The Mythology of Mahabali & the Economy of Flow

8/17/2019 The Mythology of Mahabali & the Economy of Flow

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The Mythology of Mahabali &

The Economy of Flow

P.Madhu

I

Economy of Stock and Flow

Accumulation versus flow is a philosophical debate the modernists often disengage.

Engaging with it collapses modernity. The black & white, linear, causal, categorical rationale of

the modern loses its ground to tradition it fights to replace. The idea of flow against stock has got

the powerful deceptively justifying accumulation even by claiming accumulation as the flow.The crux of modern is not the civilization updates as modernists often presume. It is co-born

with the logic of accumulation that replaced ‘wasteful’ general economy1 (Bataille, 1991;

Derrida, 2005). It exposes modern as an ideology and not merely an update of outdated ideas.

Interestingly, post-modern & post structural counters of modern invoke flow to question modern

prejudices for fixity with flow.

At some point of time accumulative-money-lender-economy was defended with labels of

Semitism. Questioning its logic had been presented as if it were homicidal endeavor of finishing

off cultural minority belonging to Jewish faith. In its core it was an extractive ‘money changer’

economy- making money with money- though it was projected as it were purely a ‘productivist’economy2. ‘Growth’ without production is a known economic phenomenon by now. The struggle

against accumulation and retention had a long drawn battle. Interestingly, those who questioned

the accumulation economy are the world’s best spiritual masters: Buddha, Mahavir, Jesus and

Mohammed to name the most prominent among them. It is defended by the powerful as it

facilitates upward mobility of earning from raw-earth to the super elite. In this process of

movement, it nourishes the aspirations of its carriers. It remains in the economic discourse as the

unbeatable episteme by the might of its beneficent and newer aspirants. Subjected to discursive

power the social has been modified into its apparatus leaving its subjects with little alternatives.

Nevertheless, one finds countless arguments against accumulation economy among the ‘natives’

all around the world, hardly appreciated if not blamed for their ‘foolishness’. Some of them are

pragmatic and path breaking though artificially constrained of their might. One may see the

1 Georges Bataille, (1991). The Accursed Share, Volume 1: Consumption. New York: Zone Books Available athttp://dm.ncl.ac.uk/courseblog/files/2011/03/Accursed-Share-Volume-I-The-Meaning-of-General-Economy-Bataille.pdf. Accessed on 14th May 2015. Jaques Derrida, (2005). From Restricted to General Economy. In Writingand Difference. Pp. 317-3502 Ehrman, Bart D.. Jesus, Interrupted, HarperCollins, 2009.


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battle between the economy closure and openness in the software field, which has enabled

already with Linux and android softwares and the internet infrastructure3. It is not unclear that

openness and flow offer a better economic pragmatism vis-a-vis artificially sustained property

rights, expansion, accumulation and colonization.

Modernity and its appendages are discursive constructs of domination though were posedas if they update civilizational credentials of better evolved among humans. Interestingly, it

resists further ‘updates’ that necessarily collapses its foundations. Modernity is colonial not

because it was an update of civilizational performa but because it is colonial first. The difference

in late modernity is that the colonial format is updated with legislative and governance

mechanisms justifying its extractive accumulation from the earth upwards to elites. However, the

irrelevance of elites of legally justified privileges above as proprietors in whatsoever

sophisticated format is not thoroughly invisible. Economy of accumulation lifts the ‘resources’

from earth to the elites apparently benefitting its carriers. Its one way flow is projected as the free

market. It is free because for the elite above it is free.

Economies of flow and economies of stock have their mythologies and ideal to sustain

them. For instance Adam Smith had to invent a mythology of long ago existing ‘barter’ economy

that was ebbing to become full-fledged monetary economy. ‘Market economy’ is a deceptive

hybrid that justified accumulation in terms of flow. Economy of flow is economy of giving, gift,

listening and sacrifice. Economy of accumulation is economy of taking, stoking, accumulating,

and ownership. It honors owners or achievers but blind to the network of relations. Economy of

accumulation looks for heroes and ‘corporate gurus’. As accumulation in long-term drains the

earth, obviously, it is an economic ‘tragedy of commons’. ‘Market economy’ convinces, taking

is giving, consumption is growth, accumulation is circulation, projecting is listening and owning

up as sacrifice. Wonderful sets of oxymoron. When best practiced as it is now, accelerates

accumulation at the cost of producing bare-lives of humans at bottom along with the natural

resources conquered. In contrast I would like to open up minds to ‘ Bali economy’- the economy

of sacrifice and flow that has been deplored by colonial modernists and hence its character is

hardly appreciated.

