The Interpretation of the Classical Sufi Tradition in India: The Shamd y il al-atqiyd' of Rukn al-Din Kashani by Carl W. Ernst Introduction T he notion of tradition, the transmission of culture over generations, assumes ad- herence to earlier models of thought or behavior. In literary traditions, and especially in religious traditions with a strong emphasis on scripture, partic- ular texts are elevated to an authori- tative position and are treated as clas- sics. In the currents of Islamic mys- ticism that we subsume under the term 'Sufism', a series of texts written in Arabic and Persian from the ninth through the thirteenth centuries have often been treated as forming the 'classical' literature of Sufism. Of course, this terminology often carries with it a common (and unspoken) presupposition about the nature of history and culture; a 'classical' period is equivalent to a 'golden age' that is inevitably followed by a 'decline' and even a 'degeneration'. Scholars lament the lack of 'originality' in authors from later ages; the classics, it seems, form a pinnacle in comparison with which all else is found wanting. Many have disputed the philoso- phies of history elaborated by Spengler and Toynbee, on the grounds that the biological analogy for the rise and fall of civilizations can be easily falsified by detailed historical analysis and by changing the focus of arbitrary units of comparison. Nonetheless, the 'clas- sicism and decline' model has long exercised a fascination over students of Islamic culture. It is especially odd to notice that the 'decline' of Islamic civilization was an unquestioned axi- om accepted by Orientalists and fun- damentalists alike-in both cases, the colonization of much of the Muslim world and the consequent loss of political power by Muslims were in- terpreted as the judgment of history (or God) upon a civilization that had become inadequate. If we do not intend to support, however, the agendas of either colo- nialism or fundamentalism, then the notion of 'classicism and decline' is distinctly unhelpful in the study of a tradition like Sufism. 1 Sufi authors in what Hodgson called the 'later middle period' of Islamic history certainly participated in a complicated literary culture with a high degree of refer- ence. But the rigid concept of a fixed text does not appear to have exercised the same tyranny over these medieval authors as it does over modern schol- ars. What we may call oral transmis- sion, and flexible concepts of quota- tion, were hard to separate from fixed and literal modes of textual citation. 2 Flexible Transmission of Classical Sufi Texts To demonstrate the referential com- plexity of later Sufi texts, I would like to examine a case in which a Sufi of the 'post-classical' period makes a synthetic representation of the entire Sufi tradition, drawing on authorities from the Koran and the Prophet Muhammad up to his own day. The author in question is Rukn al-Din Dabir Kashani (d. after 738/1337), a disciple of the Indian Chishti master Burhan al-Din Gharib (d. 738/1337). Rukn al-Din wrote two Persian texts that are of great importance for under- standing the development of Chishti Sufism in India: one, Nafd'is al-anfds, was a collection of the discourses (malfuzat) of his teacher in diary form, but the second work, the encyclopedic Shamd'il al-atqiyd', is the one that Summer 1994
Transcript
The Interpretation of the ClassicalSufi Tradition in India:
The Shamd yil al-atqiyd' of Rukn al-Din Kashani
by Carl W. Ernst
Introduction
The notion of tradition, thetransmission of culture overgenerations, assumes ad-
herence to earlier models of thoughtor behavior. In literary traditions, andespecially in religious traditions witha strong emphasis on scripture, partic-ular texts are elevated to an authori-tative position and are treated as clas-sics. In the currents of Islamic mys-ticism that we subsume under the term'Sufism', a series of texts written inArabic and Persian from the ninththrough the thirteenth centuries haveoften been treated as forming the'classical' literature of Sufism. Ofcourse, this terminology often carrieswith it a common (and unspoken)presupposition about the nature ofhistory and culture; a 'classical' periodis equivalent to a 'golden age' that isinevitably followed by a 'decline' andeven a 'degeneration'. Scholars lamentthe lack of 'originality' in authorsfrom later ages; the classics, it seems,form a pinnacle in comparison withwhich all else is found wanting.
