The Japanese Mission to China, 801-806

The Japanese Mission to China, 801-806Author(s): Robert BorgenReviewed work(s):Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 37, No. 1 (Spring, 1982), pp. 1-28Published by: Sophia UniversityStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2384293 .Accessed: 01/11/2012 15:49

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The Japanese Mission to China, 801 806

by ROBERT BORGEN

JAPANESE relations with China have a long and complex history. Chinese chronicles record the arrival of representatives from Japan as early as the second century B.C. when the Japanese archipelago was still inhabited by

relatively primitive tribes. In the following centuries, during which Japan was gradually being unified, its envoys were periodically noted by the Chinese, whose own land was divided after the fall of the Later Han dynasty in 221. By the time the Sui dynasty had reunited China in 589, Japan was sufficiently advanced that its missions were now recorded in its own histories as well as in those of China. Four, perhaps five, missions were sent to the Sui before it was succeeded by the T'ang in 618. Twelve years later, the Japanese dispatched their first 'Envoys to the T'ang', or kentoshi M*t, and eventually a total of fifteen official missions went to China. In addition to performing their primary diplomatic functions, Japan's envoys also brought back with them material goods and, more important, a knowledge of Chinese culture. This knowledge was not based merely on the superficial impressions resulting from a few months' travel, for secular students and Buddhist priests were sent with the diplomats, and some of them remained to study for decades in China before returning. The information they brought back was valued highly and their contributions to Japanese culture incalculable.'

Kentoshi are usually associated with the Nara period, although the final two missions were dispatched in the early decades of the Heian. In 894, almost sixty years after the previous embassy, another mission was planned, and the eminent poet and statesman Sugawara no Michizane IMIA, 845-903, was named ambassador. Although his grandfather and uncle had earlier served as kentoshi, Michi-

THE AUTHOR is Assistant Professor of Japa- nese, University of Hawaii. He wishes to acknowledge support received from the Japan Foundation and the Social Science Research Council to complete research in Japan for this article.

' Two standard surveys of early Sino- Japanese relations are Kimiya Yasuhiko

*-9*5, Nikka Bunka Koryiushi H VC'fL ZiAei, Fuzambo, 1955, and Mori Katsumi AAE, Kentoshi lb, Shibundo, 1956. For studies in English, see Edwin 0. Reischauer, Ennin's Travels in T'ang China, Ronald Press, New York, 1955, and Tsunoda Ryusaku, tr., Japan in the Chinese Dynastic Histories, P.D. & Iona Perkins, South Pasadena, 1951.

2 M Monumnta \innonzira XXXVII 1

zane chose not to make the journey. Instead, he petitioned that the mission be abandoned. His proposal was accepted, and as a result, regular diplomatic contact between China and Japan virtually ceased for over five centuries until it was resumed by the Ashikaga shogunate.

This article will describe the last but one of Japan's missions to T'ang China. This particular mission is of interest in part because in many ways it was typical of embassies dispatched to China after relations with Korea had deteriorated in the late seventh century and thus serves as a valuable example of early Sino- Japanese diplomacy. Like many other missions, it encountered difficulties in crossing the sea to China. It also had problems in dealing with Chinese officials because of Japan's long-standing refusal to adopt the attitude of subordination that the Chinese expected of all foreign envoys. Despite these troubles, this mission provided valuable opportunities for both religious and secular study in China. If these aspects of the mission were typical, others made it unique. Most notably, among those who accompanied the mission to China were the eminent monks Saicho AM, 767-822, posthumously known as Dengyo Daishi {;r7:}K, and Kuikai H4, 774-835, posthumously known as Kobo Daishi WLM)Q%. Other members of the mission, although now less known, also benefited from their experiences and were able to leave their mark on the Heian court. Moreover, this mission brought back another monk, Eichui 743-816, who had been in China for over thirty years. Eichui is no longer a familiar name, but he has the distinction of being the man who introduced tea to Japan.2 Thus, although the mission itself was largely typical, some of the individuals who participated in it were remarkable indeed and made lasting contributions to Japanese culture.

The previous mission to China had returned to Japan in 778. Since then the court had been preoccupied with its two moves, first from Nara to Nagaoka in 784 and then to Heian ten years later. These moves were part of the attempt by Emperor Kammu fiA, r. 781-806, to free the court from the influence of Nara's temples and to revive the more Confucian institutions of government that had been estab- lished in the late seventh and early eighth centuries. By 801 the court was settled in its new capital and Kammu turned his attention to foreign diplomacy, for a new mission to the T'ang court would help to reaffirm the legitimacy of Japan's Chinese-style government, and in turn strengthen his own position. Although Japan's missions to China provided valuable opportunities for study and trade, at least in principle their main purpose was to confirm Japan's place as a civilized nation in the Sino-centric world order of traditional East Asia.3 Accordingly, the decision tn send a new missnion to Chinn wa a svmbolic commitment to continued

2 Genko Shakusho tXMI, Shintei Zo5ho Kokushi Taikei [KT] Tt4;jJKt, Yoshi- kawa Kobunkan, 1964-66, xxxi, p. 234; Nihon Koki [NK] H *ffl, in KT III, K6nin qL{I 6/4/22 (chronologically arranged sources will be cited by date rather than page); Kimiya, pp. 146 & 155, and Hayashiya

Tatsusaburo t1#M-R5., Zuroku Sadoshi NA, XAt, Tank6sha, 1980, pp. 56-61 & 72-75.

3 Kimiya, pp. 117-21; Morin, pp. 69-71; Reischauer, pp. 53-59; John K. Fairbank, 'A Preliminary Framework', in John K. Fairbank, ed., The Chinese World Order, Harvard U.P., 1968, pp. 1-14.

BORGEN: The Japanese Mission to China, 801-806 3

support of the Chinese culture and institutions that Japan had adopted in the preceding centuries.

On the tenth day of the eighth month of Enryaku 20 (801), the principal officers of the mission were appointed.4 Because the Japanese were anxious to make a good impression on the Chinese court, they usually selected men of either noble birth or significant scholarly achievement to serve as kentoshi. This embassy was no exception, and Fujiwara no Kadonomaro lRI-08, 765-818, was named ambassador. Kadonomaro came from the same branch of the Fujiwara family that would later produce the regents who came to dominate the Heian court, although neither he nor his immediate relatives were quite so influential. His birth was not his only qualification. For over two years he had been serving as Senior Assistant Governor of Dazaifu (Dazai no Daini )<kc). Dazaifu was the government headquarters in Kyushu that was responsible both for local administration and also for regulating foreign contacts, since it was located near the principal port for ships sailing to and from the Asian mainland. Accordingly, Kadonomaro could have been expected to have some experience in foreign affairs. However, he does not seem to have been a man of great learning, for in China he had Kuikai draft documents for him. Perhaps his experiences taught him the value of scholarship, as his son would later become a student at the court university (daigakuryo

an unusual step for a man of his social status. The son then followed in his father's footsteps and served as ambassador on Japan's last mission to T'ang China.5

At the same time that Kadonomaro was named ambassador, he was also given a new office at court, Major Controller of the Right (udaiben kA), and an ab- sentee provincial appointment, Governor of Echizen (Echizen no Kami fjwf), that provided additional honor and salary. Later, before his departure, he was also promoted from the lower to the upper grade of the junior fourth rank.6 In addition to this regular promotion, Kadonomaro was raised to the senior third rank-an exalted status indeed-for the duration of his stay in China. This was a 'temporary rank' (shakui {l{,') that did not affect his regular status in the Japanese court. Other members of the mission received similar temporary promotions. The apparent high rank of the officials sent by the Japanese was intended to flatter the Chinese and thereby insure a good reception.7 How the Chinese treated these

4 Nihon Kiryaku H i, I,in KT x, Enryaku Lljf 20/8/10.

5 Kugyo Bunin aPPVfI I, in KT LIII, Enryaku 24-Konin 9; Sompi Bummyaku #4113M* I, in KT LVIII, p. 30; Shoku Nihon Koki [SNK] r E {, in KT II, Jowa Ath 7/4/23. 6 Kugyo Bunin, Enryaku 25.

7 Shoryoshu7 St, in Watanabe Shoko XIRJI, & Miyasaka Yulsho -Et5@, ed., Sangy5 Shiiki, Shoryoshu -itfjf tT (NKBT 71), Iwanami Shoten, 1965, pp. 266- 67; SNK, Jowa 2/12/2; Oba Osamu >kcS{r,

'To Genwa Gannen Takashina Mahito no Tonari Kokushin ni tsuite' J 3+tsz ov' r, in Takahashi Sensei Kanreki Kinen Toyogaku Ronshu Affi %tMai jT*rFmt, Kansai Daigaku Tozai Gakujutsu Kenkyuijo, 1967, pp. 82-91.

This Japanese practice is reminiscent of Commodore Perry's promoting himself to admiral when dealing with the Japanese more than a thousand years later, but unlike Perry's 'promotion', Kadonomaro's was formally recognized by his superiors.

4 Monumenta Nipponica, xxxvii, 1

temporary ranks is not known, but the granting of such ranks clearly shows that in early Japan a certain amount of duplicity was a common ingredient in diplomacy. Japan, however, was not alone in such behavior, for the Chinese would reward these Japanese envoys with similarly impressive-sounding but empty titles.

