www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
The negation of stative relation
clauses in the Mordvin, Mari and
Permic languages
11th INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS FOR FENNO-UGRIC STUDIES
August 9–14 2010 Piliscsaba, Hungary
Arja Hamari
E-mail: [email protected]
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
(1)English (Payne 1997: 111–112, 114):
a) Proper inclusion: Frieda is a teacher.
b) Equation: He is my father.
c) Attribution: John is tall.
d) Location: The book is on the table.
e) Existence: There is a book on the table.
f) Possession: Sally has nineteen cats. / The book is John's.
Stative relation clauses
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
The sub-categories of clauses expressing possession
(according to Heine 1997):
• 'have'-possession:
e.g. Sally has nineteen cats.
• 'belong'-possession:
e.g. The book is John's.
Stative relation clauses
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I Clauses with nominal and adjectival predicates:
(2) (Keľmakov – Hännikäinen 1999: 32)
Ton viźmo övöl. ~ Ton övöl viźmo.
2SG intelligent NEG 2SG NEG intelligent
'You are not intelligent.'
II Location
(3) (Keľmakov – Hännikäinen 1999: 32)
Mi tatyn övöl. ~ Mi övöl tatyn.
1PL here NEG 1PL NEG here
'We are not here.'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Udmurt:
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
III Existence
(4) (Bartens 2000: 292)
a) otyn jegit pi övöl
there young boy NEG
'there is no young boy there'
b) otyn jegit pi-os övöl
there young boy-PL NEG
'there are no young boys there'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Udmurt:
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
IV Possession
(5)'have'-possession (Bartens 2000: 292)
vu-my övöl ńi
water-PX1PL NEG any.more
'we don't have water any more'
(6)'belong'-possession
Ta kńiga mynam övöl.
this book 1SG.GEN NEG
'This book is not mine.'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Udmurt:
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
A:
"The negation of the existential predicate is
performed by the verbal negator."
B:
"There is a special negative existential
predicate, distinct from the verbal negator."
C:
"There is a special negative existential predicate, which is
identical to the verbal negator."
Croft (1991: 6):
The negative existential cycle
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• A > B:
a special existential negative form is found in addition
to regular existential negative form
• B > C:
a special negative existential form begins to be used
for ordinary verbal negation
• C > A:
the negative-existential-cum-verbal-negator begins to
be reanalysed as only a negator, and a regular positive
existential verb comes to be used with it in existential
construction
The negative existential cycle
and its intermediate stages
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
A:
The negation of the existential predicate is performed
by the verbal negator.
Pre-Proto-Permic:
verbal negator: *e-
neg. of ex.: *e(pA) + *wole-
Croft's cycle applied to Udmurt
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
B:
There is a special negative existential predicate,
distinct from the verbal negator.
Modern Udmurt:
verbal negator: u- (< *e-)
neg. of ex.: övöl (< *e(pA) + *wole-)
Croft's cycle applied to Udmurt
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
C:
There is a special negative existential predicate, which
is identical to the verbal negator.
"Future Udmurt 1":
verbal negator: övöl (< *e(pA) + *wole-)
neg. of ex.: övöl (< *e(pA) + *wole-)
Croft's cycle applied to Udmurt
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A special negative existential form begins to be used
for ordinary verbal negation; can happen in several
ways
1) competition between the negative existential and
the regular verbal negator
2) the negative existential can be used to reinforce
the regular verbal negator
3) gradual substitution of the negative existential for
the verbal negator in only part of the verbal
grammatical system
The intermediate stage B > C
according to Croft (1991: 9–11):
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• the intermediate stage B > C possibly visible in
modern Udmurt
• developmental path 3: gradual substitution of the
negative existential for the verbal negator in only part
of the verbal grammatical system
• övöl is used in verbal negation in the 2nd past tense:
(7) (Keľmakov – Hännikäinen 1999: 181)
övöl myn-em-ed
NEG go-PST2-2SG
'you didn't go / haven't gone'
Croft's cycle applied to Udmurt
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
A2:
The negation of the existential predicate is performed
by the verbal negator.
