The project SLUW, A computer-aided study of the Luwian (morpho)-syntax

Paola Cotticelli-Kurras / Federico Giusfredi (Universit degli Studi di Verona)

The present paper will outline the methodology and the expected results of the Marie Curie-funded project SLUW "A computer-aided study of the Luwian (morpho)-syntax", hosted by the University of Verona from June 2015 to May 2017. In the 100 years since the deciphering of Hittite, the deeper understanding of the structure of the ancient language of Boazky made it possible to approach the study of the other members of the Anatolian family, in particular the so-called Luvo-Palaic group, including Palaic, several minor languages of the Iron age and (the different varieties of) Luwian. Attested since the first half of the II millennium BCE, Luwian is the second largest language of the Anatolian family. It evolved in a condition of extreme complexity over almost one thousand years, and it was written using two different writing systems: the Hittite cuneiform script and the Anatolian Hieroglyphic one (see in general Melchert, 2003, in particular Chapters 1 to 4). Recently, outstanding work has been dedicated to advanced features of Luwian sociolinguistics, syntax and morpho-syntax (e.g. Yakubovich, 2010; Bauer, 2014). The SLUW projects aims at taking a further step in this direction. Through the development of a specific glossing tagset (based on the Penn II Treebank, see Taylor et al, 2003) and the analysis of the syntactic and morpho-syntactic patterns attested in the Luwian corpus, its goal is to produce a general study of the (morpho-)syntax of the Luwian language. This will hopefully provide new data and perspectives as regards the functional and syntactic features of Luwian, and, on a comparative level, of the languages of the Anatolian family. Particular attention will be paid to the problems of the Anatolian (and Indo-European) verb (including the functions of the Anatolian participle and middle as opposed to the ones of the other Indo-European languages; cf. Cotticelli-Kurras/Rizza 2013), to deixis, definiteness, modification and possession in the noun phrases (cf. Bauer, 2014), to the structure and function of the set of morphological cases, and to the syntactic alignment of Anatolian (cf., among others, the recent works by Patri 2007 and Goedegebuure 2012 on Hittite). Furthermore, the project will try to assess the relationship between syntax, semantics and stylistics, and the socio- and inter-linguistic phenomena that influenced the evolution of Luwian over the centuries. On the other hand, the use of a computer-aided approach will prove the heuristic strength of computational methodologies when dealing with a linguistic investigation. The results will be based on a combination of statistical queries and linguistic description, and will be published in papers, in a final monograph as well as in open-data, accessible on the web. In this paper, we will present the part-of-speech (POS) tagset that has been developed in order to annotate the constituents of the sentences in Luwian a language that is very different from English and from the other ones that have so far undergone a process of tree-banking. We will also present sample trees from both hieroglyphic and cuneiform texts that have been parsed during the first three months of the project. Reference: Bauer, A.H., 2014, The Morphosyntax of the Noun Phrase in Hieroglyphic Luwian, Leiden, Brill; Cotticelli-Kurras, P. and Rizza, A., 2013, Reconstructing Proto-Indo-European

categories: The reflexive and the middle in Hittite and in the Proto-language, in Proto-Indo-European Syntax and its Development (ed. by Kulikov, L. and Lavidas, N.), 7-27; Goedegebuure, P., 2012, Split-ergativity in Hittite, in ZA 102, 170-203;Melchert, H.C. (Ed.), 2003, The Luwians, Leiden, Brill; Patri, S., 2007, L'alignement syntaxique dans les langues indo-europennes d'Anatolie, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz; Taylor, A. et al., 2003. The Penn Treebank: An Overview. University of York. Heslington, York; Yakubovich, I., 2010, Sociolinguistics of the Luvian Language, Leiden, Brill.

Zur Subjektmarkierung im Hethitischen: Morphologische und syntaktische Fragen

Paola Dardano

Der vorliegende Beitrag setzt sich zum Ziel, die Subjektmarkierung im Hethitischen zu analysieren.

Unter den Argumenten des Verbs kann im Hethitischen das Subjekt mit Hilfe verschiedener Kasus

markiert werden, wie Nominativ, aber auch Ergativ, Akkusativ und Dativ. In diesem Beitrag sollen

sowohl die gemeinsamen Nenner der non-canonical markierten Subjekte, als auch ihre

syntaktischen und semantischen Beziehungen thematisiert werden. Es wird gefragt, ob es Faktoren

gibt, die die Kasusauswahl steuern, oder ob wir mit freien unkonditionierten Varianten neben dem

Nominativ zu tun haben.

Die Stellung von heth. kuit 'was das betrifft, dass' und heth. kuit 'weil' im Satz Alexandra Daues (Universitt Kln)

Heth. kuit kann unterschiedliche Funktionen im Satz bernehmen. Die folgenden Belege aus den Maat-Briefen zeigen die mittelhethitische Situation. Zunchst ist kuit die neutrale Singularform des Relativpronomens:

(1) HKM 3 (Mt. 75/40), 1-4: relativisches kuit UMMA dUTUI-MA ANA mkau QBMA A LKR=mu kuit uttar atrae n=at AME "Folgendermaen (spricht) die Majestt: Dem Kau sage! Welches Wort du mir geschrieben hast, das habe ich gehrt." Daneben ist kuit in faktischer Funktion belegt:

(2) HKM 9 (Mt. 75/41), 1-5: faktisches kuit UMMA [dUT]UI-MA ANA mkau QBMA XIII L.MEpitteandu=kan kuit par naitta n=a uwater "Folgendermaen (spricht) die Majestt: Dem Kau sage! Was das betrifft, dass du 13 Gefangene geschickt hast, man hat sie hergebracht." Auerdem kann kuit nach Hoffner/Melchert (2008, S. 415) seit ah. Zeit als kausale Konjunktion verwendet werden:

(3) HKM 74 (Mt. 75/52), 12-19: KUR URUkizzuwatna=ya kuit antezzi auri n=ata mn tuel RME-KA kattanda uwanzi n=ata ammuqq=a EGIR-pa UL pei "Da auch das Land Kizzuwatna der vorderste Sttzpunkt ist, wenn deine Untertanen herab kommen, dann werde auch ich (sie) zurckgeben." (bersetzung von Alp 1991, S. 263) Im Zuge dieser Untersuchung soll der Status dieser dreistufigen Konstruktionen (vgl. Beispiel 3) geklrt werden: Kommt kuit hier mit Alp (1991, S. 263) und Hoffner/Melchert (2008, S. 418f.) wirklich eine kausale Funktion zu? An welchen Parametern lassen sich die Funktionsunterscheidungen festmachen? Literaturangaben: Alp, Sedat. 1991. Hethitische Briefe aus Maat-Hyk. Atatrk Kltr, Dil ve Tarih Yksek Kurumu, Trk Tarih Kurumu Yaynlar VI/35. Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu. Hoffner, Harry A., Jr. und H. Craig Melchert. 2008. A Grammar of the Hittite Language. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns.