Kadonomaro was to be the aristocratic leader of the embassy. Other officers who can be identified were men of lesser court families; many of them had reputa- tions for their learning. The vice-ambassador (fukushi gIJ), Ishikawa no Michimasu ;6J!IMI, 763-805, was said to have been a well-read man of great ability and fine deportment.8 In addition to the ambassador and the vice-ambassador, one administrative officer (hangan 1lJ'B) and one secretary (rokuji 0-) were also appointed for each of the four ships that would make up the mission. Finally, one provisional (jun 4) administrative officer and one provisional secretary were also selected. The administrative officer for the first ship was Kannabi no Nobukage t#10fiV,. Although little is known about him, he may have been the son of Kannabi no Kiyono #M who had served on a previous mission to China and was known for his scholarship.9 Since both involvement in foreign affairs and academic training were commonly matters of family tradition, Nobukage's appointment seems quite appropriate. The second ship's administrative officer was Michizane's grandfather, Sugawara no Kiyokimi PWMMt', 771- 842, whose family also had a long history of involvement in foreign affairs and who himself had studied Chinese literature at the university.'0 One of the secre- taries, Kamitsukeno no Ehito ) 766-821, and the provisional secretary, Asano no Katori 4*1, 774-843, were both known for their poetry in Chinese. Katori had begun his career as a student at the university, first specializing in Chinese phonetics and later in literature." Little is known of the remaining officials, but probably they too were more educated than well born-men with adequate knowledge of Chinese classics and literature to impress their hosts with the fact that Japan was a civilized nation.

After these initial appointments were made, the elaborate preparations proceeded slowly, and no further mention of the mission appears until more than a year later when the monk Saicho requested permission to accompany it to China. Buddhist monks frequently joined Japan's diplomatic missions to China, but their attitude toward these missions was quite different from that of many cour-

8 NK, Enryaku 20/8/10 & 24/7/25. 9 NK, Enryaku 24/7/25; SNK, Jowa 3/5/10. 10 Kiyokimi's obituary (SNK, Jowa 9/10/17)

states that he was appointed one year after the other officials, but this is probably in- correct. See Inoue Kaoru AKL-, 'Sugawara no Kiyokimi Den Nidai' i in Shoku Nihongi Kenkyu L1 *,ZEL, VIII: 9 (September 1964), p. 217.

For Kiyokimi and his family background, see Robert Borgen, 'The Origins of the Suga- wara: A History of the Haji Family', in

MN, xxx: 4 (Winter 1975), pp. 405-22, and 'Sugawara no Michizane: Ninth-Century Japanese Court Scholar, Poet, and States- man', Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Michigan, 1978, pp. 10-12.

1 1 Ehito has one poem in each of the three imperially sponsored anthologies of literature in Chinese-Ryo5unsha , Bunka Shurei- shu r , and Keikokushua AA. Six of Katori's poems appear in Bunka Shuireishu. Also see SNK, Jowa 10/6/11.


tiers. Whereas the latter often viewed appointment to an overseas mission with distinctly mixed feelings, devout Buddhist monks actively sought permission to accompany official envoys to China. To the courtiers, the dangers of the journey sometimes outweighed the benefits, but to the monks, the chance to study under China's great Buddhist teachers and to collect valuable manuscripts was well worth whatever risks may have been involved. Such religious zeal was a familiar aspect of East Asian Buddhism. Some Chinese monks had made perilous journeys across Central Asia to seek the Buddhist wisdom of India, and others, filled with missionary fervor, had crossed the sea to Japan to spread their faith to the ends of the known world. Japanese monks knew of these feats and did not hesitate to emulate them. 2

In Saicho's case, the decision to journey to China was based on a delicate mixture of political and religious considerations. After his ordination, Saicho had spent seventeen years on Mt Hiei in meditation and study. Gradually he became im- mersed in the doctrines of the Chinese T'ien-t'ai (J. Tendai) X7D school, an eclectic approach to Buddhism that stressed the Lotus Sutra. Finally, Saicho came to the conclusion that the teachings of this school were superior to those of Japan's earlier Buddhist sects centered at Nara."3 At this point, Saicho's religious beliefs intersected with Emperor Kammu's political plans. One of Kammu's major reasons for moving the capital from Nara was a desire to escape from the political intrigues of Nara's monks. Thus, both Saicho and Kammu found themselves in opposition to Nara Buddhism, albeit for different reasons.

Saicho was brought to Kammu's attention by Wake no Hiroyo TfQL:-ft, an official whose family had close ties with the emperor. With Hiroyo as an inter- mediary, Saicho was able to join the kento5shi and journey to China. As early as 798, Saicho had invited ten monks from Nara to join him in lecturing on the Lotus Sutra in order to propagate Tendai teachings. Then, in the first month of 802, Hiroyo invited Saicho to take charge of another series of lectures on three

12 Kimiya, pp. 137-214; Reischauer, pp. 1-123.

13 The principal source for Saicho's early years is his oldest biography, Eizan Daishi Den St XMgg, in Dengyo Daishi Zenshli gS7tRfiht Sekai Seiten Kanko Kyokai, 1975, v, supplement, pp. 1-48. This biography is generally thought to have been written a few years after Saicho's death. Unfortunately, the text is difficult to use because certain passages, many of which are related to Saicha's pilgrimage to China, are apparently out of order.

One edition, Honda Kosuke * t, ed., Yakucha Eizan Daishi Den WIP.g[Wki4, Goonki Jimukyoku 01,^2:gn, 1917, has tried to reconstruct the correct sequence and hence will be cited. Although it provides only a translated version and not the original

kambun WZ text, the original passages can be easily located in other editions. For a discussion of the textual problems, see the essay by Suehiro Shokei *IIRPRV, 'Eizan Daishi Den Ko' tUkli', which is ap- pended to the Yakuchu edition.

Modern studies of Saicho's life that were consulted include Katsuno Ry-ashin *ffgfg, Hieizan to Koyasan; Saicho to Kukai o Chu- shin toshite kLIQ e : QE L If rP6 L U-, Shibundo, 1958, pp. 40-71; Kiuchi Hiroshi *PfA, Dengyo Daishi no Shogai to Shiso5 go:4/ e , Daisan Bum- meisha, 1976, pp. 12-137; and Kasuga Reichi 4F MV, 'Dengyo Daishi no Nitto ni tsuite' g7tget<V>r, in Tendai Gakkai X > tS, ed., Dengyo Daishi Kenkyu fiSVtkI ff5t. Waseda Daigaku Shuppanbu, 1973, i, pp. 303-31.

6 Monumenta Nipponica, XXXVII, 1

basic texts of the Tendai sect. The lectures were held that summer at Takaosanji i4SLX, the Wake family temple, and fourteen monks from Nara were also asked

to participate. Both the emperor and the crown prince sent messages congratulat- ing those who had participated in these lectures, and they seem to have taken particular interest in Saich6, the leader. On the seventh day of the ninth month, Kammu sent Hiroyo to inform Saich6 of his support for Tendai teachings and to discuss their propagation.'4

Within a few days, Saicho presented the emperor a petition that formally stated his doctrinal independence. Saicho argued that Tendai teachings were superior because they were based directly on a sutra, the teachings of Buddha, whereas the doctrines of the Nara sects were based on sastras, mere commen- taries. But Tendai texts available in Japan contained copyists' errors and moreover Tendai doctrines would not be believed unless they were taught by someone who had studied directly from a master. Saicho therefore requested that two monks be sent to study in China, one for an extended stay and one for a short term. On the twelfth day of the month two monks were selected for extended study in China. Little is known about their subsequent activities, although one is said to have eventually feigned an eye disease in order to return to Japan.'5 In addition to these two, Saicho himself was ordered to make the short visit. He promptly thanked the emperor for his appointment, and then, on the twentieth day of the month, requested permission to take a disciple who spoke Chinese as an interpreter. Saicho compared himself to Kumarajiva, a Central Asian who went to China and translated many Buddhist texts, and to Hsuian-tsang :M, the famous Chinese pilgrim who journeyed to India in search of Buddhist scriptures. Both men, Saicho noted, had had ample time in their travels to learn the languages of the lands they visited, but he would be in China for only a short stay and hence needed an interpreter. Saicho's request was granted, and thus he was accompanied by his disciple Gishin iA, 781-833, who had studied Chinese at Todaiji in Nara.'6 Gishin was a worthy companion, and years later, after Saicho's death, he would be named Japan's first Chief Abbot of Tendai (Tendai Zasu )44). Saicho's mission was supported not only by the emperor but also by the crown prince, who had Japan's best calligraphers make two copies of principal sutras, one copy to be presented to monks in China and the other copy to be kept at Saicho's headquarters on Mt Hiei. He also provided Saicho with several hundred ounces of gold to help cover expenses in China.'7 These contributions show the extent of imperial support for Saicho's mission.

14 Eizan Daishi Den, pp. 19-29; FusJ Ryakki tM -, in KT xii, Enryaku 21/1/19.

15 Eizan Daishi Den, pp. 29-32; Gyorekishol fftl, in Dai-Nihon Bukkyo Zensho 7t 1 E1{

St:t;, Bussho Kankokai, 1918, xxviii, p. 1228.

16 FusJ Ryakki, Enryaku 21/9/2; Genko Shakusho, p. 341; Eizan Daishi Den, pp. 32-35; Kenkairon Engi, in Ando Toshio

& Sonoda Koyfu -l-i , ed., SaichoJ Q, Nihon ShisJ Taikei 4, Iwanami Shoten, 1980, pp. 351-52. The last-cited source is a collection of documents pertaining to Saicho's journey to China, and includes an annotated translation, pp. 163-92, and the original kambun text, pp. 350-61. Page references will be to the latter.