"Future Udmurt 2":
verbal negator: övöl
neg. of ex.: övöl + affirmative existential
predicate
Croft's cycle applied to Udmurt
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I Clauses with nominal and adjectival predicates
(8) (Cypanov 2007: 54)
Tajö velödćyś-jas abu ziľ-öś.
this student-PL NEG diligent-PL
'These students are not diligent.'
II Location
(9) (Vojvyv ko uv 1997a: 57)
[--]kor mi abu tan-öś.
when 1PL NEG here-PL
'when we are not here.'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Komi
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
III Existence
(10)
a) (Vojvyv ko uv 1997b: 46)
mijan gort-yn ńekod abu [--]
1PL.GEN home-INE nobody NEG
'there is nobody in our home [--]'
b) (Cypanov 2007: 47)
tani kerka-jas abu-öś
here house-PL NEG-PL
'there are no houses here'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Komi
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
IV Possession
(11) 'have'-possession (Cypanov – Motorina – Sizeva 1999: 16)
Tenad ćoj-jas-yd abu-öś [--]
2SG.GEN sister-PL-PX2SG NEG-PL
'You don't have sisters [--]'
(12) 'belong'-possession (Cypanov – Motorina – Sizeva 1999: 18)
Tajö muśerpas-ys abu menam [--]
this map-PX3SG NEG 1SG.GEN
'This map is not mine [--]'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Komi
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
A: Pre-Proto-Permic:
verbal negator: *e-
neg. of ex.: *e(p) + *wole-
B: Modern Komi:
verbal negator: o- (< *e-)
neg. of ex.: abu (< abul < *e(p) + *wole-)
C: "Future Komi 1":
verbal negator: abu (< *e(p) + *wole-)
neg. of ex.: abu (< *e(p) + *wole-)
Croft's cycle applied to Komi
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• the intermediate stage B > C possibly visible in
modern Komi
• developmental path 3: gradual substitution of the
negative existential for the verbal negator in only part
of the verbal grammatical system
• abu is used in verbal negation in the 2nd past tense:
(13) (Cypanov 2007: 193)
abu mun-öm-yd
NEG go-PST2-2SG
'you didn't go / haven't gone'
Croft's cycle applied to Komi
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• but: abu does not have the characteristics of the
negative marker of the existential clauses in the 2nd
past tense
• plural 3rd person subject of existential clauses:
(14) (Cypanov 2007: 47)
tani kerka-jas abu-öś
here house-PL NEG-PL
'there are no houses here'
Croft's cycle applied to Komi
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• plural 3rd person subject of verbal predicates in the 2nd past tense:
(15) (Cypanov 2007: 193)
abu mun-öma-öś
NEG go-PST2-PL
'they didn't go / haven't gone'
• cf. (16) (Cypanov 2007: 54)
Tajö velödćyś-jas abu ziľ-öś.
this student-PL NEG diligent-PL
'These students are not diligent.'
Croft's cycle applied to Komi
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
A2:
The negation of the existential predicate is performed
by the verbal negator.
"Future Komi 2":
verbal negator: abu
neg. of ex.: abu + affirmative existential
predicate
Croft's cycle applied to Komi
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
I Clauses with nominal and adjectival predicates
(17) (Vasikova 1982: 36)
a-m inžeńer oγə ̑l.
father-PX1SG engineer NEG.3SG
'My father is not an engineer.'
II Location
(18) (Alhoniemi 1985: 58)
Pial – poγə ̑-što oγə ̑l, a jöratə ̑ma-šte.
happiness property-INE NEG.3SG but love-INE
'Happiness is not in property, but in love.'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Eastern Mari
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
III Existence
(19) (Vasikova 1990: 89)
Jal uke.
village NEG
'There is no village.'