Gemeinsame Unterschiede und unterschiedliche Gemeinsamkeiten der

hethitischen und tocharischen Nominalmorphologie

Hannes A. Fellner (Universitt Wien)

Laura Grestenberger (Concordia University)

Hethitisch und Tocharisch wurden etwa zur selben Zeit als indogermanische Sprachen erkannt und beiden wurden und werden auffllige Abweichungen gegenber den klassischen Sprachen attestiert. Der Vortrag beschftigt sich mit der Frage nach Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschieden tocharischer und hethitischer Innovationen sowie Archaismen in Nominalmorphologie und -derivation im Vergleich mit den klassischen Sprachen. Ziel des Vortrags ist es, in dieser Hinsicht das Verhltnis des Hethitischen (als "Flaggschiff" des Anatolischen) zum Tocharischen sowie die Chronologie der Ausgliederung beider Sprachzweige aus der indogermanischen Grundsprache zu beleuchten. Im Fokus der Untersuchung sollen die nt-Stmme und andere (verbale) Adjektive und ihre Derivationsverhltnisse stehen.

Bibliographie

Fellner, Hannes A. (2014). Tocharian Special Agents: The nt-Participles. Tocharian and Indo-European Studies 15: 5367.

Lowe, John J. (2015). Participles in Rigvedic Sanskrit. The Syntax and Semantics of Adjectival Verb Forms. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Malzahn, Melanie. (2010). The Tocharian Verbal System. Leiden: Brill.

Melchert, H. Craig (forthcoming). The Position of Anatolian. Michael Weiss & Andrew Garrett, Handbook of Indo-European Studies.

THE GRAMMAR OF HITTITE POETRY

Rita Francia

Sapienza - Rome

In Hittite literature various styles can be identified. A text is poetic if it shows a particular

style, rich in rhetorical devices that give the lines a strong rhythmic pattern. These artifices

can be considered as the principle tokens (as defined by C. Watkins, Poetics as grammar:

Typology of poetic devices and some rules of poetics grammar, in How to Kill a Dragon.

Aspects of Indo-European Poetics. Oxford 1995, 28-49) of the grammar of Hittite poetry: they

are the constitutive elements of poetic language.

In texts defined as poetic, certain stylistic devices are immediately evident. These

techniques involve the phonetic, grammatical and semantic levels, producing those

rhetoricalfigures that are common to all poetic writing. This study will examine the figures of

speech that occur most frequently in Hittite poetic texts. The repetition, in all level, is the

most common among rhetorical devices, as would be expected in a popular form of poetry

born from oral tradition. Rhetorical figures as alliteration, assonance, homoioteleuton,

isocolon, chiasmus, metaphor, metonymy, litotes, merism are the most frequent in Hittite

texts.

Use of particles in adjective valence in Hittite

Abstract for Arbeitstagung Marburg 2015

Dita Frantikova Institute of Comparative Linguistics Charles University, Prague dita.frantikova@gmail.com This contribution presents a case study for the use of particles in Hittite in comparison with other IE languages. Adjective valence is understood as an inherent relationality of a lexical unit (adjective) that allows it to govern a particular number of arguments. Valence is mainly studied for verbs. From research on verbal valence, we know that in cases of language contact, the substrate language(s) may influence valence structures. Unfortunately, research has not been conducted on adjectives and so there is no cross-linguistically comparable data. Still, substantial differences between Hittite and other branches are of importance in investigating the language contact of Anatolian languages. In inflectional languages, the distribution of adjective valence can be split into a number of classes based on formal features: adjectives combine with word forms in certain cases or with prepositions governing specific cases, as much as with dependent clauses and other word forms, such as infinitives. If a syntactic slot is available in a given language (e.g. specific case and/or pre-/postposition), there are always adjectives that make use of it. Hittite is a language with a developed case system, productive adjective derivation and widespread use of particles. Surprisingly, the possible slots of expected adjective valence involving particles remain unfilled (although examples of adjective valence are restricted, we still find enough evidence for all nominal cases, with the exception of accusative, which will also be briefly addressed). This fact poses two challenges for research on Hittite syntax: Firstly, what are the strategies of the language that suppl the e pected alenc ith particle? econdl , to hat e tent are the differences comparably significant? Bibliography: gel, Vilmos et al. (eds.)

2006 Dependenz und Valenz. Ein internationales Handbuch der zeitgenssischen Forschung. Berlin - New York: Walter de Gruyter.

Aschenbrenner, Anne 2014 Adjectives as nouns, mainly as attested in Boethius translations from Old to Modern

English and in Modern German. Mnchen: Herbert Utz Verlag. Bechert, Johannes. Bernini, G. Buridan, C.

1990 Toward a typology of Indo-European languages. Berlin - New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Dirven, R. 1987 Concepts of case. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing

Herbst, Thomas. Gtz-Votteler, Katrin (eds.) 2007 Valency. Theoretical, Descriptive and Cognitive Issues. Berlin - New York: Mouton de

Gruyter. Hoffner, Harry A.; Craig H. Melchert

2008 A Grammar of the Hittite Language. Part 1: Reference Grammar.Winona Lake, Ind.:

Eisenbrauns.

Kopi o , Marie 2006 Valence eskch adjektiv. Praha: Nakladatelstv lidov noviny.

Malchukov, Andrej L. Comrie, B. (eds.) 2015 Valency Classes in the World's Languages. Berlin - New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Melchert, Craig 1990 Adjectives in *-iyo- in Anatolian. Historische Sprachforschung [online]. 103(2): 198-

207 [cit. 2015-07-30]. Spevak, Olga

2014 The noun phrase in classical Latin prose. Leiden: Brill. Tesniere, Lucien

1959 lments de syntaxe structurale. Paris: Klincksieck. Tor A.

2012 Polyvalent Adjectives in Norwegian: Aspects of their Semantics and Complementation Patterns. Dissertation, University of Oslo.

Online: Prague dependency treebank. 2006. UFAL and CKL. http://ufal.mff.cuni.cz/pdt2.0

http://ufal.mff.cuni.cz/pdt2.0

1

Olav Hackstein (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitt Mnchen)

Formale Merkmale rhetorischer Fragen im Hethitischen aus historisch-vergleichender

Perspektive

Fr das Hethitische ist seit langem die Tendenz beobachtet worden, dass negierte rhetorische

Fragen eine linksperipherale Bewegung der Negation in Richtung Satzanfang aufweisen

knnen. Es ergeben sich folgende Leitfragen: Wie ist die Korrelation zwischen

Negationsanhebung und rhetorischer Frage zu erklren? Weshalb handelt es sich (im

Hethitischen) um eine Tendenz? Fr die lteren indogermanischen Sprachen ist ein

Mechanismus dokumentierbar, nach welchem die Anhebung der Negation dem Ausdruck der

propositionalen Negation dienen kann, und nach welchem weiter die Platzierung der

gehobenen sententialen Negation unter dem Interrogativfokus die fr negierte rhetorische

Fragen bekannte Polarittsumkehr bewirkt. Die Dokumentation dieses Phnomens im

Lateinischen, Altgriechischen, Altindischen und Tocharischen trgt mageblich zur

Aufklrung der hethitischen Verhltnisse bei.