II

Myth of Mahabali , the great sacrifice

One of the old mythologies that tended to place flow-economy in the place ofaccumulation economy from Kerala is the mythical stories and idealized memories of Maha-

Bali. Bali is sacrifice; maha-bali is great sacrifice. The word bali also means offering, sacrificial

animal, cooked food meant for offering, alms given to mendicants, offerings of flower for

3 Kimberley Spreeuwenberg and Thomas Poell, (2012) Android and the political economy of the mobile Internet: Arenewal of open source critique. First Monday 17(7). Available at:http://firstmonday.org/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/4050/3271 accessed on 14th May 2015.


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worship, propitiatory oblation, sacramental rites, offering of portions of food, such as grain, rice,

to gods, semi-divine beings, household divinities, spirits, ancestors, men, birds, animals and to

nature. Bali is giving. It is the direct contrast to taking. Bali is listening, the direct contrast to

speaking.

A version of the story of Mahabali is presented the story of extreme sacrifice, itsepitome, Mahabali. Mahabali was a great king ruling the Malayalam speaking southern region

of India. He is known as: giving back the obligatory due (avakāsam) everyone including

elements of nature. At a seemingly fatal occasion, the Lord of the universe, Maha-Vishnu comes

in the form of a dwarf demands his life through a trick played as it was the case with the story

Eid sacrifice. The difference is that, here the Lord subsumes and takes off his life ( jivan), makes

it immortal with a responsibility of granting gifts and wishes to his citizens especially during the

occasion of Onam, the occasion marked with all settling all their dues with all through obligatory

offerings and gifting. Onam is Sravanam; Sravanam is listening. Onam is a festival of ears,

wisdom, listening and thanking. It is a Malayali equivalent to Easter and Eid where the Mahabali

is symbol of sacrifice as Jesus and Abraham are in those parallel mythologies.

Fig. 1. Mahabali

As per the story, the dwarf asked for a grant of three feet land. It was granted by the

King. Suddenly the dwarf grows taller and taller with bigger and bigger foot occupying the

whole of the universe by two feet and having no place to keep his third feet asks him to give theking’s head as the third feet. The King wilfully offers his head, everything he owned including

his sense of self. Surrendering his self is the master sacrifice and hence he is called Maha- Bali.

Dwarf is a symbol in Indic faiths inner immortal person, the akshara purusha. The sacrifice

happens at the day of Tiruonam, the day at the dispositif of the Sravana Constellation.


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The word Onam is Mal

Astrologically, Sravanam is the

constellations. The Sravana con

The constellation is known for

Greco-Roman mythology it is ta

unequal circles represent three

(Altair), Beta-Aquilae (Aishain)

three stars are interpreted as th

figure 2). The three stars of Sra

heightened awareness, jnāna : t

three sacred syllables A U and

The sravan

The three unequal footprints see

steps of erratically growing dwa

Sravanam resides entirely withi

waxing to waning and lunar ecl

word Sravanam is constructedattentive, to listen and to be h

under its influence to hear subtle

(Harness, 1999: 87)5. Sravana is

Sravana leads one to jnāna, t

projective evolution. Projective

absorptive evolution is taken as

4 Monier Williams, (1899), A Sanskrit5 Harness, Dennis M. (1999). The Nak6P.Madhu, (2015) .Idea of Time. Availaccessed on 14th May 2015.

4

yalam for the constellation Sravanam, which

2nd nakshatra (constellation) in the 360o Zodia

stellation is known as ‘aquila’ in the Greco-R

three unequally bright stars visible to naked

ken to be three stars in the head of the eagle,

unequally brilliant stars visible from the Eart

& Gamma-Aquilae (Tarazed) . In the Indian

ee foot prints or as the outline of an ear (as

ana has immence astrological and mythologic

e third eye of Siva, Susumna- the third nadi

and so on.

Figure-2constellation represented as ear (listening)

on the sky representing the nakshatra are im

rf or footsteps of goddess Saraswati leading t

the sign of Capricorn, ruled by moon. Lunar

pses are astrologically indicative of transition

rom the root ‘ sru’ which means to give ear tard.4 Sravana implies the nakshatra’s power

etheric realms with which one can transcend t

listening, heeding, becoming wise and giving

he absorptive evolution in contrast to sabd

volution is understood as dissipation and deat

ecipe to immortality (Madhu, 2015)6.