17 Eizan Daishi Den, pp. 35-36.


In addition to Saicho and his entourage, at least one other monk, Ryosen (also read Reisen) 1J[, joined the mission, as did a number of secular scholars. One of the scholars was an assistant professor of classics (jokyo JIi) from the university and was going to China for advanced study. Also sent were two students, one of whom, Tachibana no Hayanari *fiM, d. 842, would later achieve fame as a calligrapher and notoriety for his involvement in a political scandal.'8

These officials, priests, and scholars were the most important members of the mission from the court's point of view, but they constituted only a small portion of the men sent to China. With them went a wide variety of specialists, including navigators, carpenters, diviners, doctors, and, of course, many common sailors. For example, the final mission that went to China in 838 consisted of 651 men, and perhaps a third of them were ordinary sailors. Their number reflected the primitive state of Japanese shipbuilding. Because Japanese ships lacked keels, they could use sails only when favored by a following wind. As the ships were large enough to carry approximately 150 men plus the many gifts for the Chinese court, they required large crews to serve as oarsmen.'9

So it was that perhaps 600 men prepared to make the voyage to China. Their leader, Kadonomaro, was a man of aristocratic birth and some practical experience. The remaining officers, at least down to the level of secretary, were well- educated members of lesser noble families. These officers were accompanied by a variety of scholars, monks, and specialists, some of whom were going to China for advanced study, while others were needed for their technical skills. Moreover, a large number of sailors were employed to man the ships. Collectively, all these men were referred to as kentoshi, envoys to the T'ang.20

Almost two years passed after the initial appointments before the kentoshi were actually ready to depart. That much time was required to build the four ships and accumulate the rare and costly official gifts. At last, in the early months of 803, preparations were mostly completed, and the officers of the mission were treated to a series of audiences, banquets, and gifts. The grandest ceremony was held on the twenty-ninth day of the third month:

There was a farewell banquet for Ambassador Kadonomaro and Vice-Ambassador Ishikawa no Michimasu. Chinese custom was followed throughout. At the height of the festivities, the emperor summoned Ambassador Kadonomaro to his dais, offered him a cup of wine, and recited a poem:

Kono sake wa O ni wa arazu Tairaka ni Kaerikimase to Iwaitaru sake

This cup of wine Is not large, But it is wine In prayer for Your safe return.

18 Nihon Kiryaku, Enryaku 22/4/23; NK, Enryaku 24/10/19; Tachibana no Hayanari Den , in Zoku Gunsho Ruijdz [zGR]

RRMMA, Zoku Gunsho Ruiju Kanseikai, 1931-1933, viii A, pp. 64-5.

'9 Teio Hennenki VEEW , in KT XII,

pp. 194-5; Mori, pp. 31-39; Reischauer, pp. 47-68.

20 Mori, p. 35.


Kadonomaro's tears fell like rain and there was not one among the assembled nobles who did not weep. The emperor granted Kadonomaro three quilts, one complete outfit of clothing, and 200 ounces of gold; and to Michimasu, one outfit of clothing and 150 ounces of gold.21

The poem by Emperor Kammu is noteworthy because it is a waka TMR, a poem in Japanese, and hence one of the very few Japanese-language poems extant from the period between the compilation of Man'y5shu 7V, ca. 759, and the revival of interest in waka a century or so later. During this 'dark age of native literature', literature in Chinese enjoyed great popularity. Among the officials sent to China on this occasion were some of the court's most capable Chinese-language poets, and the journey thither provided an excellent opportunity for them to display their skills. Composition of poetry in Chinese began before their departure when a senior court scholar, Kaya no Toyotoshi AMVi, 751-815, wrote:

Parting from My Friends Who Are Going to China Several nobles have been made emissaries of the nation. For ten-thousand leagues, they cross the vast ocean. The great bird wings its -way through the endless sky. The huge fish swims in the immense sea. Climbing the mountain, I knit my brow. Gazing at the water, I cannot control my tears. But from this place where I am near the heavens, In vain I gaze to see only white clouds drifting.22

On the second day of the fourth month, at a final audience the emperor gave Kadonomaro the sword of aulthority, a symbol of the ambassador's responsibility for punishing members of the mission if they committed misdeeds.23 On the four- teenth day, the envoys boarded their four ships at Naniwa S, present-day Osaka, and two days later, heading first for Kyushu, they set sail down the Inland Sea. But a fierce storm suddenly arose and severely damaged the ships. The assistant professor of classics and many others drowned. Three of the ships barely managed to return to port, and on the twenty-fifth day of the month, Kadonomaro reported his failure to the court. Work was begun on repairing the ships, but, for the time being, the mission had to be postponed and Kadonomaro returned his sword of authority. One of the ships, however, seems to have weathered the storm and proceeded to Kyushu, where those on board, including Saicho, waited for the

21 Nihon Kiryaku, Enryaku 22/2/4; 3/14, 18, & 29. Most of the preparations and the actual departure of the mission took place during years that were covered in now-lost sections of NK. Nihon Kiryaku gives an abridged but reliable version of the original material.

22 Kojima Noriyuki LJJk%, Kokufu

Ankoku Jidai no Bungaku Q1* ItOz , Hanawa Shobo, 1979, iII (@F ), pp. 1578- 83. This volume is a meticulously annotated edition of RyJunsha and will be cited for poems in that anthology.

23 Nihon Kiryaku, Enryaku 22/3/3; SNK,

Jowa 3/4/29.


rest of the embassy to catch up. Saicho devoted this time to praying for the safety of the mission.24

Exactly one year after the initial failure, the court held another round of farewell audiences and banquets, and bestowed additional gifts.25 By this time the monk Kuikai had belatedly requested permission to accompany the envoys to China. As a youth, Kuikai had been a student of the Confucian classics at the court university in preparation for an official career. Eventually, however, he decided to devote himself to Buddhism and he withdrew from the university. Before an image of the Buddha, he prayed to be told the name of the supreme sutra. Thereupon he fell asleep and in a dream was told to seek the Mahavairocana Sutra (Dainichikyo Fikf), a basic text of esoteric Buddhism. Soon afterward, he found a copy of that sutra at the base of a pagoda, biut, inasmuch as it was an esoteric text, he had difficulty understanding it without the aid of a teacher. He then resolved to visit China and study under the great masters who could teach him the meaning of the text. Kiikai made the journey to China for purely religious reasons and no political considerations were involved, as in the case of Saicho. Moreover, Ku5kai planned to spend fully twenty years studying there and had the advantage of some exposure to spoken Chinese that was part of the university's curriculum.26

Why Kuikai joined the mission only after its initial failure is not clear, but three related explanations can be put forth. First, when the mission was being planned, Kuikai was still an obscure young man devoting himself to ascetic exercises in the provinces, and so despite his desire to go to China, he possibly did not even know that the court intended to dispatch an embassy. Second, when he learned of the mission, he may have had difficulty in obtaining permission to join it because members of his clan, the Saeki 1?M, had earlier opposed Emperor Kammu's transfer of the capital from Nara; Kuikai himself does not appear to have enjoyed

24 Nihon Kiryaku, Enryaku 22/4/23, 25, & 28; 5/22; FusJ Ryakki, Enryaku 22/interca- lary 10/23; Eizan Daishi Den, pp. 36-37.

25 NK, Enryaku 23/3/5, 25, & 28. 26 Sources for Kuikai's life before his

pilgrimage to China are not so good as those for Saicho's. KuTkai's earliest biographies are Kdkai Sozu Den , in ZGR VIII B, pp. 488-90, written seven months after his death, and Zodaisojo Kdkai Wajo Denki p@hI gThn?{g , in ZGR viii B, pp. 490-91, written in 895. Both are short and lacking in detail.

A more detailed source is Yuigd Shodeshira iaMX,M,- in Kobo Daishi Zensha ULi&k gi, ii, Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1910, pp. 781-813, which purports to be Kuikai's testament to his disciples. Clearly it is not, for it contains such startling errors as the

statement that Kulkai's ship landed at an inland Chinese province. Despite such problems, it is an early source that contains much apparently reliable data, and most accounts of Kuikai's life draw heavily on it. For a discussion of these sources, see Katsuno, pp. 112-21.

Modern studies of Kfikai's life that were consulted include Katsuno, pp. 121-48; Moriyama Shoshin , Bunkashijf5 yori Mitaru Kobo Daishi Den tM4L Jz I D At 9 9LkI&hi{, Morie Shoten, 1934, which contains the most detailed modern study of this mission, pp. 106-277; Sawa Ryulken tfnAf, Kdkai no Kiseki 'qo4JLJ, Mainichi Shim- bunsha, 1973; and in English, Yoshito S. Hakeda, Kukai: Major Works, Translated, with an Account of His Life and a Study of His Thought, Columbia U.P., 1972.

10 Monumenta Nipvonica. XXXVII. 1

Kammu's favor. Finally, Kuikai was not properly ordained a monk until the ninth day of the fourth month in 804, a matter of days before the kentoshi embarked from Naniwa for the second time.27 Thus, when the envoys had first departed unsuccessfully a year earlier, he would not have been qualified to accompany them as a monk. The timing of his ordination suggests that he obtained permission to join the embassy at the last minute and then hastened to be ordained before his departure. Had the kentoshi left as planned a year earlier, Kulkai would not have been able to make his pilgrimage to China.