Many have disputed the philoso-phies of history elaborated by Spengler
and Toynbee, on the grounds that thebiological analogy for the rise and fallof civilizations can be easily falsifiedby detailed historical analysis and bychanging the focus of arbitrary unitsof comparison. Nonetheless, the 'clas-sicism and decline' model has longexercised a fascination over studentsof Islamic culture. It is especially oddto notice that the 'decline' of Islamiccivilization was an unquestioned axi-om accepted by Orientalists and fun-damentalists alike-in both cases, thecolonization of much of the Muslimworld and the consequent loss ofpolitical power by Muslims were in-terpreted as the judgment of history (orGod) upon a civilization that hadbecome inadequate.
If we do not intend to support,however, the agendas of either colo-nialism or fundamentalism, then thenotion of 'classicism and decline' isdistinctly unhelpful in the study of atradition like Sufism.1 Sufi authors inwhat Hodgson called the 'later middleperiod' of Islamic history certainlyparticipated in a complicated literaryculture with a high degree of refer-ence. But the rigid concept of a fixed
text does not appear to have exercisedthe same tyranny over these medievalauthors as it does over modern schol-ars. What we may call oral transmis-sion, and flexible concepts of quota-tion, were hard to separate from fixedand literal modes of textual citation.2
Flexible Transmission ofClassical Sufi Texts
To demonstrate the referential com-plexity of later Sufi texts, I would liketo examine a case in which a Sufi ofthe 'post-classical' period makes asynthetic representation of the entireSufi tradition, drawing on authoritiesfrom the Koran and the ProphetMuhammad up to his own day. Theauthor in question is Rukn al-DinDabir Kashani (d. after 738/1337), adisciple of the Indian Chishti masterBurhan al-Din Gharib (d. 738/1337).Rukn al-Din wrote two Persian textsthat are of great importance for under-standing the development of ChishtiSufism in India: one, Nafd'is al-anfds,was a collection of the discourses(malfuzat) of his teacher in diary form,but the second work, the encyclopedicShamd'il al-atqiyd', is the one that
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SUFI The Interpretation of the Classical Sufi Tradition in India
concerns us here. This latter is a largecollection (455 pages in the rare litho-graph edition) of teachings current inSufi circles in the Delhi sultanateduring the fourteenth century. It iswell-suited to help us see how IndianChishtis viewed their predecessors inthe Sufi tradition, because Rukn al-Dlnhas carefully documented every pointunder discussion with quotations eitherfrom the 'classical' sources of Sufismor from recent authorities in IndianSufism. At the beginning of the workhe has given a bibliographical list ofall his sources, including about seven-ty-five works on the standard Islamicreligious sciences (Koranic exegesis,hadlth, theology, and law), about onehundred twenty-five books on Sufism,and another fifty sources of oral tra-ditions. The two-hundred-odd sourcescited by Rukn al-DIn (some of whichare no longer extant) are almost equal-ly spread out over the seven Islamiccenturies preceding him. I have repro-duced and annotated this 'Sufi book-shelf in an appendix to my bookEternal Garden (Ernst 1992, App. A,pp. 251-63; cf. also pp. 75-76, 79). Inwhat follows I would like to take theanalysis a step further by examiningthe use of classical Sufi sources inShama'il al-atqiya'. This may be donein two ways: first, by comparingKashanl's quotations from classicalSufi writings with the texts as weknow them from recent printed edi-tions, in order to establish Rukn al-Din's editorial methods; second, byanalyzing the content of the materialsthat he quotes from Indian Sufis, inorder to determine what is distinctiveabout the Indian development ofSufism. I have chosen for comparisonand analysis the fourth, fifth, and sixthchapters of Shama'il al-atqiya', whichcover the crucial topics of spiritualmastery, succession to the authority ofthe master, and sainthood (Kashani1928-29, pp. 25-42).