English Dictionary, Oxford: Clarendon Presshatras: The Lunar Mansions of Vedic Astrology. Wisco

able at: https://www.academia.edu/10025552/Idea_of_Ti

means listening.

c divided into 27

man mythology.

eyes. Within the

quila. The three

: Alpha-Aquilae

ubcontinent, the

t is given in the

al significance to

f realization, the

gined to be three

self-realization.

transitions from

and change. The

, to obey, to bein leading those

e material world

p. It is sacrifice.

a- vivartha, the

. Its contrast, the

sin: Lotus Pressme_Kaala_Sakti_


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Figure-3The constellation represented as three unequal spots

The number three in the sub-continental mythology indicates multiple, movement, transition,

giving up and bursting into newness. On the other hand, the number two signifies steadiness,

sustenance, conservation and also of wealth accumulation. Two foot prints is the sign of the

goddess of wealth, Lakshmi and three foot prints represent Saraswati, the goddess of learning

and wisdom.

Onam as Sravanam is also the day in which the Goddess of ( jnāna), Saraswati, emerged

from the mythological sea of milk ( pāl kadal ). Characterization of Saraswati as goddess of

transition is profoundly found its imprint in Jain, Buddhist & other Indic texts and beliefs. In

Tantric literature, Saraswati is the third and hidden river within the body-cosmology

representing susmna nadi through which the elixir (Soma) of immortality flows; the other two

rivers of the body cosmology are Ganga and Yamuna. Ganga and Yamuna represent the Ida

(left) and Pingala (right) nadis (flows) respectively (Siva Samhita, 132-143). Saraswati is said to

sustain ambrosia, the Soma. She is both as a river on the earth and as the nadi of vital flow.

Saraswati is a goddess of inexhaustible transcendence and de-toxication. She is the vac (word)

that has become manifest from subtle and bestows the self-realization from gross-existence tosubtle through destroying the barriers of such a transition (Kinsley, 1988:10-13)7.

Etymologically the root ‘ sara’ implies ‘to flow’ and ‘wati’ is the feminine person, the roots

combined, the word ‘Saraswati ’ also means ‘the flowing one’ (Harness, 1999:87)8 Also the root

‘ sāra’ implies the crux or essence and ‘ swat’ means self and therefore the term Saraswati is also

interpreted as the flow towards realizing the ‘ sāra’ (essence) of the ‘ swat’ (self). The three

footprints of sravana are three footprints transcending from the gross multiplicity9 towards the

subtle core10. In Indic mythologies the star also represented as the birth star of Hayagriva, a

horse faced deity of jnāna, wisdom. It is also as ashvattha –the papal tree ( Ficus Religiosa) with

7 David Kinsley, 1988. Hindu Goddess: Visions of the divine feminine in The Hindu Religious Traditions. Berkeley,CA: University of California Press8 Dennis M. Harness, (1999), The Nakshatras: Lunar mansions of Vedic Astrology, Lotus Press: Wisconsin9 The gross multiplicity of the existence is implied in the tantric texts as ŪMĀ, the Mahamaya representing theBhagavati.10 The Subtle core is represented by the syllables A U & M. The three steps of towards realization is understood as aflow from multiplicity (ŪMĀ) to the subtle source (ĀŪM) in the tantric literature (Jayadeva Singh 2008; SanjuktaGupta, 2007:142)


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ears as its fruits (figure.4). Th

Buddha’s enlightenment11.

Figure 4 Three footprints of

Astrologically, it is belirepresented as the star of trut

combination (fig.3). Astrologic

affected vulnerable to deceptio

beneficial because it absrbs its s

unequal sizes of the stars is a

mythology of Onam, it appears,

asura charecter of Mahabali, sa

of Sukracharya’s ( sukra is the s

steps of vamana etc., seems to b

all forms of life including that o

The mythology seems t

mythology has two major chare

Mahabali. Most often the na

‘ Mahabali‘ literally means‚‘gre

sacrifice or as sacrifice of ego. T

11 The Huge Jain statue of Gometeeswanear Mysore is also linked to the idea o12 Source: http://www.socionix.com/mi

6

lunar day of sravana is attributed with the

Saraswati Figure.5Mythology of the Sravan

ed, the nakshatra is mlecha (low status/caste-realization because of the melefic influence

lly, it is malafic because the stellar combina

s. Sravana is malafic because one goes und

bject into absorptive immortality, an inward j

lso read as melefic as they indicate limpin

is built around the nakshatra’s astrological s

rifice, penance, deceit, truth-realization, Maha

ar venus, the star of pleasure & merriment) ad

built around the claimed influence of the plan

deities and Asuras.