The mission's second departure began more auspiciously than its first, and all of the members of the embassy finally gathered in Kyushu without incident. On the sixth day of the seventh month, 804, they boarded their four ships and set sail from the town of Tanoura 'fll in Hizen province, modern Nagasaki prefec- ture.28 Japan's last few missions to T'ang China all departed from Kyushu about the seventh lunar month. Unfortunately, a worse time could hardly have been selected, for this was both the typhoon season and a time when the monsoon winds were blowing in the wrong direction. Although Chinese and Korean traders had already learned to use the monsoon winds to their advantage, Japanese knowledge of navigational techniques was still quite primitive. Also, the safest route to China, that via Korea, had been gradually abandoned after Japan's ancient enemy Silla unified Korea in 668, and Japanese envoys were forced to take a more southerly route directly across the sea to China. Thus, ignorance of prevailing weather conditions combined with diplomatic problems to make the voyage to China exceedingly dangerous.29

No sooner had the ships set sail than their troubles began anew. A storm struck on their second night at sea, and the ships became separated. The third and fourth ships were blown back to Japan, but the first and second ships, with the main body of the mission on board, continued their separate ways to China. The Japanese court, however, did not know the fate of these ships. To be on the safe side the court sent an emissary to Silla to inquire whether they might have landed there and to request aid in the event they had, or in the event they had not, to ask Silla to inquire about them in China.30 At the same time, the ships that had been blown back were kept available to be sent in the following year if nothing was learned of the ships that-to the best of the court's knowledge-had disappeared.

Unknown to the Japanese court, the first and second ships, despite many difficulties, did successfully complete their voyages to China. The first ship, which carried the ambassador, the monk Kulkai, and the student Hayanari, arrived at a

27 Zodaisojo Kakai Wajo5 Denki, p. 490; Katsuno, pp. 130-34; Hakeda, pp. 13-38.

The exact date of the second departure from Naniwa is not recorded, but since the farewell banquets took place in the third month, as they had a year earlier, this departure too was probably around the middle of the fourth month.

28 Upon his return, Kadonomaro presented

a detailed report of his mission, NK, Enryaku 24/6/8. Unless otherwise specified, data that follow come from that source.

29 Hsin T'ang Shu Vk, Chung-hua Shu-chii, Peking, 1975, xx, p. 6209, translated in Tsunoda, p. 41; Mori, pp. 39-60; Rei- schauer pp. 60-61.

30 NK, Enryaku 23/9/18.

BORGEN: The JaDanese Mission to China. 801-806 11

town on the coast of the modern Fukien province after thirty-four days at sea. Upon his return to Japan, Kadonomaro reported the difficulty of the passage: 'We went back and forth in the space between life and death; we were suspended atop the enormous waves.' Although the ship eventually arrived safely in China, the storms had blown it to a destination far south of the ports usually frequented by the Japanese. This was only the beginning of a long string of difficulties, for the officials of the town where they landed had no experience in dealing with Japanese visitors and did not know what to do with them. Moreover, the provincial governor had recently retired because of illness and his replacement had not yet arrived. Finally, the local authorities sent them to the provincial capital, the modern Fu- chou t,)tf. The Japanese party arrived there on the third day of the tenth month, almost two months after they had first landed in China. By that time, the new governor was there to greet them. They did not, however, receive the warm wel- come for which they had hoped.

The problems of the Japanese were compounded by the fact that they did not have proper documents. Customarily, foreign envoys to China came with tribute and messages stating their rulers' fealty to the Chinese emperor. In exchange, the Chinese would invest the envoys-and their rulers-with appropriate titles. The Japanese, however, had long rejected such displays of subservience and once even attempted addressing the Chinese emperor as 'an equal. Needless to say, this did not please the Chinese.3' By Kadonomaro's day, the Japanese had made some concessions. They sent gifts that they specifically called 'tribute' (ko T) and they even followed Chinese practice in referring to themselves as 'barbarian' (ban V). But they stopped short of presenting obsequious messages. Thus, Kadonomaro arrived with material goods, but no official documents. Unfortunately, this led the new governor to conclude that the Japanese party was merely a group of traders seeking to avoid taxes by claiming official status. Accordingly, he had the ship moored in a dank swamp and kept under surveillance. Its party was not allowed to land. The governor, it is said, simply glanced at Kadonomaro's messages and threw them away. Finally, the impasse was resolved when Kfikai, writing for Kadonomaro, composed an elegant appeal, arguing that the Japanese court had always placed its faith in the personal character of the envoys it sent to China, not in mere documents filled with lies and flattery.32

This antilegalistic argument must have appealed to the good Confucian instincts of the governor, for at last he permitted the Japanese to land and treated them with all the respect due their official status. Finally on the third day of the eleventh month, a party of twenty-three men departed Fu-chou for the long journey to the T'ang capital of Ch'ang-an At. Kfikai was among them, although he had to

31 Sui Shu , Chung-hua Shu-chiu, Peking, 1973, VI, p. 1827, translated in Tsunoda, p. 32; Mori, pp. 73-79; Yamada Hideo LWflAX, 'Nichi-ToJ-Ra-Botsu Kan no Kokusho ni tsuite' F! 1 * -,b*t ) AROI sz 'v> r, in Ito Nobuo Kyoju Kanreki

Kinenkai , ed., Nihon Kokogaku Kodaishi Ronshu F! i M, Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1974, pp. 345- 63.

32 Shoryoshu, pp. 266-71; Yuigd, pp. 783- 84. Translated in appendix, pp. 26-28, below.


request special permission to go to the capital, probably because he was a monk rather than an official of the embassy.33 Beginning each day's travel before sunrise and continuing on into the night, nonetheless they needed forty-six days to reach an official inn outside Ch'ang-an. After a day's rest, the Japanese were greeted there by a special messenger who brought fine horses with ornate saddles for their entry into the capital. Throngs of spectators gathered to watch as they rode through the streets of the T'ang capital to a residence for foreign envoys where they were to stay during their vis-it to Ch'ang-an.34 There, the ambassador found waiting for him a party of twenty-seven men from the second Japanese ship, under the leadership of Sugawara no Kiyokimi. The two groups had not seen each other since their departure from Kyushu more than five months earlier.

The chief officer of the second ship had been Vice-Ambassador Ishikawa no Michimasu, and its party included Kiyokimi and Saich6. They too must have had a very difficult passage. Whereas the first ship required one month to reach a port far to the south, the second ship took almost two months to reach the much closer port of Ming-chou 01[I', near the modern Ningpo. Because Ming-chou was a city where Japanese envoys had landed previously, the local authorities did not cause the Japanese visitors any trouble. However, misfortune struck when the vice- ambassador died before the party left Ming-chou, and the administrative officer Kiyokimi took charge of the group that headed for Ch'ang-an.3s Meanwhile, Saich6 and his followers set out for the great Buddhist center on T'ien-t'ai iX in the neighboring province, present-day Chekiang.

Journeying to the Chinese capital, Kiyokimi and his companions were caught in a snowfall. Kiyokimi wrote:

Encountering Snow on a Winter Day at Shang-yiian ?i, Inn, i1 Pien Province

Clouds and mist have not yet departed from the old year, But plums and willows unexpectedly encounter the spring. Alas, the jewel dust Comes and soaks the traveler's handkerchief.36

This poem displays a cleverness resembling that of the Japanese poetry in Kokinshua - and shows how techniques and conventions may have been adopted from Chinese poetic practice. For example, it incorporates the standard

33 Shoryoshu, pp. 270-71. 34 Yuigo, p. 784. 3 Which ship was the vice-ambassador's

is not altogether clear. The only concrete information is that he died in Ming-chou (NK, Enryaku 24/7/25). Some scholars place him on the first ship and argue that he died when the Japanese gathered in Ming-chou before their return to Japan.

But indirect evidence suggests that he sailed on the second ship and died shortly after his arrival in China. First, his presence in Ch'ang- an is nowhere mentioned, and second, one source refers to Kiyokimi as 'vice-ambassador' (Fuso Ryakki, Enryaku 23/7), implying that he may have taken over the responsibilities of that office when its actual holder died.

36 Kojima, pp. 1730-33.

BORGEN: The Japanese Mission to China, 801-806

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literary conceit of confusing late snow for early plum and willow blossoms; it also puns on the word for 'dust' (hsieh Mr), which was then pronounced similarly to the word for 'snow' (hsiieh +). Customarily, a traveler always longs for home, and therefore it was tears, not snow, that soaked his handkerchief. But the most interesting feature of this generally conventional poem is that the word translated as 'alas' (pu-fen T;3e) is a T'ang colloquial expression that Kiyokimi had probably learned since his arrival in China. Thus, in this poem, he was displaying a small item of newly acquired knowledge.37 Significantly, it was a colloquial expression, which hints at the fact that Kiyokimi was learning to converse in Chinese, and moreover he was quick to incorporate this newly acquired expression into his Chinese poetic vocabulary. Although this is but a small example, it shows Kiyokimi's enthusiasm for learning and utilizing elements of Chinese culture that he could not have known from books in Japan.

By the middle of the eleventh month, Kiyokimi's party had arrived in Ch'ang- an, where they waited more than a month for the ambassador's- entourage to join them. This allowed the Japanese visitors time to admire the wonders of the populous and sophisticated Chinese capital, and to pursue their studies. Kiyokimi in particular seems to have benefited from his stay in Ch'ang-an, for after his return to Japan, he became a leader in early Heian attempts to adopt elements of Chinese culture, such as court ritual and dress.