Die anatolischen s-Stmme: Flexivischer Archaismus oder

Kategorie im Zerfall?

Stefan Hfler, Universitt Wien

Die s-Stmme des Hethitischen bilden, im Vergleich zu anderen konsonantischen Flexionsklassen, eine sehr berschaubare Gruppe innerhalb der Nominalformationen. Entsprechungen zu den in vielen Sprachzweigen gut belegten neutralen s-Stmmen als auf dazugehrige Verben beziehbare Nomina actionis, Nomina resultativa, etc. scheinen (auf den ersten Blick) gnzlich zu fehlen. Dafr weisen sie nach Meinung mehrerer Forscherinnen einige archaische Zge auf (NASg *-s gegenber rest-idg. *-os; cf. MELCHERT 2013:181; HFLER [im Druck]; akrostatische Flexion qua *nbh-s Himmel gegenber rest-idg. *nbh-os; cf. OETTINGER 2012; YATES 2014), die zusammengenommen den Eindruck erwecken knnten, das Anatolische habe sich vor dem Ausbilden des Standardparadigmas (NASg *-os, GenSg *-es-e/os) und/oder der Etablierung dieser Stammklasse als Verbalabstrakta etc. vom Verbund des Rest-Indogermanischen abgetrennt. Der geplante Vortrag nimmt daher einige dieser Aspekte genauer unter die Lupe und versucht eine Errterung der Frage, ob und welche Schlsse die anatolische Situation hier fr den Ansatz einer Frh(er)ausgliederung erlaubt. Dann wird der Fokus auf mgliche hethitische Fortsetzer ererbter Ableitungen zu s-Stmmen gelegt, die ein frheres Vorhandensein entsprechender Grundwrter voraussetzen. Speziell sollen Formationen mit einem augenscheinlichen Suffix *-su- betrachtet werden, durch die sich im Lichte rezenter Forschung (cf. RAU 2007; RIEKEN 2013) neue mgliche Implikationen fr die uridg. nominale Derivation ergeben. Literatur: HFLER, Stefan (im Druck), Ist der Wettergott ein Himmelsgott? Indogermanische

Gtternamen und ihr Beitrag zur internen Derivation, in: Akten des 1. Grazer Kolloquiums zur indogermanischen Altertumskunde (14.-15.11.2013).

MELCHERT, H. Craig (2013), Hittite Heteroclite s-Stems, in: FS Nussbaum, hg. von A. I. Cooper et al., Ann Harbor: Beech Stave Press, 175-184.

OETTINGER, Norbert (2013), Zu langstufigen Bildungen des Indogermanischen, Tischvorlage zum gleichnamigen Vortrag im Zuge der Arbeitstagung The Lengthened Grade in Indo-European der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft (29.-30. Juli in Leiden). RAU, Jeremy (2007), The derivational history of Proto-Germanic *weru- lamb, in: Verba Docenti, FS Jasanoff, hg. von A.J. Nussbaum, Ann Arbor/New York, 281-92. RIEKEN, Elisabeth (2013), Sekundre denominale u-Stmme im Hethitischen, in: Multi Nominis Grammaticus, FS Nussbaum, hg. von A.I. Cooper et al., Ann Arbor/New York, 274-84. YATES, Anthony (2014), The Phonology of Acrostatic Neuter *s-Stems and Sonority-Driven Epenthesis in Proto-Anatolian, Tischvorlage zum gleichnamigen Vortrag im Zuge der ECIEC 33, 6.-8. Juni 2014.

Subordination and sentence connectives in Old Hittite: a quantitative analysis

Guglielmo Inglese and Silvia Luraghi - University of Pavia

Old Hittite sentence connectives nu, ta and, to a lesser extent, u, may occur at the juncture between a preposed subordinate clause and the main clause (Luraghi 1990: 59-65, Hoffner & Melchert 2008:

391-395). While the overall frequency of nu in OH/OS texts slightly outnumbers the frequency of ta

(Inglese 2015: 30-31), this difference is not statistically significant, and the two connectives can be

described as being essentially in free variation (Luraghi 1990: 49). This is in contrast with the

distribution of connectives between a preposed subordinate clause and the main clause, in which nu

is much more frequent than ta (Luraghi 1990: 60), with a statistically significant distribution (p. <

0.00008; Inglese 2015: 34). A detailed quantitative analysis (Inglese 2015) has further shown that

the relative frequency of the two connectives varies among subordinate clause types, with preposed

relative clauses to some extent favoring the occurrence of ta (33% of the occurrences vs. less than

20% with other clause types, cf. Inglese 2015: 129; u remains marginal with all clause types). We explain the findings in connection with the different origin of connectives. In particular, we argue

that nu, which originated from the PIE deictic adverb *nu(n), can occur between a preposed

subordinate and the main clause on account of its strong additive meaning (Luraghi 1990), which,

as pointed out in Widmer (2009), favors its occurrence at the transition between backgrounded and

foregrounded information. Notably, distinguishing between backgrounded vs. foregrounded

information is the discourse function of subordination, whereby subordinate clauses provide the

background for main clauses. The introduction of nu between a preposed subordinate and a main

clause further provides evidence for the relevance of a syntactic distinction between symmetrical

coordination, as encoded by Hittite -(y)a-, and additive coordination (Luraghi 1990: 49-50, 56-58):

symmetrical coordination can only involve members which function on the same syntactic level

(Dik 1968), and is thus banned from the syntactic environment discussed here. The connectives ta

and u originated from demonstrative pronouns. Most likely, the preference of ta for the juncture between a preposed relative and the main clause may point to an original resumptive function of

demonstratives, which is also attested in other ancient IE languages (Inglese 2015: 128-129). At the

stage represented by the OH/OS texts, ta had already lost this function, but its origin was still

reflected in other peculiarities, as the comparatively frequent omission of object clitics (Carruba

1969). Also, at this stage the process of convergence of the three connectives had already started.

As pointed out in reference works (Hoffner & Melchert 2008: 392), nu replaced other connectives

and functioned as a generic clause linker virtually obligatory between a preposed subordinate and a

main clause, but the differences that can still be appreciated point toward two different origins of

what has later become a unified development.

