure.
EuropeanAnti-FraudOffice(OLAF)
EuropeanUnion(Commission)
1999 StrengthenthescopeandeffectivenessofthefightagainstfraudandallotherillegalbehavioragainstthefinancialinterestsoftheEuropeanUnion.OLAF’smissionisnotonlytoprotecttheEU’sfinancialinterests,butalsotocombatfraud,corruptionorirregularitieswithintheEuropeaninstitutionswhenevertheymayhavefinancialconsequences.
JudicialIntegrityGroup
UN/UNODC 2000 Associationofmagistratesandjudgesthatdevelopsrulesandpoliciestostrengthentheintegrityandcapacityofthejudiciary.In2002,theJudicialIntegrityGroupapprovedtheBangalorePrinciplesofJudicialConduct,theimplementationofwhichissupportedbytheUNODC.TheGlobalJudicialIntegrityNetworkwaslaunchedin2018
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Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor’sbasedonEngelmann(2018).
Action Origin Year ObjectiveEuropeanPartnersagainstCorruption(EPAC)
EuropeanUnion
2001 Informalandindependentnetworkofover60anti-corruptionauthoritiesandpoliceoversightbodiesfromCouncilofEuropememberstates.
UNODCGlobalProgramagainstCorruption
UN 2003 Asguardianofthe2003UNConventionagainstCorruption,UNODCmaintainsacomprehensiveprogramtoassistMemberStates,especiallydevelopingcountries,toimplementtheprovisionsoftheConvention.Tothisend,itpromotestechnicalassistancedirectedtoboththepublicandprivatesectors.
InternationalAssociationofAnti-corruptionauthorities(IAACA)
Beijing 2003 ThemainobjectiveoftheorganizationistopromotetheeffectiveimplementationoftheUnitedNationsConventionagainstCorruption,adoptedbytheUnitedNationsGeneralAssemblyonDecember30,2003,andtoassistanti-corruptionauthoritiesworldwideinthefightagainstcorruption.
Anti-corruptionagencynetwork(ANCORAGE-NET)
Portugal 2006 Ananti-corruptionagency(ACA)onlineresearchnetworkwhoseprimarypurposeistoprovidecomprehensiveandeasilyaccessibleinformationontheformat,operationandactivitiesofsuchbodiestopractitionersandanalystsinthefieldofcorruptioncontrol.
Europeancontact-pointnetworkagainstcorruptionEACN
EuropeanUnion
2008 Formalcooperationnetworkcomprisingaround50anti-corruptionauthoritiesfromEUMemberStates.TheEuropeanAnti-FraudOffice(OLAF)isalsoamember.TheEACNwasformallyestablishedbyaEuropeanCouncildecisionin2008,buildingontheexistingstructuresoftheEuropeanAnti-CorruptionPartners(EPAC).
Anti-corruptionWorkingGroup(ACWG)
G20 2010 Itprovidesforbi-annualactionplansrelatedtotheimplementationofanti-corruptioncooperationandtransparencyprograms.
InternationalAnti-CorruptionAcademyIACA
UN/UNDOC,OLAF,Austria
2011 Theorganizationwasestablishedonthebasisofamultilateraltreaty–theAgreementonEstablishingtheInternationalAnti-CorruptionAcademyasanInternationalOrganization.Itisfocusedonanti-corruptiontraining.Itoffersamaster’sdegreeonthissubjectatitsheadquartersinVienna
CleanGovBiz OECD
2011 CleanGovBizisaninitiativeoftheOrganizationforEconomicCooperationandDevelopment(OECD)thatfocusesonpublicadministration,stateinstitutionsandgovernments.Itassistsandguidesthedesignorreformofinstrumentstocombatcorruption.