Arrangements for an imperial audience were begun as soon as Kadonomaro's party joined the other Japanese envoys in Ch'ang-an. The day after the ambassador's arrival, a Chinese official accepted the Japanese gifts, presented them to the emperor, and returned with a message of thanks: 'The tribute goods that you have presented from your far-off loyal court are all most excellent. We are greatly pleased and hope you are all in good health, despite the cold weather.' On the following day, an imperial audience was held, not only for the Japanese envoys, but also for representatives from Tibet and Nan-chao MAN, two kingdoms that occasionally attacked China's west and southwest borders, especially during the later years of the T'ang dynasty. The Chinese probably treated these troublesome neighbors with more consideration than was accorded the Japanese, a fact that may have irked the latter who, on returning home, failed to report the presence of these other foreign envoys during their audience with the Chinese emperor. Just as the Japanese distorted certain facts about their own status in order to impress the Chinese, so they also failed to report details of their visit to China that might have offended Japanese sensibilities. In Ch'ang-an, the Japanese met one other foreign representative, a prince from the Manchurian kingdom of Pohai Mit. At the time, Japan maintained excellent relations with that kingdom, for Pohai sent regular missions that flattered the Japanese by adopting a posture of inferiority.38

3 Matsuura Tomohisa *Ab-A, 'Pu-fen ch'iung-yao hsieh; Lai-chan lu-k'e chin' T;53 34M; 1A % r, in Kambungaku Kenkyut &tk e3g, xi (January 1963), pp. 12-21;

Kawaguchi Hisao )II n AX, Seeiki no Tora gcS, Yoshikawa K6bunkan, 1980, pp.

113-15. 38 Chiu T'ang Shu 1,6A, Chung-hua


Thus, during their visit to China, the Japanese encountered a variety of foreign dignitaries in what was then one of the world's great cosmopolitan centers.

After an initial court ceremony, the Japanese envoys were brought before Em- peror Te-tsung j,'. Kadonomaro noted that all the Japanese requests were granted. The requests are not specifically recorded, but probably the Japanese priests and students were given permission to remain in China and pursue their various objectives. Kiyokimi was also present at the audience and is said to have made a good impression on the Chinese emperor.39 Following the imperial audience, a banquet was prepared at the palace, and the envoys were given gifts appropriate to their ranks. An official then invited them to another banquet in his quarters, where they all ended the day enjoying the pleasures of wine. The Chinese host in particular drank heavily and become very warm and friendly. When the new year began a few days later, the foreign envoys again appeared in court for the usual festivities. However, the emperor soon took ill, and on the twenty-third day of the new year he died.

Early in his twenty-six-year reign, Emperor Te-tsung had attempted to revive the fortunes of the T'ang dynasty, which had been gradually deteriorating since the mid-eighth-century Rebellion of An Lu-shan %tU, in which a non-Chinese general in the T'ang army turned against the emperor and captured the capital. Te-tsung's efforts were to little avail, however, and his reign was marked both by domestic revolts, often led by regional commanders who had been appointed to pacify the provinces, and by foreign attacks, frequently launched by the same kingdoms that sent peaceful envoys at the time of his death. Following the customary mourning rites, in which even the Japanese and other foreign visitors participated, the new Emperor Shun-tsung JL was enthroned. But Shun-tsung was already a sick man at the time of his accession and had lost the ability to speak. Predictably, China's troubles worsened under a physically disabled ruler. Only eight months after he had become emperor, Shun-tsung too died.40 By then, the Japanese envoys had already departed China and thus they could not report Shun-tsung's death, but they did bring back an accurate summary of China's other troubles, domestic and foreign. Kadonomaro's report concluded: 'Internally, there are disloyal commanders, and externally, the evil-natured men of Tibet. The capital is in chaos with not a moment's tranquility.' Although their respect

Shu-chii, Peking, 1975, ii, p. 400, mentions the envoys from Tibet and Nan-chao ahead of those from Japan. Also see Yamada, pp. 345-48, and Mori, pp. 76-80.

Shoryosha contains a letter drafted by Kuakai for Kadonomaro and addressed to a Pohai prince, who was probably being kept in Ch'ang-an as a sort of hostage. A frag- ment of another source, Ydh6ki at3I, describes Kadonomaro's meeting with the prince-see the supplementary notes to Shlryfshfi, p. 510.

39 SNK, J6wa 9/10/17. 40 Sogabe Shizuo WVRfE, 'Dengyo

Daishi Nitto goro no To no Kokujl' f;KAk AgeJf9WIS in Tendai Gakkai, ed.,

Dengyo Daishi Kenkyu: Bekkan I 1980, pp. 265-83; Michael T. Dalby, 'Court Poli- tics in Late T'ang Times', pp. 580-611, and C. A. Peterson, 'Court and Province in Mid- and Late T'ang', pp. 479-522, both in Denis Twitchett, ed., Cambridge History of China, iII; Sui and T'ang China, 589-906, Part i, Cambridge U.P., 1979.


for Chinese culture continued unabated, the Japanese were fully aware that all was not well with the T'ang dynasty.

As foreigners, literally 'barbarians', the Japanese were obliged to observe mourning for only three days, in contrast to the twenty-seven days required of Chinese. The Japanese quickly began to prepare themselves for their return journey, and on the tenth day of the second month, while the Chinese court was still in mourning, they were ready to depart. Imperial messengers brought return gifts for 'the Japanese king and his wife', plus more gifts for the envoys.4' The kentoshi were also given Chinese ranks and offices, which, despite their appearance of authenticity, were in fact purely honorary.42 Finally, an imperial order was read:

Return to your native land with word of our national mourning. Unfortunately, because of our deep mourning, further audiences are impossible. Farewell, farewell! Your mission is completed and your return journey begins.

The Japanese party then headed for Ming-chou, where Kiyokimi's ship had originally landed. A Chinese official accompanied them as far as Yiieh-chou MiI4, a city near their destination. There he gave them a final imperial message, and Kiyokimi commemorated the occasion with another poem:

At Yiieh-chou, Parting with the Imperial Messenger Wang Kuo-fu TARR who Returned to the Capital

I am an eastern barbarian guest, Favored by the chance to visit the august T'ang. About to return, I am filled with regret. Tears of parting soak my robe.43

Here, a Japanese referred to himself as a 'barbarian' in a poem deemed fit for in- clusion in Ryounshu, an imperially sponsored anthology.

While the Japanese envoys were traveling to Ming-chou, the ambassador's ship sailed up the coast from Fu-chou under the command of a secretary. Saicho too returned with his followers to Ming-chou, where the Japanese all gathered early in the fourth month.

Saich6 had spent seven very active and useful months since he had parted from the official envoys. First he had gone to T'ai-chou ')J, the capital of the province in which T'ien-t'ai was located. By fortunate chance, the local governor was a patron of T'ien-t'ai Buddhism and had just invited an eminent monk, Tao-sui M32, to lecture in the provincial capital. Saich6 made a good impression on the governor, who allowed him to attend Tao-sui's lectures and provided twenty copyists plus 4,000 sheets of paper to reproduce 120 Buddhist texts for him. On the fifth day of the tenth month, Saicho proceeded to Mt T'ien-t'ai, where he received instruction from another prominent monk, Hsing-man ff A. A month later, he was back in T'ai-chou to resume his studies under Tao-sui. On the seventh day of the twelfth month, Saich6's disciple Gishin was ordained a monk. Then, on

41 Chiu T'ang Shu, ii, p. 406. 42 Oba, pp. 91-92.

43 Kojima, pp. 1733-35.


the second day of the third month in the following year, as they were about to return to Ming-chou, Saicho and Gishin joined twenty-seven Chinese monks in taking the Mahayana Bodhisattva vows (Daijo Bosatsukai 1 Thus, both Saicho and Gishin became fully ordained monks of the T'ien-t'ai sect.44 Saicho had achieved the principal goals of his pilgrimage to China.

After the Japanese had all assembled in Ming-chou, they were apparently unable to depart immediately. Saicho took advantage of the delay to request permission to visit Yiieh-chou, where he expected to find texts that had been un- available in T'ai-chou. Saicho's request was approved, and once again his quest proved successful. In Yiieh-chou he obtained copies of an additional 102 texts and also further instruction in esoteric Buddhism from yet another eminent monk, Shun-hsiao JPUAH-. Saich6 was in China for less than nine months, but in that time he succeeded in gathering a total of 230 valuable texts and was able to study under three important Chinese Buddhist masters.45 Moreover, he, together with his interpreter and principal disciple Gishin, was formally ordained a monk of the T'ien-t'ai sect in China. All these achievements were essential for the establishment of an independent sect in Japan.

Finally, on the eighteenth day of the fifth month, 805, the two Japanese ships set sail, and both made the return voyage with little difficulty. The ambassador's ship arrived at Tsushima on the eighth day of the sixth month, and Kiyokimi's nine days later in Hizen, not far from where it had set forth almost a year earlier.46 But this was not the end of the mission. As noted above, two of the original four ships had been blown back to Kyushu in the storm that struck after they had embarked on their voyage to China. These two ships had been refitted, and a local Dazaifu official, Takashina no T6nari -iPNA, had been hurriedly appointed as a new administrative officer for one of them.47 No sooner had the principal members of the mission returned to Japan than the remaining two ships set sail for China. Why they risked the journey after the mission had apparently achieved its objectives is something of a mystery, but the most probable explanation is the desire for trade.

The primary purpose of the missions to China was diplomatic, but the exchange of goods was also an important goal. The kentoshi took to China natural products such as silver and semi-precious stones, as well as high-quality silks and brocades. Most of these goods were official gifts that were to be presented to the Chinese court. In return, the Chinese gave comparable, or even more valuable, gifts. Nominally this was an exchange of gifts, but in practice it was a form of trade. What exactly the Japanese received is not recorded in detail, but the treasures now preserved in Nara's Shos6in !E*i are probably a sample of the goods brought back by the kentoshi. The Droducts from China most commonly men-

F1 Eizan Daishi Den, pp. 38-43; Kenkairon Engi, pp. 352-55; Tendai Hokkeshu Dempo Ge , in DengyJ Daishi Zenshu, v, p. 28; Fuso Ryakki, Enryaku 23/7.