References

Carruba, Onofrio. 1969. Die satzeinleitenden Partikeln in den indogermanischen Sprachen

Anatoliens [Incunabula Graeca 32]. Roma: Edizioni dellAteneo. Dik, Simon C. 1968. Coordination: its implication for the theory of general linguistics. Amsterdam:

North Holland.

Hoffner, Harry A. & Melchert, Craig H. 2008. A grammar of the Hittite language. Part I: Reference

grammar. Winona Lake (Indiana): Eisenbrauns.

Inglese, Guglielmo. 2015. Subordination and sentence connectives in Old Hittite - A corpus based

analysis of a multifaceted phenomenon. MA Thesis, University of Pavia.

Luraghi, Silvia. 1990. Old Hittite sentence structure. London/New York: Routledge.

Widmer, Paul. 2009. Hethitisch nu als Mittel der informationsstrukturellen und syntaktischen

Verknpfung. In Pragmatische Kategorien. Form, Funktion und Diachronie, E. Rieken & P.

Widmer (eds.), 321-333. Wiesbaden: Reichert.

Hittite and the IE Verb, 100 Years Later

Jay H. Jasanoff

Harvard University

Abstract

The discovery of Hittite introduced the problem of the i-conjugation, a verbal category

with the perfect endings but present meaning. It also focused attention on the close

relationship of the perfect to the middle. In Hittite and the Indo-European Verb (2003), I

presented an account of the PIE verbal system that attempted to square the new data of

Hittite with the system reconstructed on the basis of Indo-Iranian, Greek, and the other

non-Anatolian languages. That account posited a PIE h2e-conjugation, which I traced,

along with the classical perfect and the classical middle, to a pre-IE protomiddle. The

function of the protomiddle was left unspecified, and the history of the emergence of the

perfect remained vague.

This picture can now be significantly refined. Two groups of forms are discussed in this

paper: 1) Hitt. lki bends, wki bites and other transitive, highly un-middle-like i-

verbs; and 2) Hitt. wewakki demands (repeatedly) and other formal lookalikes of the

reduplicated perfect. A proper analysis of these forms, I will argue, permits a more

illuminating, and in some respects surprising theory of the protomiddle and its

descendants in Hittite and the rest of IE.

One hundred (plus) years of re-reconstruction:

Hittite, Tocharian, and the continuing revision of Proto-Indo-European

Ronald I. Kim

Adam Mickiewicz University in Pozna / Charles University in Prague

The identification of Hittite as an Indo-European language by Bedich Hrozn in 1915

soon led to debate over its position within the Indo-European family, and the extent to which it

and the other Anatolian languages required revision of the Proto-Indo-European reconstructed by

the generation of Karl Brugmann. These questions mostly centered around phonology and

inflectional morphology; they have been joined in recent decades by the debate over the position

of Tocharian, likewise discovered in the early 20th century. While the controversy over the

reconstruction of laryngeals for PIE has largely been resolved, significant disagreements persist

in the areas of nominal and verbal morphology. These disagreements are in no way a failure of

the comparative method, but reflect its basis in the regularity of sound change, which has no

parallel in morphological change, as well as the understandable reluctance to abandon the

traditional Neogrammarian picture of the protolanguage. The difficulties of morphological

reconstruction are illustrated with three examples from nominal morphology: the instrumental

case ending *-h1- ~ *-eh1-, feminine motion suffix *-ih2- ~ *-yeh2-, and comparative suffix *-is-

~ *-yes- ~ *-yos-. In all three cases, the decision whether or not to reconstruct the morpheme in

question for PIE depends not only on the relative weight given to morphophonological and

semantic factors, but above all on assumptions about loss vs. grammaticalization of

morphosemantic categories in Indo-European languages.

In the hand, to the hand, with the hand: archaic case endings in Hittite

Alwin Kloekhorst

The last few decades have seen an enormous boost in our knowledge of Hittite linguistics. A major

reason for this is our better understanding of how to date Hittite texts, which has given way to a

much more detailed insight into the internal diachronic development of Hittite. Moreover, it has led

to a more refined understanding of the phonological interpretation of Hittite spelling.

In this lecture I will treat the Old Hittite endings of cases like the dative-locative, allative, and

instrumental, as can be found in for instance the paradigm of the word for hand . It will be argued

that some archaic features of these endings shed a new light on the reconstruction of the accent-

ablaut patterns of the Proto-Indo-European nominal paradigms, especially on the relationship

between the proterodynamic accent-ablaut pattern on the one hand, and the hysterodynamic and

amphidynamic pattern on the other.

Morphology of verbs of immediate and continuous effect in PIE

Petr Kocharov

(Institute for Linguistic Studies RAS, St. Petersburg)

peter.kocharov@gmail.com

The paper is devoted to the Aktionsart of immediate and continuous effect, its

morphology, and the interaction with the grammatical categories of aspect and tense in PIE. The

Aktionsart under consideration qualifies processes and states that can be conceived as effective

within any given time interval and be represented as momentary events without featuring one of

the phases (inchoative/completive), cf. test sentences: (a) John was writing a letter but didnt

write it; (b) *John was asking for advice but didnt ask for it). The modern theory of aspect

assigns this Aktionsart to verbs of sensory perceptions, speaking, sound performance, and

psychological states.

Since the durative and momentary readings of such verbs do not directly correlate with

the [ telic] parameter, the morphological structure of their stem patterns in PIE is of special

interest. The durative stage, qualified as [+ effect/result] at any moment of its fulfillment, is

expected to be denoted by either the imperfective (present stem) or resultative (perfect stem)

aspectual markers in terms of the Greco-Aryan verbal aspect. Significantly, the Homeric Greek

perfecto-present verbs neatly fit to the above-mentioned lexical classes (cf. to roar, to cry, to rejoice, etc.); their morphology cannot be explained by the subject-

or object-oriented resultative meanings typical for the late Indo-European Perfect, but could be

be motivated by the [+ effect/result] lexical feature of the Aktionsart in question.

In this perspective, some Hittite reduplicative verbs of speaking and sound performance

(cf. wewakk- to demand, mma-/mmi- to speak, wawi- to cry out, mimma-/mimm- to refuse) may be considered as a trace of the inherited archaic morphology not necessarily

motivated by the onomatopoeia.

Funktionsverbgefge und Sekundrwurzeln

Daniel Klligan (Universitt Kln)

Wie u.a. von Hackstein (2002) ausfhrlich dargelegt, diente bereits grundsprachlich die

Wurzel *dheh1- als "light verb" zur Bildung von Funktionsverbgefgen des Typs *h1neh3

dheh1- 'einen Namen geben' (heth. lman di-, gr. , a. nma dh- usf.), die ferner

zur Abstrahierung von Neowurzeln auf *dh- fhren konnten. Fr das Hethitische ist der

Prozess zur Erklrung von werite(zi) 'frchten' angenommen worden (s. Oettinger 2001:467

'zur Verehrung setzen', Kloekhorst 2008:1004 'to place a call', vgl. wer(iie/a)(zi) 'rufen').