• uke agrees with the number of the subject:
pl. uke ulə ̑t (Bartens 1996: 73)
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Eastern Mari
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
IV Possession
(20) 'have'-possession (Bereczki 1990: 53)
oksa-m uke
money-PX1SG NEG
'I don't have money'
(21) 'belong'-possession (Wichmann 1931: 262)
peš motor – δa mə ̑jən oγə ̑l
very beautiful but 1SG.GEN NEG.3SG
'(it is) very beautiful – but it is not mine'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Eastern Mari
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
The conjugation of the neg. aux. of the present tense:
Sg.1. om Pl.1. ona ~ oγən̑aSg.2. ot Pl.2. oδa ~ oγəδ̑aSg.3. ok ~oγəš̑ Pl.3. oγət̑
The negation of the verb ulaš 'be':
Sg.1. oməl̑ Pl.1. onal ~ oγən̑al ~ oγən̑a ulSg.2. otəl̑ Pl.2. oδal ~ oγəδ̑al ~ oγəδ̑a ulSg.3. oγəl̑ Pl.3. oγət̑əl̑ ~ oγət̑ ul
(Alhoniemi 1985: 115–116)
Eastern Mari
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The conjugation of the neg. aux. of the present tense:
Sg.1. am Pl.1. anaSg.2. at Pl.2. aδaSg.3. ak Pl.3. ak
The negation of the verb əl̑aš 'be':
Sg.1. am əl̑ Pl.1. ana əl̑ Sg.2. at əl̑ Pl.2. aδa əl̑Sg.3. ak əl̑ ~ aγəl̑ Pl.3. ak əl̑ep ~ aγəl̑ep
(Alhoniemi 1985: 118)
Western Mari:
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• the negative existential uke did not develop through a
cycle described by Croft
• possibly borrowed from a Turkic language
(Kangasmaa-Minn 1970: 9, Hesselbäck 2005: 141–
143)
• the negative existential of Mari is only used in the
negative expressions of existence and 'have'-
possession (Bartens 1996: 75)
• the negative existential is not used in the negation of
the perfect tense (the 2nd past tense) (Bartens 1996:
75)
Croft's cycle applied to Mari
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• however, according to Kangasmaa-Minn (1975: 494):
"In certain compound tenses the negative noun uke
denies the action. When the main verb is
represented by a verbal noun, uke might be
considered to deny the nominal rather than the
verbal part of the construction, but it is found also
with regular finite forms, [--]"
Croft's cycle applied to Eastern
and Western Mari
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• all examples given by Kangasmaa-Minn are clauses
expressing locations and the main verb is 'be'
(22) (Kangasmaa-Minn 1975: 494 < Reguly 639)
meń kudu-što uke ul-maš-em
1SG home-INE NEG be-PST2-1SG
'I was not at home'
Croft's cycle applied to Eastern
and Western Mari
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• Mari negative forms of the verb 'be'
• e.g. Eastern Mari:
A: Pre-Proto-Mari:
verbal negator: *e-
neg. of 'be': *e- + *wole-
B: Modern Eastern Mari:
verbal negator: o- (< *e-)
neg. of 'be': oməl̑ etc. (< om əl̑)C: "Future Eastern Mari 1":
verbal negator: oməl̑ etc.neg. of 'be': oməl̑ etc.
Croft's cycle applied to Mari
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• the intermediate stage B > C possibly visible in
modern Mari
• the negative forms of the verb 'be' are used in verbal
negation in the 2nd past tense:
Eastern Mari: (tol- 'come')
Sg.1. tolən̑ oməl̑ Pl.1. tolən̑ onalSg.2. tolən̑ otəl̑ Pl.2. tolən̑ oδalSg.3. tolən̑ oγəl̑ Pl.3. tolən̑ oγət̑əl̑
(Alhoniemi 1985: 116)
Croft's cycle applied to Mari
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
I Clauses with nominal and adjectival predicates
(23)
a) (Śatko 2000: 39)
A viškińa-n.