When quoting from classical Per-sian sources, Kashani takes a relativelyliberal approach to citation, pickingout short phrases and longer sentencesas needed, but the comments that headds may take off in a rather differentdirection than that intended in theoriginal text. An example is the dis-
cussion of specific techniques of teach-ing disciples at different levels. Kashaniquotes a Persian translation of 'Umaral-Suhrawardi's (d. 632/1234) 'Awarifal-ma'arifto define the role of the Sufimaster in calling people to God, usingthe Persian term da'wat:
Da'wat means to call someonetoward something and towardssomeone, and it is of several types:by wisdom, by preaching, and bydisputation, as God Most Highsaid, "Call to the path of your Lordwith wisdom and fine preaching,and dispute with them by means ofthat which is best" (Koran 16:125);that is, "O Muhammad, by what-ever means his carnal soul domi-nates his heart, call him with a finepreaching." This is directed towardthe pious ones (abrdr), by recallingheaven and hell. "And for anyonewhose heart dominates his carnalsoul, call him with wisdom." Thiswas directed toward the wayfarersand seekers of the Real, who arehopeful of finding internal purity,gnosis, unity, and nearness. This isby hint, and it is a gift. "Say: Thisis my way; I call toward God withinsight, I and whosoever followsme" (Koran 12:108) is the secretof this meaning. (Kashani 1928-29,p. 27; cf. discussion in Ernst 1992,pp. 159-60)
The thrust of Kashani's commentslies in distinguishing the ordinary piousbeliever, who is best taught by preach-ing on the afterlife, from the spiritualseekers who are called by wisdom toinner experience. Kashani achieves thisby intermediate glosses that identifyparticular terms in the Koranic versewith radically distinct religious types.The corresponding passage in theArabic original of Suhrawardi's 'Awarifis considerably different. It occurs inthe chapter on the bestowal of theinitiatic robe (khirqa), and treats theKoranic verse as the basis for a generaloutline of the kinds of meditation andritual that are appropriate to differentkinds of disciple, without linking spe-cific Sufi practices to the Koran byexegesis:
God Most High said, "Call to thepath of your Lord with wisdom andfine preaching, and dispute withthem by means of that which isbest" (Koran 16:125). So wisdomis a level (rutba) of invitation, as
are likewise preaching and dispu-tation... Thus the master knowswho is in the position of the pious(al-abrar) and who is in the posi-tion of the proximate ones (al-muqarribin), for whom prolongedrecollection (dhikr) is appropriate,for whom prolonged ritual prayeris appropriate, and who is subjectto desire in rough or easy circum-stances; he breaks the disciple'shabit, brings him out of the con-straint of his carnal desire, nour-ishes him with his volition, cloth-ing him in a garb and form that areappropriate... (Suhrawardi, n.d., I,pp. 257-58)
While both passages take off fromthe same Koranic verse to enlarge onthe problem of teaching disciples atdifferent levels, there is barely a verbalecho of the Arabic original in thePersian 'translation' (just the singlereference to 'the pious'). Withoutfurther information, it is not possibleto identify which of the many Persiantranslations of the 'Awarif has beenconsulted by Kashani; this passagedoes not appear to occur at all in thewell-known Persian translation byMu'izz al-Din Kashani (Kashani 1322/1904). There may have been more thanone stage in the transformation ofSuhrawardi's text before it reached theIndian Deccan. Kashani's versionseems to represent a greater emphasison esotericism as a principle, whileSuhrawardi's text is more of a reper-tory of appropriate techniques. Thereare a number of other cases whereKashani cites earlier Sufi authors suchas Qushayri or 'Ayn al-Qudat Hama-dani with similar transformations andadditions.3
Another example is the way hedeals with the topic of sainthood,using the important discussion of thattopic in 'All Hujwiri's Kashf al-mahjub("Revelation of the Veiled"), com-posed in Persian before 1070. Hujwirirefers to the well-known distinctionbetween the two Arabic vocalizationswalaya (Persian valayat) and wilaya(Persian vilayat), to bring out differentaspects of the concept of sainthood,and he discusses at length their theo-logical implications. Kashani choosesto ignore these theoretical distinctions,concentrating instead on the practicalimplications of sainthood. In the first
instance, Hujwiri cites a Koranic par-able on the worldly results of ascribingpartners to God: "God's saying, 'Inthis case, waldya belongs to God, Whois the Truth; He is best for reward andbest for consequence' (Koran 18:44) -valdyat means lordship (rububiyat),and it means love (mahabbat)" (Hujwiri1978, p. 189 [here abridged]; trans.Nicholson 1976, pp. 210-11).