Produktiv geworden ist er aber offenbar v.a. auerhalb des anatolischen Sprachzweigs.

Anhand weiterer, bislang nicht in der Literatur besprochener Beispiele soll der Entwicklung

dieses Bildungstyps nachgegangen werden.

Literatur

Hackstein, O. (2002). Uridg. *CH.CC > *C.CC. HS, 115, 1-22.

Kloekhorst, A. (2008). Etymological dictionary of the Hittite inherited lexicon. Leiden [u.a.]:

Brill.

Oettinger, N. 2001 Hethtsch -ima- der: We e Suffx affetv werde a, : G. Wilhelm (Hg.), Akten des IV. Internationalen Kongresses fr Hethitologie, Wrzburg, 4.-8.

Oktober 1999 (= Studien zu den Bogazky-Texten 45), 456-477.

Abstract fr die Arbeitstagung Marburg

Martin Joachim Kmmel

Anatolisches und indoiranisches Verbum: Erbe und Neuerung

Die Entdeckung des Anatolischen hat gezeigt, dass frh belegte indogermanische Sprachen auch

stark vom vorher dominierenden Modell des "Graecoarischen" abweichen knnen. Besonders

gilt das fr das Verbalsystem, und zwar gerade auch das Kategoriensystem. Im Vortrag soll

versucht werden, die wichtigsten Probleme anhand der neueren Forschung zum Anatolischen

und Indoiranischen zu besprechen und verschiedene Erklrungsmodelle zu diskutieren, vor

allem bezglich des Problems der hi-Konjugation.

Der Ausgangspunkt sollen interne Unregelmigkeiten des indoiranischen Verbums sein, die

durch Vergleich mit dem Griechischen keine Aufhellung erfahren, jedoch vielfach direkt oder

indirekt mit anatolischen Besonderheiten verbunden werden knnen. Solche Besonderheiten

sind: das besondere Ablautverhalten des Wurzelaorists (schwacher Stamm mit Wurzelnullstufe

nur in der 3. Pl., akrostatische Optative im Avestischen); die Keimzelle des vedischen

Prekativs, die 3. Sg. Optativ Aorist auf -s (Aktiv) bzw. -sta (Medium); die Endung der 3. Pl.

Optativ ved. -ur = av. -r; der problematische Status des Optativs s-Aorist im Vedischen; die

Existenz von Medialformen mit abweichenden Stativ-Endungen.

Konfigurationale Merkmale im Anatolischen

Rosemarie Lhr (Humboldt-Universitt Berlin)

Sprachen mit hierarchischen Strukturen, in welchen die grammatischen Funktionen aus der

syntaktischen Position ableitbar sind , konfiguriationalen Sprachen, stehen die nicht-

konfigurationalen Sprachen gegenber. Sie zeichnen sich durch eine freie Wortstellung, die

durch die Informationsstruktur bedingt, aus. Als eine solche Sprache gilt das

Indogermanische. Doch sind schon in den ltesten indogermanischen Sprachen Merkmale

konfigurationaler Sprachen vorhanden. Ein Kriterium ist das Vorhandensein von

Prpositionen. Auch im Anatolischen gibt es eindeutige Prpositionen, im Keilschrift-

Luwischen und Lykischen. Nach Brosch (2014) sprechen aber die lykischen und hethitischen

Verhltnisse dafr, dass die Place Words im Uranatolischen keine einheitliche Wortstellung

in Bezug auf ihr (semantisches) Bezugswort hatten. Im Vortrag werden diese Befunde mit

denen anderer altindogermanischer Sprachen, dem Altindischen und Griechischen,

verglichen. Wie bei Brosch fr das Anatolische wird auch fr die Beschreibung der anderen

indogermanischen Sprachen Talmies Typologie mit ihrer Unterscheidung nach verb-framed

und satellite-framed Strukturen zugrunde gelegt, jedoch um den Begriff des Boundary

Crossing (d.h. des bertretens der rumlichen Grenze eines Bewegungsereignisses) erweitert.

Die einzelnen Lexikalisierungsmuster werden dann auf den Grad ihrer Konfigurationalitt

berprft.

ARBEITSTAGUNG DER INDOGERMANISCHEN GESELLSCHAFT JAHRE ENTZIFFERUNG DES HETHITISCHEN

Elena Martnez

Gender and morphology in Lycian a-stem nouns: a preliminary study

As they don't possess a grammatical feminine gender, the Anatolian family's incorporation to

the Indo-European linguistics field removed the Brugmann's theory of a triple gender system

(Brugmann, 1911). Consequently, it had implications in the genealogy's study of that group of

languages in relation to the PIE. Almost a century later it was found that Lycian had its own

nominal a-stem as a particular feature (Melchert, 1992c), to whom some animate nouns

referring to feminine beings belong. This relevant fact among the other Anatolian languages

generated again new controversy about the absence or existence of a feminine gender in

Lycian as well as in the Indo-European Anatolian family, and subsequently in the

reconstruction of the PIE.

Within this framework, the present paper arises from the Lycian corpus' analysis of these

nouns classified into the a-stem class and focus in their formal and functional morphology and

semantics. I will also explore some controversial points about defining the feminine gender

concept as well as certain implications for future studies.

Bibliography: H.C. Melchert (1992c, 1994a); I. Hajnal (1994); A. Kloekhorst (2008); E. Kalinka

(1901); G. Neumann (1974, 2007)

H. Craig Melchert University of California, Los Angeles Hittite and Indo-European: Revolution and Counterrevolution The impact of the identification by Bedich Hrozn in 1915 of Hittite as an Indo-European language on the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European can hardly be overstated. It led to controversies regarding fundamental aspects of PIE grammar that continue to the present. Framing the matter in very broad terms, we may identify three basic approaches to the problem of integrating Hittite (resp. Anatolian) into our picture of PIE: (1) deriving the grammar of Hittite from the received model of PIE as a typical mix of archaisms and innovations; (2) treating Hittite (Anatolian) as derived from a precursor to PIE (in Stammbaum terms, as a sister of PIE); (3) making more or less radical revisions to the reconstructed grammar of PIE. For half a century the first two viewpoints dominated the debate, but in the 1960s and 1970s the movement to revise the standard model came to the forefront, in some instances in quite radical form (the revolution of my title). By the 1990s there was a growing, though by no means universal, consensus that some revision in our picture of PIE was needed, with debate centering on precisely which features need to be revised and in what fashion. There remains a broad continuum of opinion on this point, from conservative (few and minimal changes) to more radical (more and more profound revisions). There has, however, over the past two decades been a significant retrenchment: ongoing research has convinced many that Hittite and the other Anatolian languages differ far less from other IE languages than previously thought (the counterrevolution). This very broadly sketched picture will be filled in by references to a number of specific concrete features of phonology, morphology, and syntax.