NEG small-PRS.1SG
'I am not small.
b) (Śatko 1998: 116)
Ńej uš avoľ viškińa-t.
now any.more NEG small-PRS.2SG
'Now you are not small any more.'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
II Location
(24)
a) (Śatko 1998: 65)
eźeme-ś a tarka-so-nzo
bench-DEF.SG NEG place-INE-PX3SG
'the bench is not in its place'
b) (Hamari 2007: 169 < Nina Agafonova, p. c.)
eźeme-ś avoľ tarka-so-nzo
bench-DEF.SG NEG place-INE-PX3SG
'the bench is not in its place'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
II Location
(25)
c) (Hamari 2007: 175 < Nina Agafonova, p. c.)
eźeme-ś araś tarka-so-nzo
bench-DEF.SG NEG place-INE-PX3SG
'the bench is not in its place'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
III Existence
(26) (Bartens 1999: 162)
a) mastor langso araś iśťamo źveŕ
earth on NEG such animal
'there is no such animal on earth'
b) mastor langso araś-ť iśťamo źveŕ-ť
earth on NEG-PL such animal-PL
'there are no such animals on earth'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
IV Possession
(27) 'have'-possession (Śatko 1978: 55)
Toń araś brato-t [--]
2SG.GEN NEG brother-PX2SG
'You don't have a brother [--]'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
(28) 'belong'-possession
a) (Śatko 1998: 53)
Meks ton a moń?!
why 2SG NEG 1SG.GEN
'Why aren't you mine?!'
b) (Śatko 1998: 14)
Jalaťeke ejkakš-ťńe avoľ sonze [--]
however child-PL.DEF NEG 3SG.GEN
'However, the children are not his [--]'
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• the etymology of the negative existential araś is
uncertain
• may have developed through a combination of neg.
particle a and eŕams 'live', but this etymology is
controversial
• araś not used in the negation of verbal predicates
• consequently, Croft's cycle probably cannot be
applied to the negative existential of Erzya
Croft's cycle applied to Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• Croft's cycle could be applied to avoľ
A: Proto-Mordvin
verbal negator: neg. particle ?*aC
neg. of 'be': ?*aC + uľe- 'be'
B: Modern Erzya:
verbal negator: neg. particle a(< ?*aC)
neg. of 'be': avoľ (< *aC + uľe- 'be')
neg. of 'be': neg. particle a (< ?*aC)
C: "Future Erzya 1":
verbal negator: avoľ
neg. of 'be': avoľ
Croft's cycle applied to Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• the intermediate stage B > C possibly visible in
modern Erzya
• avoľ- as a negative auxiliary is used in the negation of
the conjunctive (29a), conditional-conjunctive (29b)
and desiderative (29c) moods
(29) (cf. Bartens 1999: 142, EK 2000: 189–190)
a) avoľiń pala 'I wouldn't kiss'
b) avoľiń palińďeŕa 'if I hadn't kissed'
c) avoľkseľiń pala 'I didn't want to kiss'
Croft's cycle applied to Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• is the intermediate stage C > A also visible in modern
Erzya?
• C > A:
the negative-existential-cum-verbal-negator begins
to be reanalysed as only a negator, and a regular
positive existential verb comes to be used with it in
existential construction
Croft's cycle applied to Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
•avoľ as a negative particle in focus constructions
(30) (Śatko 1998: 8)
Jarmak-tńeń ton avoľ spor-iť,
money-PL.DEF.ACC 2SG NEG gamble-PST1.2SG
avoľ śim-iť…
NEG drink-PST1.2SG
'It's not that you gambled away the money nor drank…'
Croft's cycle applied to Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• the problem with the application of Croft's cycle to the
Erzya particle avoľ and the auxiliary avoľ: only the
latter has a cognate in Moksha:
(31) (cf. Bartens 1999: 142, MK 2000: 148)
a) afəľəń pala 'if I wouldn't kiss'
b) afəľəń palańďäŕa 'if I hadn't kissed'
c) afəľəksəľəń pala 'I didn't want to kiss'
• did the Moksha auxiliary develop from a negative
marker *afəľ of stative relation clauses?
Croft's cycle applied to Erzya
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
I Clauses with nominal and adjectival predicates: af
II Location: af
aš (agrees with the subj.)