convey more than what the planatery positi

ctors: one is the deceitful Vamana and the ot

es given to mythical charecters are not arbi

at sacrifice‘. Great sacrifices are understood

he mythology of Mahabali indicates sacrifice i

r (mahavir) at Sravanabelegola (means enlightened monf sravana.sc/astro/22%20Shravana_files/image001.jpg

day of Goutama

nakshatra12

) in spite of it isof saturn-moon

tion may let the

r suffering. It is

urney. The three

. The Mahabali

ignification. The

ali’s negligence

ice and the three

tary positions on

ons signify. The

er is the tricked

trary. The name

ither as human-

both the senses.

of the white pond)


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Figure 6 Nakshatra Cosmology

III

Contemporary Onam

Today as it is normal for every part of the world Kerala is also in the modern path of

acuumulative monetary economy. The old concerns of ‘ Bali economy‘ is now packaged into a

heritage ceremony of Onam celeberations. Onam is the most important festival of Kerala to

which the market responds fervously. It is a festival of temporay home coming, gift exchange

and the days of sumptuous consumption. The heritage occasion has tranformed Mahabali intoSanta Claus in Dhoties. Epistemic transitions translate symbols of erstwhile worldviews

seamelessly accustomes to new constellations of power.


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Figure 7. Market Maveli ( Mahabali)

Onam is celeberated for ten days. The celeberation starts on on Atham day (hasta) andends at the Tiruonam day (Sravanam). Atham is the thirteenth constelation of Nakshatra and

Tiruvonam is 23rd constellation. It is celeberated in the malayalam month of Chingam, in which

the Onam celebreations coincide with hasvest. First day of Onam celeberation starts with the

hasta constellation, represented by the symbol hand, which indicate activity, karma and act of

earning and accumulation. The rest of the days are represented by the nakshatra s signifying

brightness (chitra), independence ( swati), overcoming obstacles (vishaka), co-existance

(anuradha), growth and maturity ( jyesta), dissolution and turning to the root (moola), early signs

of listening and compassion (purva ashada), signs of spiritual maturity (uttara ashada) leading

towards lietening and sacrifice ( sravana). The cycle continues through greater accumulation

spiritual wealth (dhanishta) towards total success (revathi).

Bali (giving away) is central to the Onam ceremonies. It is the occasion of remembering

Mahabali, propitiatory oblation, thanks giving, alms giving, gifting, fulfilling obligations within

the caste hierarchy and also towards the sentient beings. Within the bali cosmology, it is believed

that through observation of bali rites one is protected from disasters. Bali prepares one to absorb

blessings. On the other hand abstaining from bali obstructs one’s prosperity. Prosperity and bali

are juxtaposed with one another. Similarly, spiritual progress and truth attainment are linked to

propitiatory oblations and sacrificial penances (Apasthamba II.1, 14; III.1). Bali is not merely a

voluntary sacrifice; it is a duty and obligation avoiding which, it is believed, would bestow

disaster. Bali is performed to correct one’s karmic accounting. It is a device through which onereturns to the world what one has taken in excess. Through bali one settles one’s karmic

accounts straight.

Onam is a ceremonious occasion of transition and flow in which one prepares for greater

prosperity by settling one’s karmic accounts through offerings to peers, dependents, inferiors and

superiors within the hierarchical order presupposed. Pragmatics often wins ideal types.


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Sociologically, the bali cosmology had its consequence of consolidating and legitimizing the

solidarity of the homo-hierarchicus. Behind its altruistic pose, the bali exchange provided a pre-

capitalist archetype towards sustaining inequality, over and above its idealistic stand. The

outcome of bali-reciprocation implied by Onam beyond the intensions of the actors involved is

production and reproduction of unequal and hierarchiesed social order. Socially, bali, though

performed as a penance, it comes with an expectation of gratitude which puts the recipient in the

unwelcome state of obligation. Within the obligatory gift exchange of Onam the land holder and

the deities are offered ‘kazcha’ where as the laborers and tenants are given alavu (measures).

Kazcha is an honoring presentation given by inferior to superior. The land lord receives farm

products, grain, and household items and in return the land lord offers a portion of grains he

secured through their labor; second, the land holder offers cooked food while customarily the

land holder never takes any cooked food as offering. Cloth giving is another gift that reproduces

hierarchized social relations. Within the cloth giving gift-rituals the cloth giver occupies greater

position in the hierarchy than the one receives it. Cloth is always given from upper caste to lower

caste and the vice versa is forbidden. Cloth giving is the symbol par excellencesupport/dependency13 (Moore, 1988: 266).