In reproducing this statement,Kashani changes the order of clausesand abridges them, adding the follow-ing comment by way of a gloss: "Thatis, 'We shall, with our servants on theday of resurrection, fulfill both lord-ship and love'" (Kashani 1928-29, p.35). Rukn al-Din's gloss introducestwo elements that were not present inHujwiri's comments: the saints asinstruments of God's will, and theirrole with respect to humanity at theresurrection. In defining the secondvocalization of the term, Kashani quotesHujwiri as follows: "Vilayat meansrule" (Hujwiri 1978, p. 189; trans.Nicholson 1976, p. 210), then goes onto comment, "That is, the master ofvildyat orders the servants of God toobedience, worship, God-fearing, andasceticism, brings them out from ex-ternal disobediences and internal flaws,and finds it necessary to protect themfrom contemptible practices, rebellious-ness, and the corruption of faith"(Kashani 1928-29, p. 36). This is aconsiderable expansion of a one-worddefinition. What is noteworthy aboutthese citations and comments is thatKashani has paid little attention to thetheological and metaphysical frame-work that Hujwiri used to clarify andjustify, for instance, the views of HakimTirmidhi on the nature of sainthood.Instead, Kashani has taken only themost basic etymological statements ofHujwiri and used them as a jumping-off point for comments on the practicalnature of sainthood, here defined asintercession for the believers at theresurrection and preaching right thoughtand behavior to them in this life.
There are occasions when Kashaniquotes extensively from a Sufi text,but subtly elevates the significance ofit by ascribing the author's views toGod or the Prophet. This occurs in thelast quotation from Hujwiri in the
section on sainthood, where threepassages are quoted with liberal para-phrasing. The first passage is a hadlthon the saints: "Their faces are lumi-nous, and they sit on thrones of light;they are not afraid when men areafraid, nor do they grieve when mengrieve." Kashani repeats that, but thenhe skips Hujwiri's quotation of the oft-quoted Koranic verse, "The friends ofGod, they have no fear nor do theysorrow" (Koran 10:62); he also omitsa hadlth from the Prophet warningagainst offending the saints:
The Prophet (God bless him andgrant him peace) said, "God said,'One who injures a friend of mineconsiders war with me permissible.'"This means that you should knowthat God (the great and glorious) hasfriends whom he has selected for hisfriendship and wilayat. They are therulers of his kingdom whom he haschosen and made the target of themanifestation of his action. He hasselected them for various charis-matic miracles and kept them pureof the evils of nature. He has freedthem from following their carnalself and desire, so that their concen-tration is only on him, and they areintimate with none but him. (Hujwiri1978, p. 190; trans. Nicholson 1976,p. 212)
The second statement that Kashaniquotes from Hujwiri is actuallyHujwiri's comment on the omittedhadlth, but Kashani introduces it in-stead as what God has said on thesubject of saints; now Hujwiri's thirdperson comment, though still in Per-sian, has been transformed into a firstperson account by God, in effect a newhadlth qudsi (the phrases quoted fromHujwiri are in italics): "God most highhas said regarding them, 'I have ser-vants who are the rulers of Mykingdom, and I have kept them pureof the evils of nature; they are intimatewith none but Me'" (Kashani 1928-29,pp. 41-42).
A third comment by Hujwiri goesas follows: "They [the saints] existedbefore us in past centuries, and theynow exist, and after this they will existuntil the resurrection, because the LordMost High has honored this commu-nity over all other communities, andhas guaranteed it, [saying,] T will
protect the religious law (shari'at) ofMuhammad.'" (Hujwiri 1978, p. 190;cf. trans. Nicholson 1976, p. 213 [trans-lating shari'at as 'religion']). Thiscomment of Hujwiri's is actually in-troduced by Kashani as a hadlth, andin his abridged version it runs asfollows: "The Messenger, on whom bepeace, said, 'They existed before us,and they now exist, and they will existuntil the resurrection.' [Kashani com-ments:] These words are an honor forthe community of Muhammad (Godbless him and give him peace), thatthey [the saints] will exist until theresurrection" (Kashani 1928-29 p. 42).Kashani has raised Hujwiri's statementabout the eternal presence of the saintsinto a prophetic dictum, although in itsown context Hujwiri's statement takesthe form of a theological argumentagainst the Mu'tazila and the anthro-pomorphists (al-hashwiyya). In addi-tion, where Hujwiri deduced the on-going presence of the saints fromGod's promise to preserve the reli-gious law, which he defined as aspecial honor granted to the Muslimcommunity, Kashani has left out thereference to the shari'at altogether,simply assuming that the saints are thehonor promised by the alleged hadlth,By telescoping some of Hujwiri'sremarks and by describing other pas-sages as quotations from God and theProphet, Kashani has given sainthooda much more authoritative status withrespect to its scriptural support.