Word order and negation in the Hittite clause: corpus study

Maria Molina

Institute of linguistics, Moscow

Negation in Hittite was expressed with five negative words (Hoffner, Melchert

2008; HE 279283; CHD LN): natta (negative of assertions), l (negative of

prohibition), nwi (negative with the meaning not yet), nman (or nwan,

negative of wish or potential) and nekku (not somehow?).

As is well known, Hittite is a language with a very strict word order.

Canonically the marker of negation (with sentential scope) stands in the

preverbal position. The best-known non-canonical position is the first/initial

position in rhetorical questions (Hoffner 1986: 8990) and in general emphatic

assertion (Hoffner, Melchert 2008: 342). It is quite paradoxical that, even

though Hoffner in his classical paper on negation in Hittite explicitly mentioned

that negation fronting is in no way limited to that in rhetorical questions,

subsequent research tended to ignore his observation.

In my lecture I propose to deal with those cases of non-canonical placement of

negation markers that cannot be reduced to rhetorical questions, and I am going

to introduce quantitative approach to this problem.

Norbert Oettinger

Universitt Erlangen

Fortsetzungen des Calandsystems in indogermanischen Sprachen

Das Caland-System ist bekanntlich ein idg. Wortbildungsverband, der vor allem mittels der

Adjektivsuffixe *-u-, *-i-, *-ro-, *-o- und *-i- und *-nt- sowie des Verbalsuffixes *eh1- gebildet wird.

An anderer Stelle war bereits vorgeschlagen worden, dass ursprnglich auch Faktitiva auf *-n(e)u-

diesem Suffixverband angehrt hatten.

Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden sekundre Wirkungen des Calandsystems in idg. Einzelsprachen

dargestellt. Ein Beispiel aus dem Hethitischen: Das Nebeneinander von Adjektiven auf *-nt- und

Zustandsverben auf *-eh1- wie z. B. idg. *bh h-nt- hoch (ai. b hnt-) und *bh h-h1- hoch sein,

hoch werden (heth. park-ss-) fhrte dazu, dass im Hethitischen dann analogisch auch zu mit dem Possessivsuffix -want- gebildete Adjektiven Zustandsverben auf *-eh1- gebildet wurden, so etwa zu

misri-want- Glanz habend, strahlend ein misriwss- strahlend sein. In anderen idg. Einzelsprachen sind beispielsweiseFaktitiva auf *-n(e)u- sekundr durch andere Bildungen ersetzt worden.

Interrogative stems in Hittite and Tocharian

Michal Peyrot (Universitt Wien)

Anatolian and Tocharian share an interrogative stem *m- or *mo-. According to Dunkel,

Lexikon der indogermanischen Partikeln und Pronominalstmme (p. 518f.), traces of the

same element are preserved in Celtic, Armenian and Indo-Aryan. The problem with the

assessment of the etymological appurtenance of elements of this kind is that they may be very

short; they are often extended or combined with other pronominal elements; and the meaning

may be heavily bleached out. In this paper, the reflexes of this interrogative stem will be

investigated. The focus will be on elements that still preserve the interrogative function or

show meanings that can plausibly be derived from it. Especially in Tocharian, the number of

different interrogative elements and stems and possible combinations with other pronominal

elements is relatively large, so that a careful morphological and functional analysis is

required. Also, a so far unnoticed further possible candidate cognate of the interrogative stem

in *m- is discussed. In the analyses and reconstructions, a leading question is how the

correspondences between Hittite and Tocharian are to be interpreted and if they can be

meaningful for the position of these two branches in the Indo-European language family.

Abstract

New Evidence for the PIE Common Gender Suffix *-eh2 in Anatolian:

Luw. -aa- (c.) and Lyc. B -asa- (c.)

Within the nominal system of the Luwian language, one encounters neuter stems in -a- next to formations in -aa-. The latter show either common gender inflection in the singular/plural or neuter gender inflection in the plural only, otherwise defined as collective. Save their

gender, a significant difference between the two types can be noticed in the derivational

process; while neuter stems in -a- retain a single -- in their derivatives, nouns in -aa- display geminates -- consistently (Starke 1990: 108), e.g. tappa- sky tappaaa/i-, tappaant(i)- vs. malaa- (coll.) ritual malaaa/i-, malaallaid- and tarp- (c.) replacement tarpaaa/i-, tarpaaid-. Melchert (1993: 215-216) analyzes the suffix -aa- with respect to the noun tarp- as a substantivization in -a- of the genitival adjective suffix -aa/i-. But, this peculiarity demands an explanation regarding the origin of this substantivization in -a-.

The poems written in the Lycian B dialect enclose a number of substantives built with the

suffix -asa-, which inflect according to the a-stems (< *-eh2) and show common gender

agreement. Affinities between this suffix -asa- and the genitival adjective suffix -a/ese/i- can

be observed in the following example: xbad(i)- (c.) river-valley xbadase/i- (adj. gen.) belonging to the river-valley(s) xbadasa- (c.) the X of the river-valley(s). The comparative analysis of Luwian and Lycian B formations in -aa- and -asa- respectively sheds light on Anatolian derivational morphology. It is also conductive to elucidating the

syntax and meaning of two sentences in the poem on the Xanthos stele.

David Sasseville, M.A.

Philipps-Universitt Marburg

Bibliography

Gusmani, Roberto (1964). Die Nominalformen auf -z im Milyischen. Die Sprache 10.1, 42-

49.

Hajnal, Ivo (1994). Die lykischen a-Stmme: Zum Werdegang einer Nominalklasse. In

Kolloquium der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 25. bis 28. Mrz 1993 in

Kopenhagen, (ed. Jens Elmegrd Rasmussen). Wiesbaden: Reichert, 135-171.

Melchert, H. Craig (1993). Cuneiform Luvian Lexicon. Chapel Hill.

Melchert, H. Craig (2004). A Dictionary of the Lycian Language. Ann Arbor/New-York:

Beech Stave Press.

Neumann, Gnther (2007). Glossar des Lykischen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Starke, Frank (1990). Untersuchung zur Stammbildung des keilschrift-luwischen Nomens.

Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Zur indoiranischen Nominalwortbildung und Phraseologie im Avesta und dem Veda

Velizar SADOVSKI (sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften) Der Veda und das Avesta berraschen immer wieder mit ganzen Serien systematischer Ent-

sprechungen zwischen Appellativen oder Eigennamen einerseits und Elementen der freien Syntax andererseits, phraseologischen Verbindungen, insbesondere Formeln der Sprache der (Ritual-)Dichtung, die virtuell alle Sphren der religisen Ontologie betreffen: Theologie, Kosmologie, Anthropologie als Reflexe gemeinsamen indoiranischen und indogermanischen Erbguts einer archaischen Dichter- und Ritualsprache.