The bali exchange though presumed to be an ethical action to set karmic accounts

straight, in practice, it is criticized for it sustaining the biases of purity, pollution and hierarchy.

The bali exchange when studied closely exposes the sociology of systemic misrecognition. In

bali exchange, self-interest of furthering one’s prosperity is masked as altruism and obligatory

benevolence. Interestingly, within the bali-exchange the exchange is not between the individuals.

Rather, it is an exchange to pacify cosmic forces of fortunes. Secondly, the exchange is not

between individuals but between hierarchically ordered caste units where the individuals matter

the least. Bali offerings are obligatory offerings extended between classes and castes of Nayadis, Pulayas, Nairs, Brahmins and so on. The units interacting within the system are not individuals

but castes. The social world that could imagine Maha- Bali, Eid , and the Maha Bali of Jesus has a

different shared ideal than the current discursive world, though the signs and symbols are

seamlessly incorporated into the contemporary world views. Nevertheless, much like the

accumulative economic cosmology, the bali-exchange economy too in its own pursuit of

misrecognized justice irreflexivly produced social-systems unconcerned of persons, classes and

castes in the margins. The fairness of reciprocity that the bali-cosmology presumed indeed is

witnessed by the contrary impact. Instead of a fair reciprocal relations the bali world view

resulted in the castes according their position in the hierarchy retain symbolic and material forms

of capital for themselves while depriving the same to the others.

In the past, especially in the villages, the farm owing Nair taravads used to receive

Kazcha (offerings) from their tenants from 2nd to 8th day ( pooradam). Nayars do Kazcha offering

to the caste hierarchies above them and receive gifts from them. The Kazcha will usually the

farm products or things like locally made farm equipments or household items. In return the

13 Malinda AQ. Moore (1988), Symbol and meaning of nayar marriage rituals, 15(2): 266


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Taravad elder offers raw rice (nellu), coconut oil, pappad , jagri, new cloths etc., for the tenant

family on the 9th day (uthradam) for their Onam celebrations. The obligatory-gift (bali) offered

by the tenants to the taravad is called Kazcha and the taravad elder’s obligatory gift (bali) is

called alavu (measure). The taravad elders also offer their respective family deities their kazcha

(bali offering). The practice is rarely followed currently. Instead, households offer gift in terms

of money to the work force whose service is frequently sought by the households. Obligatory

gifting is limited to purchase of dress materials for parents, children and spouses. On the 10 th day

all households celebrate tiruvonam with sumptuous meals. The irony is that, the sumptuous

Onam meals are a meal commemorating the Mahabali and its consequent resurrection into

immortality. The mythology has striking parallel to sacrifice and resurrection of Jesus. Onam

meal preparation is laborious because 10-20 items of dishes to be prepared. Obviously, such a

preparation should have had heavy extraction of labor from women folks of the taravads. The

modern nuclear families instead depend on catering services for the Onam meal. Preparing

flower beds is also laborious and time consuming.

Figure 8: Avana Palaka Figure 9: Onathappan

Most of the urban households, especially in Kochi, do not prepare floral arrangements at

their homes. Instead floral arrangements are made in public places like schools, firms and

institutions purchasing flowers from the market. I visited a home that celebrated Onam with

traditional fervor at Thirupunithara on the fourth day of the ten days Onam celebrations to get a

first hand understanding. It was on the on the moolam day we witnessed a new pookalam at the

north-west direction. On the tiruvonam day in the place of floral decoration they have placed

small pieces of coconut leaves cut across along with thumpa flower cluster along with the stalk

(thumba kudam). Five of the pyramids were kept in the place of old pookalam upon an avana

palaka. Instead of flowers they had thumba kudam14 and tender leaves of coconut tree cut across

spread in the place of flowers.

14The thumba-kudam is usually used for vavu bali tharpanam ritual offered to the ancestors.