Teachings of the ChishtisNow when we look at Kashani's
own writings in this section, and hisreferences to recent masters in theChishti order, we can see that someoriginal developments have taken placein Sufi thinking on the fundamentaltopics of the nature of mastery, suc-cessorship and sainthood. We can takeas an example an extended passagefrom Kashani's own commentary onthe Koran, Rumuz al-wdlihin (Ciphersof the Maddened Lovers), which existsonly in quotations embedded in thetext of Shamd'il al-atqiya'. This pas-sage presents a portrait of the perfectSufi master as one who encompassesthe qualities of the highest angels.
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The perfect master and teacher isthat one who is both lover andbeloved, both the seeker and thesought, both the impassioned andthe impassioning, both the perfectand the perfected, both the enrap-tured wayfarer and the wayfaringenraptured one, both the astonishedand the absorbed. His way is some-times intoxicated and sometimessober, at times absorbed and attimes effaced. The master is theguide and exemplar. The teachermust have the qualities of the fourproximate angels [i.e., trust, mercy,death, and wrath].
The first attribute is Gabriel's."Gabriel is the trusted one of Godin the realm of revelation." Thusthe master also must be trustedwith secret revelation, until thepermission of God is obtained, andhe completely fulfills his chargefor the disciples. The master shouldbe the bearer of the words of God,for "Gabriel bears the word, and isnot a beast of burden for the proph-ets." That is, he does not give outthe secrets and enigmas of thedivine word that he carries withoutthe permission of God. The mastershould be a friend of the prophetsby calling and guiding, for "Gabrielis the helper of the prophets andsaints." The master should be thedestroyer of God's enemies, so thathe repels the evil of the religiousand worldly enemies of his dis-ciples, and slays the disciple's 'soulcommanding [evil]' [cf. Koran12:53], for "Gabriel is theencompasser of God's enemies."
The second attribute is Michael's,for "Michael is the angel of mercyand creation by the bounty of God."The master should bring his dis-ciples with special mercy to thepresence of God, and illuminate hisdisciples inwardly and outwardlywith the lights of worship andgnosis from his compassion andbounty, and God will have pity onthem. He asks for help for hisdevoted and obedient disciples, sothey may remain firm in outwardand inward worship.
The third attribute is Israfil's, for"Israfil bears the canopy of Godand is the master of the trumpet,and waits for the command ofGod." The master also should inthe beginning remove base quali-ties from the disciples' hearts, andin the end the praiseworthy quali-ties, so their gaze will not fall uponthat. At the first call that Lord
Israfil blows all will die, and at thesecond call all will come to life.The master should also by righthave the attribute of "He gives lifeand death" (Koran 2:258) by God'spermission; that is, with one breathhe brings the hearts of disciples tolife with the light of love andgnosis of God, and with anotherbreath he slays the disciples' 'soulscommanding [evil]' with the influ-ence of the wrath of majesty andbeauty, so that the carnal desiresand dark veils are delayed andrepelled. And the master is con-stantly awaiting the command ofGod. He should communicate tohis disciples whatever hidden incli-nations descend upon the heart ofthe master.
The fourth attribute is Azrael's, for"Azrael seizes the spirits." Themaster should also be chosen bythe wrath of majesty, so that heseizes the life of anyone on whomhe looks with wrath. That is, in themidst of his spirit the holy illumi-nations appear as a veil. He anni-hilates the bodies of some. This isthe influence of the wrath ofmajesty. (Rumuz-i wdlihin, inKashani 1928-29, pp. 29-30)4
This description is a sophisticatedsynthesis, using the ideal qualities ofthe angels to describe the attributes ofthe Sufi master. Like the quotationsfrom classical Sufi authorities, thisdescription attests to a subtle elevationof the status of the Sufi master to aplane above ordinary humanity.
Kashani then takes up the questionof appointing a successor or vicegerent(khalifa), the key principle of continu-ity in Sufism that permitted the ordersto present themselves as an unbrokenchain of succession from the ProphetMuhammad. Here we see how Kashanimodels the chain of Sufi masters onthe first successors to the Prophet, whowere given the title of Caliph (khalifa)as his vicegerents, leading the Muslimcommunity in his place.