"5 Eizan Daishi Den, pp. 43-45; Kenkairon Engi, pp. 355-65; Shirai Mokuroku ""A M,

in Dengyo Daishi Zenshu, iv, pp. 349-50. 46 NK, Enryaku 24/6/17. 47 Ruiju Kokushi ii, in KT VI, p. 1. Data

concerning this latter part of the mission are few, and what follows is a somewhat tenta- tive reconstruction of events.


tioned in Japanese sources are fabrics, fragrances, and medicines. Also, the Japanese enthusiastically sought to acquire Chinese books, and in this respect Saich6's example is typical. In addition to the formal exchange of gifts, all individuals, down to common sailors, were given goods that could be traded un- officially in China.48

Since the two ships that remained in Kyushu were still loaded with official gifts and private goods, the Japanese desired to send them to China to exchange their cargoes for foreign treasures. In addition, because the returning envoys had reported the accession of a new emperor, the Japanese may have wanted to offer their congratulations. Finally, the safe return of the first two ships must have also helped to allay the legitimate fears of the remaining envoys, who knew that the voyage could be dangerous.

The timing of the departure followed the Japanese custom of dispatching their missions in the seventh month. On the fourth day of that month, the final two ships departed from Kyushu. But, as before, they soon ran into trouble. The third ship (of the original four) was blown off course by a south wind and drifted to a lonely island. The administrative officer, Mimune no Imatsugu Ht*#MI, and most of the ship's party landed, leaving only several archers on board to guard the ship. But the ship's hawsers snapped and it drifted off to sea. Somehow, Imatsugu and other survivors managed to return to Kyushu, and on the sixteenth day of the month, Dazaifu reported their failure. The court was dismayed at their neglect of duty and an imperial order called for severe punishment:

An envoy's duty is to value national gifts. Ships and their cargoes require consid- erable labor to produce. But now, without regard for official responsibilities, the envoys sought only to save their own lives. How can a drifting ship with no one on board be saved? Is this the way of loyal service? Accordingly, the envoys shall be punished to strictly preclude any repetition of such an offense.49

The court was particularly distressed at the loss of the ship and the precious goods it carried. Left unmentioned was the fact that human lives had also been lost.

One ship, however, the last of the original four, did manage to complete the voyage to China, and in the first month of 806, a party under the leadership of its administrative officer, Takashina no Tonari, arrived in Ch'ang-an.50 If indeed the purpose of this mission had been to congratulate the new emperor, it was too

48 Engi Shiki LE; KT XXVI, pp. 737-38, lists items to be given to kentoshi and gifts for envoys from China; the latter probably correspond closely to the gifts sent to the Chinese court. See Mori, pp. 107-13, and Kimiya, pp. 117-21.

49 NK, Enryaku 24/7/16. 50 Chjya Gunsai #AT# preserves a

document given by the Chinese court to Tonari and dated the 28th day of the first month, 806. For a detailed study of this

document, see Oba, pp. 78-82. Tonari's arrival in Ch'ang-an is also men-

tioned in Chiu T'ang Shu, XVI, p. 5341, and other Chinese sources reproduced in Moriyama, pp. 212-15. Hsin T'ang Shu, xx, p. 6209, states incorrectly that he arrived in China after Kuikai and Hayanari had been there twenty years, apparently a confusion of their intended stay in China for their actual stay. For a translation, see Tsunoda, p. 42.


late, for Shun-tsung had already died and had been succeeded by his son. But Tonari's arrival was well timed for Kulkai and Hayanari, whom Kadonomaro had left behind in the Chinese capital. Despite their original intention of staying in China for twenty years, both decided to return to Japan with the newly arrived envoy.

Kiukai had been in Ch'ang-an for more than a year. At first he had shared the official quarters of the other kentoshi, whom he may have assisted as an unofficial secretary and interpreter. But after they had departed, he moved to Hsi-ming-ssu NPA4#, the former residence of Eichul, the priest who introduced tea to Japan. Eventually, Kulkai succeeded in meeting Hui-kuo &A, the aged patriarch of Chi- nese esoteric Buddhism. Hui-kuo immediately accepted Kufkai as his disciple and, in the sixth month of 805, ordained him into the esoteric sect. On the fifteenth day of the twelfth month, as the Chinese master was about to die, he selected Kuikai as his successor and ordered him to spread the faith to Japan. One month later, Kuikai drafted the text and did the calligraphy for Hui-kuo's tomb inscription.5'

In addition to receiving the transmission of esoteric teachings from Hui-ko, Kiukai also studied Sanskrit with monks from India and Kashmir. He collected copies of 216 Buddhist texts, 42 of them in Sanskrit, along with a variety of religious images and ritual objects, some of which are still preserved in Japan.52 He also took an interest in secular objects, and when he passed through Yuieh- chou on his way back to Japan, he presented the local governor a petition request- ing copies of 'scriptures, ethical texts, philosophical treatises, or biographical records pertaining to the three schools [Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism]; collections of poetry, rhyme-prose [fu AR], or inscriptions; and texts on divination, medicine, or the five branches of Indian learning [linguistics, technology, phar- macology, logic, and philosophy].'53 This list reflects both the range of Kuikai's personal interests and also the diversity of the subjects that the Japanese sought to learn from China. By the time Tonari had arrived in Ch'ang-an, Kiukai, like Saicho, had fully accomplished the goals of his pilgrimage to China and was eager to return to his homeland so that he could fulfill Hui-kuo's last request and establish esoteric Buddhism in Japan.

Hayanari's reasons for abandoning his plan of spending twenty years in China were rather different from Kuikai's. Unlike the monk, he had come to despair of achieving his original goals. His request for permission to leave China stated:

Lacking a reputation for genius, I barely managed to be selected as a student. Naturally, I should have struggled to master astronomy and geography, even by the 1 ybfi - rpfl-g.eA in the .ni 54 T-armc%nAvnc hriihb qntA 5L11 T nriqvhbf fto bqp "rvianfl.1A

1' Shoryoshu, pp. 196-207 & 278-81; Kakai Sozu Den,- p. 489; Zodaisojo Kukai Wajo Denki, pp. 490-91; Shorai Mokuroku, in Kobo Daishi Zenshu, I, pp. 69-70 & 98-101, translated in Hakeda, pp. 140-50; Yuigo, p. 784.

52 Himitsu Mandarakyo Fuhoden .

in Kobo Daishi Zenshu, i, pp. 9-10; Kuikai, Shorai Mokuroku, p. 71; Sawa, pp. 95-116.

5 Shoryoshui, pp. 272-77. The translation given here is based on Hakeda, p. 3.

5 As did Sun K'ang f3'M, who could not afford oil for a lamp.

20 Monumenta Nipponica, xxxvii, 1

composition. But the tongues of our two nations are as if separated by mountains and rivers, and I have not been able to satisfactorily pursue my studies at the university. For the present, I have been studying the koto and calligraphy.

Slowly, the days and months have passed and my stipend has been exhausted. The food and clothing I receive from this nation are barely enough to preserve my life, but insufficient to pay for teachers and support my studies. How could I survive for twenty years, even if I were as steadfast as Wei-sheng 04I?5" Not only would that mean abandoning my life, worthless though it is, but truly it would bring shame to my nation. Now, reviewing the arts that I have studied, I see that they are not the Great Way, but they are capable of moving the heavens and affecting the gods. Emperor Shun X played the koto to bring tranquility to the realm. Yen Yen PA

used music to govern a state. Respecting their legacy, I have devoted myself to music with some success. Mastery of a single art is more useful than superficial knowledge of enough books to fill five carts. I only wish to take my instrument and perform for the emperor.56

Before their departure, Kufkai and Hayanari, perhaps together with Tonari, were granted an imperial audience. They were given an official message to take back with them, and afterward Chinese friends composed farewell poems, for example:

Our monk guest from his native land comes. In China, he has an imperial audience, then returns. Through the heavens, he wanders with his staff. Across the seas, he drifts in his small boat. When you meet people, teach them the Buddha's Law. When you arrive in your country, open the imperial message. Your return route is 30,000 leagues. A future meeting is truly distant.57

The third and fourth lines of this poem incorporate the characters of Kuikai's name, the first of which means 'heaven' and the second 'sea'. Kiukai, too, wrote farewell poems. The following is one addressed to a fellow disciple of Hui-kuo:

The same Law, the same teacher: our joy in meeting is deep. The white mist that wanders in the sky suddenly returns to the peak. One life, one parting: to meet again will be difficult. Not in dreams but in waking thoughts, let us often visit.58

Few, AM-fcilr QrirWiA eof TA-nnri'c ritiirn to Tn-nnn with KkFiVni and HaThvanari. In

Is Who was waiting for a woman under a bridge and drowned there rather than leave when a flood arose.

56 Shoryoshu, pp. 277-81. 5 Five poems addressed to Kuikai before

his departure are gathered in Rankei Ionshu NVAIX, in Kobo Daishi Zenshu, v, pp. 311-12.

Three of these poems, not including the

one translated, are addressed to both Ktakai and Hayanari. All, however, are written as though addressed to a monk, in effect ignoring Hayanari.