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Figure 10.Moolam Day floral arrangement

Along with the pyramids tiny models of other objects like various traditional grinding,

powdering & pounding equipments, a clay figure of an old woman (mutti) were kept. The

preparation of the pyramid with the rice paste smeared upon them is called Aniyikkal , whichmeans preparing and dressing the Mahabali for the occasion of Onam. Some households

decorate the pyramids with flowers. Ritual drawings are drawn on the floor with the diluted rice

paste etc. The drawings on the floor vary from household to household. The pyramids are usually

painted red. The tallest of the pyramid is called onathappan. In the past on the 11th day, tenants

were offered sumptuous meal. The practice is currently discontinued in most of the places. One

Krishnettan I visited told the story of the economical difficulty of his taravad in olden days in

giving sumptuous meal to the tenants. He said it was not that easily affordable to give sumptuous

mean for all those worked throughout the year because there was no sufficient surplus in

taravads. However, it was considered shame if not given sumptuous meal and gift to all those

worked and they had to sell portion of property for celebrations. Such an offering is part of bali,

the ideal of Onam festival promotes.

The ten days of Onam ceremony though diverse in practice has an underlying similarity.

The Onam ceremony begins with atham (hasta) day and comes to an end at the tenth day,

tiruonam (Sravana). The pookalam starts with thumbapoo ( thumba flower ) and ends with

thumbakkudam (stalk of the thumba flowers). Onam is remembered for Pookalams (floral spread

fig.12). The Pookalam also symbolizes transition. Flow and transition are obvious themes in the

Onam mythology and ceremonies. Onam signifies the transition in time. Onam also represents

the ruptures in time: from mortality to immortality, from projective to absorptive evolution, from

merriment to wisdom, from accumulation to disbursement. Onam invokes nostalgia and hope

both in literature and practical life. Onam remembers the transition of Mahabali from mortal to

immortal. Onam is an occasion of the bali of Bali. It is an occasion in which Mahabali is

sacrificed; however, not into complete oblivion, but with a boon to revisit. This indicates the

regression of the Bali-cosmology.


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The first day of the pookalam, the atha pookalam, starts with the white thumba (Fig.13) flower,

the symbolic representation of the originary source, then with the yellow flowered mukkutti plant

(the symbolic representation of Ganesha, the first born. Fig.14), progressing in colors and layers

and finally ending up with the top-cut red-prism (onathappan) smeared with diluted rice paste.

The process of spreading the flowers in pookalam is called poo-idal (placing the flowers). Poo-

Idal is a simple ceremony of preparing a flower bed that grows from single ring to many rings of

flowers. The practice varies from place to place yet there is a general pattern. The poo-idal

ceremony starts with preparing a place for floral arrangements. About a squire meter of place is

made sacred by spreading a thin bed of diluted cow dung. It starts with a single ring of thumba-

flower ( Leucas aspera) spread on the first day. Some households spread nothing but the petals of

thumba flower. Some other families place mukutti plant with flowers is fixed on cow dung heap

made up of a handful of cow dung. Then, the floral arrangement becomes colorful and larger

with more layers of floral arrangements. Finally, it ends up with the simple heap of stalks of

thumba flowers (thumba kudam). The practice is seen not only among the upper castes. A

woman belonging to the farm-worker caste ( pulaya) also shared identical pattern of Onam Poo- Idal. The second day onwards more layers of flowers are added with diversity of flowers. Some

households bring Mukutti plant only on the second day. The floral decoration is freshly made

every day. Commonly used flowers include Thumba ( Lucas Aspera), Kakka Poovu,

Thechipoovu, Mukkutti (little tree plant), Chemparathy (shoe flower), Aripoo or Konginipoo

(Lantana), Hanuman Kireedom (Red pagoda plant) and Chethi (Ixora). Of all these flowers,

Thumba flowers are given prominence. Thumba represents Siva, the Lord of void and

immortality. In some households one more floral bed is made since the seventh day. The new

pookalam is decorated in the north east direction of the original pookalam. While asked a

respondent said the main pookalam is for Mahabali and the new one is for the Vamanan.

However, many others who decorate two pookalams did not share the point of view. Many dowere not able to explain the symbolic meanings of their observance. Others considered both the

pookalams represent Mahabali. Some households spread three pookalams on the tiruvonam day:

one near the entrance, the other in the north-west of the first and the other is before the main

gate. It may not be a coincidence that households prepare three pookalams on the 10th day, in

which the number three has special astrological significance. Tower like pyramid structures of

different sizes from a foot and half to half foot made of unbaked clay are bought from the potters

to be kept in remembrance of Mahabali-Vamanan myth. The pyramid like structures15 are kept

either at the night of Uthradam (9th day) or at the morning of tiruvonam ( 10th day) as per the

convention of the households. On the fourth day from Tiruonam the clay pyramids are destroyed

and thrown away at a place where people won’t walk over them. If the pyramids are made out of

wood, they would be kept somewhere safe outside the homes till the next Onam. At one

household, they took one of the pyramids straight into their pooja room. However, this is not a

regular practice elsewhere. Onam as practiced is becoming more of a non-religious public

15 In the current political symbolisms parties use the top-cut pyramids similar to onathappan to represent the partymartyrs.