III Existence: ajaš / aš (do not agree with the subj.)
IV Possession
'have': ajaš / aš (do not agree with the subj.)
'belong': af
The negation of stative relation
clauses in Moksha
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• realizations of the cyclic development of the negative
markers visible in the Permic, Mari and Mordvin
languages
• however: does not relate to the negative markers of
of existence (only), but to the negative markers of
other stative relation clauses (proper inclusion,
equation, attribution, location, 'belong'-possession)
• does not refute Croft's cycle, but suggests that the
cycle could be applied more broadly than just to cover
negative existentials
Conclusions:
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• ALHONIEMI, ALHO 1985: Marin kielioppi. Apuneuvoja suomalais-ugrilaisten kielten opintoja varten X. Helsinki.
• BARTENS, RAIJA 1996: Die positive und negative Existentiale in den finnisch-ugrischen Sprachen. Ural-Altaische
Jahrbücher, Band 14. Göttingen.
• BARTENS, RAIJA 1999: Mordvalaiskielten rakenne ja kehitys. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 232.
Helsinki.
• BARTENS, RAIJA 2000: Permiläisten kielten rakenne ja kehitys. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 238.
Helsinki.
• BERECZKI, GÁBOR 1990: Chrestomathia ceremissica. Budapest
• CROFT, WILLIAM 1991: The evolution of negation. Journal of Linguistics 27. Cambridge.
• CYPANOV 2007 = ЦЫПАНОВ, Е. А.: Видза олан! Самоучитель коми языка. Сыктывкар.
• CYPANOV – MOTORINA – SIZEVA 1999 = Е. А. ЦЫПАНОВ, Л. А. МОТОРИНА, Ж. Г. СИЗЕВА: Рöмпöштан. Коми язык
для взрослых. Сыктывкар.
• EK 2000 = ЦЫГАНКИН, Д. В. (et al.): Эрзянь кель. Морфология. Саранск.
• HAMARI, ARJA 2007: The negation of stative relation clauses in the Mordvin languages. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen
Seuran Toimituksia 254. Helsinki.
• HEINE, BERND 1997: Possession. Cognitive sources, forces, and grammaticalization. Cambridge Studies in
Linguistics 83. Cambridge.
References:
www.helsinki.fi/yliopisto
• HESSELBÄCK, ANDRÉ 2005: Tatar and Chuvash code-copies in Mari. Studia Uralica Upsaliensia 35. Uppsala.
• KANGASMAA-MINN, EEVA 1970: Types of Nominal Sentences in Cheremis. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja 70. Helsinki.
• KANGASMAA-MINN, EEVA 1975: Negation in Cheremis. Congressus tertius internationalis fenno-ugristarum. Tallinn.
• KEĽMAKOV, VALENTIN – SARA HÄNNIKÄINEN 1999: Udmurtin kielioppia ja harjoituksia. Apuneuvoja suomalais-ugrilaisten kielten opintoja varten XIV. Helsinki.
• MK 2000 = Алямкин, Н. С. (et al.): Мокшень кяль. Морфология. Саранск.
• PAYNE, THOMAS E. 1997: Describing morphosyntax. A guide for field linguists. Cambridge.
• Śatko 1978, 1998, 2000 = Сятко 1/1978, 1/1998, 1/2000. Саранск.
• VASIKOVA 1982 = Васикова Л. П.: Сложные предложеня в современном марийском литературном языке. Часть I. Йошкар-Ола.
• VASIKOVA 1990 = Васикова Л. П.: Сопоставительная грамматика русского и марийских языков. Синтаксис.Йошкар-Ола.
• Vojvyv ko uv 1997a = Войвыв кодзув 3/1997. Сыктывкар.
• Vojvyv ko uv 1997b = Войвыв кодзув 5/1997. Сыктывкар.
• WICHMANN, YRJÖ 1931: Volksdichtung und Volksbräuche der Tscheremissen. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia LIX. Helsinki.