58 This and one other poem that Kiakai wrote in China are preserved in Keikokushu, in Gunsho Ruija #ailt, Naigai Shoseki, 1931, VI, p. 154.


the fourth month the Japanese party was in Yuieh-chou, where Kfikai made his request for additional texts. In the eighth month they departed from Ming-chou, and by the tenth month they were safely in Kyushu. There, Kuakai compiled a catalogue of the religious texts and objects that he had brought back from China and entrusted it to Tonari, who returned to the capital, while Kuikai stayed in Dazaifu. On the thirteenth day of the twelfth month in 806, Tonari reported to the court the successful completion of his mission and was rewarded with a promotion of two grades to the junior fifth rank, upper grade.59

While Tonari had been making his journey to China, the kentoshi who had already returned were reporting their accomplishments. In the seventh month of 805, Kadonomaro handed back his sword of authority and presented the Chinese gifts to the emperor. Some were distributed among the high court nobles; others were offered at the tombs of recent emperors and later at Ise Shrine. In addition to the gifts, the Chinese probably gave Kadonomaro an official message to take back, as was customary. But as was also customary, either he did not bother to bring it back or, if he did, chroniclers failed to note the fact, for Japanese records contain not a single reference to messages brought back by envoys returning from the Chinese court.60

Those who returned, from the ambassador down to an obscure student, were all generously rewarded. In his absence, Kadonomaro had already been appointed Minister of Justice (kyobukyo MJWOP), and now he was promoted three grades to the junior third rank, one grade lower than the temporary rank that he had used in China. Kiyokimi was promoted one grade to the junior fifth rank, lower grade, and a month later he was named vice-president of the university. Lesser officials of the mission were also promoted one grade and given suitable posts at court or in the provinces. A returning student with no court rank was given the senior sixth rank, upper grade, a rather high initial rank. Posthumous promotions and rewards were also granted to the vice-ambassador and an administrative officer who had died in China. Thirty years later, when another mission was about to depart, they would be given another posthumous promotion, along with other kentoshi who had died in China. And finally, the deity of Sumiyoshi {it was promoted to the junior first rank because prayers had been offered at the Sumiyoshi Shrine in Naniwa for the safe return of the kent5shi.61

The monks who came back from China were also rewarded. On the fifteenth day of the seventh month of 805, Saich6 presented a catalogue of the texts and religious objects that he had obtained in his travels, and in the eighth and ninth months, he was invited to the palace to perform Buddhist rites. On the first occasion, he

59 Hayanari Den, p. 64; Kukai, Shorai Mokuroku, pp. 70-71; Ruiju Kokushi, I, p. 1.

60 NK, Enryaku 24/7/1, 14, 24, & 27; Ruiju Kokushi, i, p. 32. The text of one official message from the T'ang court to Japan is preserved in a Chinese source, T'ang Ch'eng-

hsiang Ch'ui-chiang Chang Hsien-sheng Wen- chi J:7AMtfikt5A, in Ssu-pu Ts'ung- k'an I9pf,Ij, ch. 12, pp. 9b-lOb. Also see Mori, p. 76, and Yamada, pp. 345-66.

61 NK, Enryaku 24/1/16; 7/25; 8/16 & 20; 10/19; Daido 7t rk 1/1/28; 4/24; SNK, Jowa 3/5/10.


presented to the court an image of the Buddha that he had brought from China. On the fifth day of the first month in the following year, he was given the privilege of ordaining three of his disciples, and Eichfi was allowed to ordain two disciples. Kuikai alone did not immediately receive recognition for his pilgrimage to China, for he chose to stay in the provinces until 809. But after he was summoned to the capital in that year, his achievements too were acknowledged by the court, and he became a favorite of the new Emperor Saga RM, r. 809-823.62

Tonari's return to the capital in the last month of 806 brought to a close the mission to China, plans for which had first been announced five years earlier. Although the kentoshi had largely achieved their goals, the costs had been high. Ships had been damaged and lives lost when a storm struck in the Inland Sea. Those who completed the voyage to China in 804 suffered difficult passages. After weathering severe storms, Kadonomaro's ship had been confined to a swamp while its party waited for permission to land, and Kiyokimi's ship had required two months at sea to make the shortest possible crossing to China. When the final two ships attempted the journey a year later, one was again caught in a storm and blown to an unknown island. Although most of its party survived, the ship and some of its crew were lost.

At least one monk, Ryosen, who chose to stay in China, never did return to Japan. Details of Ry6sen's journey to China are lost, but apparently he accompanied the kentoshi to Ch'ang-an and there studied Sanskrit under the same Kashmiri monk who also taught Kuikai. Ryosen must have been an able student, for in 810 a Chinese imperial decree ordered him to assist his teacher in translating a sutra into Chinese. By 820, when he took up residence at Mt Wu-t'ai isp, a famous Buddhist holy mountain, he held the title of a monk serving in the Chinese imperial household (nei-kung-feng t{,ti). Retired Emperor Saga sent him 100 ounces of gold in 825, and three years later Emperor Junna did the same. But in the interval he had died, reportedly from poison. The Japanese court remained concerned about his welfare-and the gold sent him-until 842, when a diplomatic mission from Pohai reported his death and the loss of the gold sent him in 828.63

The men who did come back from China may have suffered during the journey, but after their return they were well rewarded, and a few went on to distinguished careers. The ambassador Fujiwara no Kadonomaro eventually was awarded the senior third rank that he had used in China, and in 808 he was named Middle Counsellor (chuinagon @ 64 Since Kadonomaro was the scion of a most noble

62 Saicho, Shorai Mokuroku, pp. 349-50; NK, Enryaku 24/8/9; 9/17; Daido 1/1/5; Kukai Sozu Den, pp. 489-90; Hakeda, pp. 34-42.

63 Various sources on Ryasen's life are gathered in Ryosen Sanzo Gyorekiko 1{rh -XfM l, in Dai-Nihon Bukkyo Zensho, cxiii, pp. 152-55. Among those quoted are excerpts from Ennin's diary, which has been

translated in Edwin 0. Reischauer, Ennin's Diary: The Records of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law, Ronald Press, New York, 1955, pp. 215, 226, 234, 254, 252, & 261-3. Other sources include SNK, Jowa 9/3/6 & 4/12; and Ruiju Kokushi, II, in KT

VI, p. 357. 64 Kugyo Bunin, Daido 3.

BORGEN: The Jananese Mission to China. 801-806 23

family, he might well have attained such status without making a journey to China. Other kent5shi from lesser aristocratic families benefited more conspicu- ously. The administrative officer Sugawara no Kiyokimi became one of the court's leading authorities on Chinese poetry and culture. For twenty-three years he served as professor of literature-Chinese literature-at the university, and in addition held various other court offices. In 839 he was promoted to the junior third rank, an outstanding achievement for a man from a relatively minor court family.65 One other envoy, Asano no Katori, who was a mere provisional secretary, had a similarly remarkable career. Like Kiyokimi, he was known for his poetry in Chinese, and after serving in a wide variety of posts both at court and in the provinces, he too was promoted to the junior third rank in 842.66 The attention that such men received as a result of successfully completing a mission to China was an important ingredient in their rise from relative obscurity. For Kiyokimi in particular his experiences in China added a cachet of authenticity to his position as an authority on Chinese culture.

One of the students who returned from China, Tachibana no Hayanari, also became famous, or perhaps notorious. In his request for permission to return, he had stressed his accomplishments as a musician, but in Japan he came to be known instead for his calligraphy, the other art he had studied in China. In fact, he was regarded as one of the Three Calligraphers (sampitsu =*) of his age, along with Emperor Saga and Kuakai. As an official, however, his career was unimpres- sive. In 840, thirty-four years after his return from China, when he still held only the junior fifth rank, lower grade, he was appointed Supernumerary Governor of Tamba (Tamba no Gon no Kami ;ff Then, two years later, he and another minor official were accused of plotting a revolt in the eastern provinces. Hayanari was exiled, his surname was taken from him, and he was declared a 'non-person' (hinin $Vk). Within a few weeks, he died a suspiciously sudden death. This was the J6wa Incident (JoJwa no Hen ztnQ4) that led to the naming of a new crown prince, who happened to be a nephew of Fujiwara no Yoshifusa MRAM, 804- 872. Yoshifusa was a ruthless politician who would create the Fujiwara regency sixteen years later. Although conclusive evidence is lacking, Hayanari was probably an innocent victim of a scheme by Yoshifusa to establish his power at court. In 849 Hayanari was posthumously pardoned and subsequently promoted in an effort to placate his angry spirit.67 Hayanari's calligraphy may have benefited from his studies in China, but his official career did not.

The men who gained most from their visit to China were undoubtedly the two monks Saicho and Kuakai. Saich6 began with the advantage of imperial patronage and was rewarded immediately upon his return to Japan. For Kuikai official recognition came somewhat later. But both men succeeded in establishing inde-

65 Borgen, 'Sugawara no Michizane', pp. 12-27.

66 SNK, Jowa 9/7/25 & 10/6/11. 67 SNK, Jowa 7/4/2; 9/7/17, 24, 26, & 28;

8/4; 9/3; Kaj6 # 2/10/26; Montoku Jitsuroku tt,^X in KT III, Kajo 3/5/15; Hayanari

Den, p. 65.


pendent sects, Tendai and Shingon. These sects came to dominate Heian Bud- dhism, and they remain among the most important branches of contemporary Japanese Buddhism. Saich6's and Kfikai's achievements in China were basically similar. Both studied under learned masters, both acquired many valuable texts, and, most important, both were formally ordained into their respective sects. Proper ordination and the maintenance of direct lines of transmission from master to disciple were essential elements of Japanese Buddhism. When they returned to Japan, Saicho and Kuikai were able to claim themselves legitimate successors to their Chinese masters and thereby establish the orthodoxy of their beliefs. This would have been impossible but for their pilgrimages to China. They, more than their secular companions, were able to make lasting contributions to Japanese culture as a direct result of their experiences in China.