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celebration at the levels of residential associations rather than religious practice at households,

especially in urban centers. Apart from rituals, as they are rarely noticed beyond the floral

arrangements stumbling beautiful mandalas, Onam means homecoming, being together,

comforting, being assured and sumptuous meal.

Figure 11. Stalks of Thumba flower (thumbakkudam) on floral bed on the 10th day (tiruvonam) ofthe celebration

Figure 12: Pookalam Figure 13: Thumba flower ( Leucas aspera)

Figure 14: Mukkutti plant( Biophytum Sensitivum)

Association Onam

Onam whenever it is remembered it invokes a feeling of nostalgia in Malayalis. Everyone above 50 years old without exception admit that Onam has lost all its resemblance to the

same celebrated decades before. Onam is a measure of social transitions. Here I present what I

witnessed in an Onam celebration at Vylopilly Lane Residential Association’s (VYLRA) Onam

celebration in the year 2012. The Vylopilly Lane is situated in the Kaloor area of Ernakulam.

Vylopilly lane is a pocket road branching from Azad road at Kaloor. The Vylopilly Lane has 140

households known as belonging to Hindu, Christian and Islamic faiths. The association has


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membership from multiple castes. A small percentage of households live by means of daily

wages living in small houses. Surprisingly, the people having smallest houses belong are the

earliest of the settlers of the area. They are the erstwhile agricultural laborers. Now the area is

thoroughly urbanized with no piece of land is left for agriculture.

Figure 15 Ona Pathaga

The VYLRA celebrates Onam since the year 2007. The Onam celebration of the

association was initiated with a sports tournament. It was held on 15th

August 2012.Tournaments for the members of the residence were conducted on the sports items of shuttle

badminton, cricket, football, and tug-of-war. The events were judged and prices were distributed

on the day before Tiruvonam (28th August 2012). The ‘official’ inauguration of the Onam

festival of VYLRA was held on 25th August 2012. A minister 16 of the state government hoisting

a specially designed Ona-pathaga (fig. 15)17 inaugurated the residential association’s Onam

celebration. The day for minister’s inauguration was fixed according to the minister’s

convenience. The actual celebration of Onam was held on 27th and 28th of August. While asked

why ministers are invited to ‘inaugurate’ Onam celebrations, the organizers responded that they

are invited because that helps the association to raise funds through advertisements in the

souvenir published marking the occasion. Further, they told, it gives us an opportunity to have alinkage with the minister and the party in power.

I had an opportunity witness the Onam fair arranged at the VYLRA on 27th and 28th of

August 2012 as I was staying in a house there. A farmers association from nearby rural area

cultivating organic farm products was invited to sell their products at fair price in the stalls

arranged by the association. It was a fair-price shop for organic products as that is how Onam

was related to fairness and organic goodness. Also an association of potters was selling pots

made of clay and the clay models of Onathappan there. The products brought to the fair were

sold by 28th evening. Temporary roofing and stages were set in an open space of about 2000 sq.ft

available in the area On 27th the actual celebration was begun with an inauguration by theMLA.18 After that a tributary given to the late poet Vylopilly, after whose name the association is

named. Vylopilly was a respected poet. He was a resident of the place. He is remembered,

16 Civil Supplies Minister Mr. Anoop Jacob of the Kerala State.17 The Ona pathaka is different from the long flags usually hoisted at most of the temples signifying celebration.Onam flag- an yellow flag with a kuthu vilakku (prayer lamp) in the middle18 Member of Legislative Assembly, Mr. Hibi Edan.


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because Onam is also associated with poetic heritage of malayalis. That was followed by Games

programmes for pre-teen kids. About 15 kids participated in various games. Even traditionally

games are associated with Onam. Women of the association were in the forefront in entertaining

kids with various games like bursting the balloons, musical chair etc. In the evening, by 7.30

PM, women of the association presented thiruvathira kali19. It was followed by a performance of

Oppana20 dance by girls of teen age and above. Dinner was served for the participants after the

Oppana. By 8.30 p.m. a professional orchestra team presented Onam songs and film songs for

the audience for two hours and the days programme had come to an end. It is interesting to note

the signs and symbols of Onam are recalled in a new way.