Diese Einheit von Phraseologie, Wortbildung, poetischer Stilistik und Onomastik drckt sich auf allen Ebenen sprachlicher Kreativitt aus: von den idiolektalen Formulierungen der hymni-schen (Ritual-)Dichtung ber die Verfestigung solcher Formulierungen in typischen und allge-mein verbreiteten phraseologischen Wendungen und deren Nominalisierung als aus den Einzel-elementen derartiger Syntagmata zusammengesetzte appellativische Bildungen Prdikationen, Attributiva, Beiwrter und Epiklesen, die immer strker vom Bereich des Rhematischen zu Elementen des unmarkierten Lexikons, der stilistisch neutralen Sprachebenen werden , bis zur Epithetabildung und (Gtter- und Personen-)Namengebung. Vom Hauptinteresse fr diese Ana-lyse ist die Entsprechung zwischen Komposita und phraseologischen Kollokationen mit stren-ger formalen-und-semantischen bereinstimmung auf intra-/interlinguistischer Ebene, wie dies nach der Wiederaufnahme des Interesses an dieser Problematik seit der Mitte des 20. Jh.s mit den klassischen Arbeiten von R. Schmitt fr das Urindogermanische und G. Schramm fr das Germanische in Spezialstudien insbesondere von C. Watkins, M. L. West, N. Oettinger, J. L. Garca Ramn, G.-J. Pinault, St. W. Jamison, J. Katz und M. Janda, am Material eines breiten linguistischen Territoriums, vom Keltischen und Italischen bis zum Anatolischen, dem Tochari-schen und dem Indoiranischen elaboratiert wurde.

Die Untersuchungen in diesem Bereich auf dem Gebiet des Indoiranischen bislang hatten sich zumeist auf das rgvedische Material bzw. einige Lexikalisierungsprozesse von Epitheta und cognomina zu Theonymen und (Personen-)Namen. Um diese Perspektive auszuweiten, ist eine Auswertung der Schnittstellen zwischen indoiranischem Lexikon, poetischer Phraseo-logie und Wortbildung komponierter Nomina (darunter Anthroponyme), im formalen, seman-tischen und (kon)textuellen Vergleich essentiell Themen, die eine Reihe gemeinsamer Nen-ner aus dem lexikalischen und dem phraseologischen Material vierer seit mehreren Jahren lau-fender Projekte einschlieen: des Iranischen Personennamenbuchs an der sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, des Etymologischen Wrterbuchs des iranischen Nomens fr die Leiden Indo-European Dictionary Series sowie der Bnde Indogermanische Nominalwortbil-dung und Indogermanische Stilistik fr die Indogermanische Grammatik (Heidelberg).

Das Fokus des vorliegenden Beitrags liegt auf der phraseologischen und poetischen Kombina-torik von Lexemen, die als gelufige Appellativa Elemente des vedischen und avestischen Hau-ses bezeichnen inkl. des mobilen Hauses, des (Wander-)Wagens sowie als Schlsselmeta-pher in Hymnen des Haus-Rituals, etwa im Rahmen des Rituals des Baus einer neuen Wohnstt-te verwendet werden. Sowohl in seinem Alltagsgebrauch als auch in den metaphorischen An-wendungen in Texten rituellen Charakters scheint dieser Wortschatz einer dem Indischen und dem Iranischen gemeinsamen lexikalischen Erbschicht anzugehren. ber den rein appellativi-schen Gebrauch hinaus ist diese Wortklasse in (Komposita aus) dem onomastischen Bereich massiv bezeugt und hat eine gute Chance dazu, einen bedeutenden Fall mehrfacher Entspre-chungen zwischen der Domne der Personennamen und poetischer Phraseologie darzustellen.

Lykische s-Verben und /o-Bildungen im Anatolischen

Matilde Serangeli (Universitt Kln)

Die lykischen s-Verben zeigen sowohl nullstufige als auch vollstufige /o-Formen: u.a. A, B tus- errichten, aufstellen (Nullstufe zu *(s)teh2u-) :: Iter. zu tuwe- errichten, aufstellen, A as- machen, tun, med. werden (Vollstufe zu *h1 1-) :: Iter. zu a(i)- machen, tun. Die unerwartete Vollstufe der Wurzel (:: idg. Nullstufe - -, vgl. toch. B ksk- (gewaltsam) zerstreuen < *gwh - -) knnte sich durch den synchronen Vokalismus erklren, der auf einer Nivellierung nach der Grundform beruht, siehe lyk. tas- setzen (Iter. zu ta- : *dheh1-), Prs.3.Pl. (1x) < *tsenti

1

Andrei V. Sideltsev

Hittite Syntax. Do we need a formalism 100 years later?

The Case of Indefinite Pronouns.

The lecture will deal with the system of Hittite indefinite pronouns. I argue that this is exactly the field

where the broader problem of whether formal methods have much to contribute to the study of a dead

language can be tackled. Despite several disadvantages, the main of which is that they are unintelligible to

the specialists in Hittite, one of them, namely the minimalist program, provides the analytical took to

describe the syntax of what in modern syntactic theory is a kind of quantifiers and allows to understand in

which direction to start looking to explain why indefinite pronouns are, on the one hand, preverbal and on

the other, occupy the second position. Despite frightening-looking terminology, the minimalist program in

the end operates with familiar notions of syntax and information structure: preverbal indefinite pronouns

are simply in the position specially reserved for indefinite pronouns, and not just for any semantically

indefinite noun phrases (a man) pace (Huggard 2014). The position is not identical to the position of any

other verbal argument in Hittite. The second position is assessed by (Huggard 2014) as that of topic, but

the suggestion is not compatible with all the data.

References

Huggard, M. 2014, On Semantics, Syntax and Prosody, in: ECIEC 33, June 6-8 2014 (handout).

Das Hethitische und der grundsprachliche Vokalismus des Personalpronomens der 1.

Person Singular

Zsolt Simon (Mnchen)

Der u-Vokalismus von heth. -uk ich wird traditionell dem analogischen Einfluss des Personalpronomens der 2. Sg. zugeschrieben. Kloekhorst, EDHIL, 112-114 hat aber jngst

den i-Vokalismus dieses Pronomens bewiesen. Dieser wird zudem von der altalbanischen

Form ti du gesttzt, die selbst bislang nicht lautgesetzlich oder analogisch erklrt werden konnte. Eine andere theoretisch mgliche Quelle dieses Vokalismus sind die obliquen Kasus

des hethitischen Personalpronomens (ammuk, usw.). Die Unabhngigkeit des Vokalismus

dieser Formen von -uk kann allerdings nicht bewiesen werden, weshalb das u in heth. ich unerklrt bleibt.