Not only these individuals, but the Japanese court as a whole profited from the mission to China. On an abstract level, the kentoshi had reaffirmed Japan's position as a member of the East Asian community of civilized nations. In more material terms, the envoys brought back valuable official gifts and other goods that added to the color and variety of aristocratic court society. More important than material goods was the knowledge that the envoys brought back to Japan. The range of Japanese intellectual curiosity is revealed in Kuikai's request for texts, secular and religious. Saich6 and Kulkai together carried to Japan a total of 446 religious texts alone. The number of secular works brought back was not recorded but was probably also substantial. In addition to their intellectual concerns, the envoys provided information on contemporary conditions in late T'ang China. Their report was not very promising, for they had witnessed the decay that was setting into the great T'ang empire. Although Heian respect for Chinese culture remained high, the court knew well that conditions under the T'ang dynasty were not what they had been in earlier decades.

The Japanese did dispatch one last mission to China and it too experienced many difficulties. Only after two disastrous failures did it succeed in making the crossing to China in 838.68 Then, fifty years later, when Sugawara no Michizane was appointed to head an embassy to the T'ang, he petitioned that the mission be abandoned because the voyage was dangerous and, unlike in earlier years, a proper reception could no longer be expected from the crumbling T'ang court. Michizane's proposal was accepted and the mission canceled. Although Michizane referred specifically only to his own mission, in fact this marked the end of the kentoshi, for the T'ang dynasty was overthrown in 907 and no further envoys were sent to China until centuries later.

Many considerations lay behind Japan's decision to abandon its missions to China. In the ninth century, private Chinese and Korean traders came to Japan with increasing frequency, thus eliminating the need to obtain goods from China

68 This mission, the best documented of all Japan's embassies to T'ang China, is described in Reischauer, Ennin's Travels,

and Saeki Arikiyo 1 Saigo no Kentoshi RX@iet, Kodansha, 1978.


by means of exchanging official gifts through dangerous and expensive missions. Also, by the late ninth century, the Japanese had already acquired the basic elements of Chinese civilization. The Japanese did not lose interest in Chinese culture, but they did lose much of their enthusiasm for keeping up with the latest Chinese intellectual developments. Finally, the appearance of regular embassies from Pohai allowed Japan to preserve its position in the East Asian community of nations without the trouble of dispatching its own envoys. All these considerations certainly contributed to Japan's abandonment of its embassies to China, but the most immediate concerns were probably those given by Michizane- that by 894 conditions in China did not justify the risks of an overseas mission.

Just ninety years earlier, Michizane's grandfather Kiyokimi had gone to China. The voyage had been difficult, and on their return the envoys had reported the deteriorating conditions in late T'ang China. When Michizane proposed the can- cellation of his mission, he was in the midst of compiling a topically arranged history based on Japan's official chronicles. In the process, he had to review the reports of the last two missions to China. They, along with a more recent message from a Japanese monk in China, led him to doubt the wisdom of another embassy, at least until conditions in China improved.69 Thus Kadonomaro's report of his experiences in China contributed to Japan's eventual abandonment of overseas missions.

69 Borgen, 'Sugawara no Michizane', pp. 200-09.


Appendix

Kuikai's letter written for presentation by Kadonomaro to the Regional Commander

(kuan-ch'a-shih1Uf)t of Fu-chou70

1, Kano IR',7 report as follows. Tall mountains are silent, but wild beasts gather on them without complaint.

Deep waters offer no invitation, but fish and dragons tirelessly seek them out. Thus do barbarians from the west traverse dangerous passes to bring tribute to virtuous rulers, and those from the south cross the deep seas to pay court to benevolent emperors. Knowing well that they may lose their lives in the perilous journeys, still they are drawn by the attraction of the imperial power and they forget all dangers.

Humbly I observe that under the sage rule of the great T'ang dynasty, the frost and dew come in their proper seasons and the noble sovereigns live in fine palaces, one brilliant emperor succeeding another. This imperial virtue spreads throughout the universe to the eight corners of the earth. Because in Japan the natural pheno- mena are harmonious and well ordered, we know that a sage emperor surely rules in China. Therefore, we cut the timber that grows on great peaks to make boats and send the best of our officialdom to visit your vermilion court, bringing as offerings the mystic jewels of P'eng-lai XM. "

The present master of our land has reflected on the customs of his ancestors and now seeks the civilizing influence of the Chinese emperor. Full of awe, he sends as his ambassador Fujiwara no Ason Kano, Right Major Controller of the Council of State (dajokan ktip), Senior Third Rank, and Grand Governor of Echizen,73 to proffer our national offerings and special tribute.

Obeying his command, we forgot all peril, and, risking our lives, set out to sea. After we left our native land, a fierce storm struck us in the midst of the voyage, ripping our sail and breaking our rudder. Great waves that reached unto the heavens tossed our small boat. In the morning a south wind blew and we feared

70 Shry5shri, pp. 266-71. 71 Kana was a sinified name that Kadono-

maro adopted. Read He Neng in Chinese, it sounds like a Chinese name while its Japanese reading suggests an abbreviation of Kadonomaro.

72 Mt P'eng-lai, according to ancient Chi-

nese legend, was located in the middle of the sea and inhabited by immortals. It came to be identified with Japan.

73 Kfukai adds the word 'Grand' (dai Ak) to Kadonomaro's governorship, although the office of 'grand governor' did not exist in Kadonomaro's day.


drifting toward the savage men of Tam-ra U. 7 In the evening a north wind came and we dreaded being blown to the tiger-like tribes of the Ryukyus. We cringed before the terrible wind in fear of falling overboard and becoming food for the giant sea turtle. We knit our brows, terrified that the great waves might wash us away to be swallowed by the whale. We rose and fell with the waves, drifted north and south with the wind, and saw nothing but the blue of sky and sea. If only we could have seen the white mist which hangs over mountain and valley! More than two months we were buffeted about on the waves.75 Our water was exhausted; our crew fatigued. The ocean was vast; the land distant. We had no wings with which to fly through the heavens, and no fins with which to swim through the sea. How can words describe our plight!

Then, suddenly, on the first day of the eighth month; we saw a cloud-covered peak. Our joy knew no bounds. It exceeded even that of an infant brought to its mother or a withered sprout drenched with rain. After enduring deadly waves beyond number, we once again saw a chance to live. This was solely the result of your sage emperor's virtue and not our own strength.

Whereas the eight northern barbarians gather like clouds to grovel before the imperial palace, and the seven western tribes flock together like mist to kowtow at the royal court, the great T'ang dynasty has always given Japanese envoys special treatment as respected guests of state. We have audiences before the emperor's dragon face and hear his phoenix words. His generous concern for us has already exceeded expectations. How could we be discussed even on the same day as those insignificant barbarians? Moreover, it is the very nature of bamboo inscriptions or bronze credentials to contain lies and fabrications. In a land of honest and unaffected people, what need is there for such documents? Because our country is honest and has always been friendly with its neighbors, it does not bother to use official seals or inscriptions on the gifts that it presents. The envoys whom it sends know neither falseness nor dishonesty. Such has been our custom for generations and is not now changed. Also, a faithful personal retainer of our ruler is always selected as ambassador. Because his appointment is based on trust, what further need is there for documents? Perhaps this is why your records state, 'To the east there is a country, its people sincere and unaffected. It is the home of propriety, a land of true gentlemen.'76

But now, the officials of this province are emphasizing documents and doubting our honesty. They are inspecting our boat and listing its goods, both official and private. To be sure, this is both legal and proper as the duty of conscientious officials. On the other hand, we have just arrived from afar with the weariness of our iournev and the hardshins of our vovage still heavy on our hearts. Yet we have

7 Tam-ra (also pronounced Tam-na) is the ancient name of Chejudo, an island located just south of the Korean peninsula. An earlier Japanese mission had drifted to this island and was taken captive.

75 The voyage from Kyushu was only

one month, but perhaps the Japanese were including their journey from Naniwa to Kyushu.

76 Statements similar to this can be found in Chinese sources such as Huai-nan-tzu.


not been able to gratify ourselves with the succor of the wine of imperial virtue. The restrictions placed upon us leave us in despair, unable to rest.

Since the Chien-chung WrP era [780-784], our envoys' ships have arrived directly at Yang t or Su N provinces without the anguish of drifting about at sea. The local officials have always kindly attended to their weariness and, trusting our envoys, have not inspected the goods on their ships. In contrast, our present reception has not been as anticipated. Insignificant though we are, privately we are filled with surprise and resentment.

Humbly we beg to be received with the benevolence granted visitors from afar and beseech you to remember the virtue of treating neighbors with friendship. Be indulgent of our customs and do not wonder at our usual practices. The small streams of hundred barbarians flow into the great sea of your sage court. The myriad small nations, like the hollyhock, turn toward the sun of your noble emperor. Men drawn by the power of his virtue gladly assemble like spokes coming together at the hub of a wheel. Like ants attracted to pungent meat,77 they happily form lines to come. We humbly beg to be treated in the usual way. Filled with awe, we thus petition you.

77 An allusion to Chuang-tzu L-TY: 'Mutton does not adore ants, but ants adore mutton.'

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The Japanese Mission to China, 801-806

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