The meaning of vicegerency(khildfat), i.e, a vicegerent (khalifa),is to appoint someone in one'splace or on one's own behalf. Inthe case of prayer, if the imam isin a state of ritual impurity, hechooses someone to set the ex-ample in his place, and himselfgoes to his ablutions. But realvicegerency belonged to Lord
Adam. As God said, "I am placinga vicegerent on the earth" (Koran2:30). Then it came to Lord David,for "O David, We make you avicegerent on the earth, so judgebetween the people" (Koran 38:26).Then it came to the revered Prophet:"I am the vicegerent of God." Thenit came to the Commander of theFaithful Abu Bakr, as the Prophetsaid, "Abu Bakr, I am the vicegerentof God and you are my vicegerentafter me." Then it came to othercompanions, as the Prophet said,"The vicegerency is for thirty yearsafter me."5 The other prophets wereadorned with the mantle of proph-ecy and miracles, not with vice-gerency.
From this fundamental vicegeren-cy, Kashani deduces its separation intothe temporal power of rulers and thespiritual power of the saints.
Afterwards that vicegerency was oftwo types: one the externalvicegerency that came to sultans,governors, and judges, for "Thesultans are the vicegerents of theSeal of the Prophets, and the gov-ernors and judges are thevicegerents of the sultans." Thesecond is internal vicegerency,which came to God's masters andthe absolute teachers, so that theycould lead and guide God's crea-tures toward God. As God said,"He will appoint them asvicegerents on the earth as heappointed those before them asvicegerents" (Koran 24:55). Thatis, necessarily the masters choosevicegerents just as the four originalvicegerents chose each other asvicegerent, and after them the fol-lowers, and after them the follow-ers of the followers, and so on. Themasters and teachers will be therevivers of the exemplary customs(sunari) of the Prophet until theResurrection. As the Prophet said,"He who revives my example(sunna) is my vicegerent and thevicegerent of the prophets beforeme." (Rumuz-i wdlihin, in Kashani1928-29, pp. 32-33)
From this discussion one can seehow the Sufi masters are unambigu-ously presented as the legitimate suc-cessors to the Prophet Muhammad interms of both spiritual guidance andimplementation of Islamic law.
The high status given to the Sufimaster is especially evident in passag-
es where KashanI cites the sayings ofthe Chishti shaykhs. The power of themaster, according to Kashani's masterBurhan al-Din, is extraordinary. Itconsists not merely in the ability toattain states of nearness to God, butby that very nearness the master hasthe power to bring disciples across thevast spaces of the intermediate stagesof existence to the very threshold ofdivinity.
It is appropriate for mastery, andproper for leading and guidingsomeone, that, having traversed thethree worlds, he attains the fourth.Those three worlds are humanity(nasitt), the angelic realm (malakut),and power (jabarut). The fourthworld is divinity (Idhut). . . . Intraversing these three stations, onemust frequently turn away from thewhisperings of the carnal soul andthe misguiding attacks of demons,and there is fear of polytheism andthe disaster of unbelief. The devilhas made the boast, "I shall mis-lead all of them" (Koran 15:39), inthese three stations. The true mas-ter and absolute guide should takethe disciple past this frighteningprecipice and perilous event, andtake them to the fourth station,which is the world of divinity, forthis is the placeless place of thepure essence of God Most High.6
Burhan al-Din takes it for grantedthat spiritual progress is inconceivablewithout the guidance of a perfectmaster. Repeating a theme that is wellknown in early Sufism, Kashani alsoquotes the early master Qutb al-DinBakhtiyar Kakl (d. 633/1235) to theeffect that the shaykh must have theability to discern the prospective dis-ciple's heart in the Preserved Tablet;otherwise their relationship is doomed.7
The remarks just cited pertain tothe reflections of the Indian Chishtison the general subjects of mastery andsainthood. On these subjects, it seemslegitimate to conclude that they placeda greater emphasis on the transcenden-tal status and indispensable role of themaster than did their predecessors inIran two or three centuries earlier. Inpractice, the concrete role of the Sufimaster in the Chishti tradition depend-ed absolutely on the legitimate trans-mission of authority. Without the for-mal naming of the successor in a
vicegerency document (khilafat-nama)and the explicit bequest of the regaliaof the Chishti masters, it is impossiblefor anyone to claim the position of aspiritual master. KashanI gives theexample of the transmission that tookplace on the death of his teacherBurhan al-Din Gharib, which was stillfresh in his mind when he completedShamd'il al-atqiya':