The next day started with organ donation camp, in which participants were encouraged to

volunteer organ donation by filling up a form expressing their willingness. Organ donations

should have invoked the sense of Bali in a new way. While the form filling of organ donations

were going on there were invited speakers sharing their Onam memories. Remembrance and

nostalgia is still a part and parcel of Onam celebration. Throughout the day there were

celebrations. Participants were served sumptuous Onam Sadya ( lunch ). In the evening a

professional presented a traditional satiric-comedy event ‘Chakkiyar Koothu’ 21 for one hour. The

Chakkiar Koothu performer narrated a story from Ramayana using it to satirically comment on

the current socio-political situation in Kerala. The Koothu was followed by a musical programme

‘Thunder bolt’ presented by a professional. The performers turned children present there as their

co-performers and presented their critique of the unequal world through their music and song

recitations. The Onam celebrations came to an end by 10.30 P.M. The next day was t iruvonam.

There was no public function for tiruvonam.

At the residence association, Onam is primarily a public function. Pookalams no longer

part of ritual. Pookalams are rare at homes. Pookalams have become a collective fun endeavor of

many households participating in pookalam completion. However, I noticed not even single

households had kept the clay models of Onathappan at VYLRA. The celebration is delinked

from spiritual or religious connotation. It has become a public celebration having little to do with

religious identities. However, the members had nostalgic stories to tell about Onam celebrations

years before.

Very much different from its mythological or astrological signification, over a period of

time Mahabali has emerged a comic character and Vamanan a cunning entrepreneur. The entire

mythology suggests to the moderns the transition from the age of naiveté. However, to

19 Tiruvādirakkali is a dance performed by young women in group during the tiruvādira celebrations. Thiru-adhira literally means ‘sacred wave’. It is associated with the tiruvādira day in the Malayalam month of Dhanu(corresponds with the month of December)20 Oppana literally means make-up, especially make-up of the bride. It is a dance form among the Muslims ofMalabar at the occasion of marriage of the bride performed by her friends in circular motion around her. The danceis performed as a dance form during celebrations usually by professionals.21 It is a performance art of Kerala. It is a poetic –dramatic performance where the performer invokes humour andlaughter by satirical remarks on contemporary world while narrating stories from epics.


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commemorate the erstwhile naiveté world the association organized an Onam fair of fair-prized

vegetables and also invited potters to sell pots. Along with Onam, the fair-price selling has also

become a heritage, a remembrance of the lost world. The ‘association Onam’ did not fail to

invoke the sensibilities unique to Onam: the association played the role of huge joint family; it

expressed bali sensibilities through organ donations, the food served and gifts distributed to

children; it maintained a sense of egalitarianism by actively participating all sections of people

irrespective of their age, gender, class, caste or religion. The themes of the programmes either

suggested festivity or they were satirical of the current world order. Though it appears Onam has

lost its significance, spirit of Onam is still transmitting in the way it is celebrated. Association

Onam is one among many collective forms of current patterns of Onam celebrations. Clubs,

professional associations, institutions celebrate their Onam. In all forms of celebrations, even

today the sense of bali is visible.

Onam is celebrated differently by different groups of people. It will be wonderful more

fieldwork is taken up to recognize and understand Onam celebrations. Onam is celebrated

reverently by local clubs in semi urban areas. I interacted with people of a riverside place living

at Manjadikkari, a village of Dalit converts into Christianity near Kumarakom at Kottayam who

were settled there since 19th century as laborers ‘reclaiming’ the land under the waters of

Kumarakom. I was working with them for about a year in one of my research projects which I

named “praxis intervention”. They gave me their childhood accounts of Onam celebrations in the

water ways, which later evolved into the scenic Vallakkali of combined rowing. Onam is

differently celebrated among different classes, castes and tribes which have yet to be probed.

Figure 16. Vallakkali

On the whole, Onam is an occasion of remembering an economy of gift, sacrifice,

cordiality, flow, distribution, homecoming and social-coexistence of Malayalis. Throughcelebrating they imagine the bygone non-monetary economy of flow and sacrifice. Within the

colonial discourse, Onam is a story of treachery by the Lord Vishnu, the deity associated with

brahminical elitism subjugating a fair ruler and dumping him into the underworld of suffering.

The new interpretation mollified the myth of Mahabali into laughable foolery of a king at the on

start of the economy of stocking and accumulation.

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The Mythology of Mahabali & the Economy of Flow

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