It is a basic rule that one whomthe real master names as vicegerent,on whom he bestows his prayermat, staff, prayer carpet, and ro-sary, and whom he appoints to saythanks to God after setting forth themeal in front of him, he teacheshim the knowledge of the prayercarpet, so that he may be worthyto sit on the prayer carpet. He [themaster] advises his personal atten-dant that, after the master's death,on the third day, that person shouldbe brought the robe of mastery andvicegerency before all the Mus-lims, scholars, masters, and allpresent in the assembly, since therevered master has given him thevicegerency and apportioned to himhis own place, so that he mayinvite the servants of God to theroad of the religious law and thespiritual path. Just so, after thepassing of the revered Pole ofGuidance, the Shaykh al-Islam, theSultan of the gnostics, Burhan al-Haqq wa 1-Haqiqa wa 1-Yaqin [i.e.,Burhan al-Din Gharib], the onesingled out for the proximity of thelovers, and known by the appella-tion of "the Poor" (al-gharib), mayGod be pleased with him, theanswerer-then that personal atten-dant of comprehensive piety andperfect uprightness, Kaka ShadBakht (God sanctify his dear con-science), having brought togetherthe revered Shaykh al-Islam Zaynal-Din and Sayyid Nasir al-Din inaccordance with the testament ofthe revered and blessed master, onthe third day, along with the imams,scholars, masters of the covenant,the group of Sufis, Khans, greatnobles, and famous and renownedpeople, he kissed the hands of thetwo and congratulated them. Heread out in front of everyone thevicegerentship-letters that had beenfound, and by their sincerity, theirvicegerentship was established withperfect reliability and grounding.
One to whom the real master doesnot give these conditions, and who(nonetheless) gives the hand of
master to the servants of God andtakes disciples, is one who leadsastray; whatever gift is placed inhis name is unlawful, and if heclaims miracles and sainthood, thereis fear that his faith has gone.(Kashani 1928-29, pp. 34-35; cf.Ernst 1992, p. 135 with n. 204)
The ritual aspect of the transmis-sion of spiritual authority has becomehighly formalized, with the need topass on various ritual objects (prayermat, staff, prayer carpet and rosary)from a master to his successor. By itsvery nature, the reliance on such tan-gible objects as signs of legitimacy ledto disputes focusing on the question ofwho had, in fact, received the authen-tic relics (Digby 1986, pp. 63-103).Although the cloak (khirqd) had con-siderable importance in earlier PersianSufism, there is little evidence in the'classical' texts of the initiatic impor-tance of so many ritual objects.8 Itappears that there have been ritualaccretions in Indian Sufism, adding toand focusing the authority of the shaykhthrough the concrete symbols of saint-hood. The specific characteristics ofthe Indian Chishti masters, as en-shrined in their regalia, served to makethe order distinctive and shape itstransmission over generations.
ConclusionThe references to the classical Sufi
tradition in Shamd 'il al-atqiya' are notjust a series of library citations. Theyare a very personal meditation of Sufiteaching. They would be meaninglessapart from Rukn al-Din Kashani'sdiscipleship to Burhan al-DIn Gharib.Although he refers to his sources aswritten texts, over one-fifth of hissources are oral, and the written textsthemselves are viewed only insofar asthey are given life and transmitted byan actual teacher (Ernst 1992, p. 76).Further evolution of the meanings ofthis text can doubtless be found in its17th-century translation into DakhaniUrdu, and in a new translation intomodern Hindi that is presently beingcompleted by a scholar at MarathwadaUniversity.9 It is ironic that the mod-ern editor of the Hyderabad lithographstates that he found it necessary tocorrect the manuscripts that he con-
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SUFI The Interpretation of the Classical Sufi Tradition in India
suited for the many mistakes that hefound in the citation of Sufi classics,and he states that he has rectified thesethroughout. We have found, to thecontrary, that Kashani regularly revis-es his texts to stress the importance ofthe Sufi saints with even greateremphasis than do his sources, and heeven shifts significant remarks ofauthors like Hujwiri to a scripturalstatus by ascribing them to God or theProphet. The elasticity of texts andauthors in the oral tradition shouldremind us that translation can havemore than one meaning. Originally,the term from which our word 'trans-lation' comes meant the transfer of asaint's body from one location toanother. Words, like persons, derivetheir meaning from contexts. Ratherthan measure 'copyist's errors' againsta purified 'original text', we shouldperhaps be more sensitive to themultiple extended meanings that a textcan take on in new 'translations'.
In terms of the subject of spiritualmastery and sainthood, the writings ofKashani himself, and the sayings of hismaster Burhan al-Din Gharib and hispredecessors in the Chishti order, em-phasize several distinctive aspects: first,mastery and sainthood are in totalcontinuity with the core of Islamictradition going back to Adam, theearly Israelite prophets, the ProphetMuhammad, and his vicegerents.Mastery is not only prophetic but alsoangelic in character, as we are told inthe section on the qualities of the fourangels. Second, it requires profoundabilities to guide those who seek to betaught: one must be able to read theprimordial nature of a prospective dis-ciple, and to take the disciple beyondthe intermediate stages of the spirit tothe realm of divinity. Third, the au-thority of the master has been empha-sized by ritual extensions, in the ritualtransmission of regalia to authorizedsuccessors. These themes hardly con-stitute a 'degeneration' from the modelof the classical Sufi tradition. Theyfurther develop the model of masteryand sainthood that was outlined by theearly Sufis. If we can dispense withthe unspoken reasons that motivateclassicism and the nostalgia for thegolden age, we may better be able to
grasp the subtle hermeneutic withwhich later Sufis revivified and quick-ened their textual classics, thus makingthem relevant to their own master-disciple relationships.
Notes1. This notion of classicism and decline un-derlies the threefold scheme advanced by J.Spencer Trimingham to describe the devel-opment of Sufism; cf. Trimingham (1971).
2. For an example of this flexible mode oftextual transmission, see Ernst (1993), pp. 1-19.
3. Kashani (1928-29), p. 33, quotes (withsignificant additions) 'Ayn al-QudatHamadani (1962), p. 11; Kashani (1928-29)p. 41, quotes Hamadani (1962) pp. 44-45. Inthe section on sama', Kashani has apparentlyadded a reference to dancing to a quotationfrom Qushayri; cf. Ernst (1992), p. 152.
4. The descriptions of the angels in quotationmarks are in Arabic, but I have not identifiedthe source.
5. Cf. Wensinck (1992), II, 70, citing IbnHanbal. None of the other hadlth texts citedby Kashani are from the canonical collec-tions, and it would be an interesting project totrace the sources on which he draws.
6. Burhan al-Din Gharib (al-shaykh al-muhaqqiq), in Kashani (1928-29), p. 31.
7. Fawa'id al-sdlikin (purportedly thernalfu7,at of Mu'in al-Din Chishti, recordedby Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki), in Kashani(1928-29) p. 31. This passage could not belocated in the 36-page Urdu version ofFawa 'idal-salikin, bound together with sev-en other malfuzat texts asHasht bihisht(n.d.).This 'retrospective' text is quoted 7 times inShamd'il al-atqiyd', mostly in reference toSufi practice; cf. Ernst (1992), p. 79, withnote 342. On the importance of the masterseeing the disciple in the Preserved Tablet,see Schimmel (1975), p. 101.
8. For the Sufi cloak, see Gramlich (1976),pp. 172-73.
9. To the references in Ernst (1992), p. 304,n. 329, should be added 'Imad (1967).
ReferencesDigby.S. 1986. 'Tabarrukdtand Succession amongthe Great Chishti Shaykhs', in Delhi Through theAges: Essays in Urban History, Culture and Soci-ety, edited by R.E. Frykenberg, Delhi: OxfordUniversity Press.
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Nicholson, R. A. 1976. The Kashf al-mahjub, TheOldest Persian Treatise on Sufism, "E. J. W. GibbMemorial" Series, vol. 17, London: Luzac andCompany Ltd.
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