Wenn aber die hethitische Form analogisch nicht erklrt werden kann, muss sie aus der

Grundsprache ererbt worden sein und die Pronomina der anderen Sprachen bedrfen einer

eigenen Erklrung. Der u-Vokalismus von idg. ich kann in der Tat zumindest durch die albanische Fortsetzung (altalb. u ich) untersttzt werden, die bisher nur teilweise erklrt werden konnte. Was die anderen Sprachen betrifft, konnte ihr e-Vokalismus ohne weiteres

durch paradigmatischen Ausgleich mit den obliquen Formen (*h1me-) zustande gekommen

sein.

i-conjugation revisited Dr. Mariona Vernet

Ramn y Cajal Postdoc researcher Universitat de Barcelona

mvernet@ub.edu

According to the limited data provided by the Lycian corpus, the Lycian verb agrees in

most features with that of the other Luwic languages and, more generally, with that of

the Anatolian: it shows three persons, two numbers (singular and plural), two tenses

(present-future and preterite), two voices (active and mediopassive) and two moods

(indicative and imperative). As far as we know, the Lycian inflectional endings are very

close to those of Luvian or Hittite, with the exception of medial endings with a nasal

ended in - - ni (Present) and perhaps - (Preterite) (see Melchert 1992). As in

Hittite, Lycian seems to have inherited the i-conjugation although the examples are

very scarce. This conjugation is only observed in the present 3rd sgl. ending -e, in

contrast with the normal Lycian Present 3rd singular -(t)i or -di. This ending -e,

documented in a handful of examples in Lycian ( ne) matches

Luvian - i and, to my point of view, could be related to the Lycian Present Middle 3rd

singular - ni. The purpose of this speech is to analyse in much detail this issue having

into account the data provided by Mylian (Lycian B), Luwian and the other Luwic

languages and Hittite.

Sinn und Methode der Stammbaumrekonstruktion

Paul Widmer (Universitt Zrich)

Der Beitrag befasst sich mit der Rekonstruktion von linguistischen

Verwandtschaftsverhltnissen in Form von Bumen, die in den letzten Jahren durch den

Einsatz von Computern eine bemerkenswerte Renaissance erlebt hat. Wie alle allegorischen

Visualisierungen von linguistischen Daten bedrfen freilich auch solche Stammbume der

intensiven Deutung und es ist somit nicht immer klar, was die Stammbume berhaupt

aussagen und, noch grundlegender, wie sie berhaupt zu der Form kommen, die sie jeweils

haben.

Der Beitrag versucht diesen Fragen nachzugehen, indem er in Fallanalysen den

Datengrundlagen, der Konstruktion und den Interpretationen der Bume auf den Grund geht

und daraus Anstze fr holistischere Herangehensweisen extrapoliert.

The Morphological Structure of Anatolian Local Adverbs

Sergey Boroday (Russian Academy of Sciences)

Ilya Yakubovich (Russian Academy of Sciences / Philipps-Universitt Marburg)

There are two potential morphological sources for the derivation of local adverbs in the

Anatolian languages. Some of them can be analyzed as petrified case forms of nominal stems,

which are either present in Anatolian or reconstructed on the early Indo-European level. Others

can be regarded as compounds formed by juxtaposition of two local adverbs (or other elements).

Scholars disagree with regard to the relative significance of these two morphological

mechanisms, which can be respectively called primary and secondary derivation.

The primary derivation of Hittite local adverbs is advocated in Starke 1977. The author

distinguishes between allative-based preverbs, such as par forward or appa back, and accusative-based postpositions, such as peran before or appan behind. While the allative-based lexemes do display the directional semantics, their accusative-based counterparts are

generally locative in meaning, which weakens the proposed interpretation.

The importance of secondary derivation for the formation of Hittite local adverbs is

vigorously defended in Dunkel 2014. In particular, the Hittite adverbs peran and appan are

analyzed in this lexicon as containing the Indo-European emphatic particle *em (ablaut variant of

*om). While the addition of such a particle can formally account for a large number of forms in

Anatolian and Indo-European languages, it is again unclear why the addition of the emphatic *em should correlate with locative semantics.

Our paper uses the identification of the Luwian local adverb an(ni), a cognate of IE.

*en(i) in as its logical starting point (cf. Goedegebuure 2010 and Yakubovich 2010). The Luwian cognates of Hitt. peran and appan are parran(ni) before and appan(ni) behind respectively, which is conducive to segmenting an(ni) as their likely second component.

Melchert (2004: 46) has independently suggested that Lyc. -tew towards contains the reflex of IE. *en in as its first component, and the same analysis can be extended to the second component of Luw. tawi(y)-an(ni) towards. The proposed formal segmentation derives further support from functional considerations. The main syntactic function of Luw. an(ni) appears to be

adding a valence to the predicate, while the use of Luw. parr-an(ni), tawiy-an(ni) and, to a lesser

extent, app-anni is likewise conducive to modifying the sentence argument structure, regardless

of whether they function as postpositions or preverbs.

Although the local adverb *an < *en is synchronically lost in Hittite, its composition with

other local adverbs can be projected to the Proto-Anatolian level. The proposed mechanism of

secondary derivation does not a priori exclude that some Hittite/Luwian adverbs in -an reflect

results of primary derivation, but implies that the distinction between the two morphological

mechanisms should be made on the case-to-case basis.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Dunkel, George (2014). Lexikon der indogermanischen Partikeln und Pronominalstmme. 2

volumes. Heidelberg: Winter.

Goedegebuure, Petra (2010). The Cuneiform Luwian Adverb zanda together, down. Acts of the VIIth International Congress of Hittitology (orum, August 2531, 2008), A. Sel (ed.). Ankara: Ant. Pp. 299318.

Melchert, Craig (2004). A Dictionary of the Lycian Language. Ann Arbor: Beech Stave Press.

Starke, Frank (1979). Die Funktionen der dimensionalen Kasus und Adverbien im

Althethitischen. StBoT 23. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Yakubovich, Ilya (2010). Hittite aniye/a- to do. Ex Anatolia Lux: Anatolian and Indo-European studies in honor of H. Craig Melchert on the occasion of his sixty-fifth

birthday, Ronald I. Kim et al. (eds.). Ann Arbor: Beech Stave Press, 2010, pp. 375-84.

On the prehistory of Hittite mediopassives in -atta and -ketta

Kazuhiko Yoshida

Kyoto University

The morphological change -a -ta in the Hittite 3 sg. mediopassive ending, which is undoubtedly due to the influence of the 3 sg. athematic active *-t(i), was still

operating during the attested history of Hittite. The fact that -ta is overwhelmingly

favored by preterite mediopassives provides us with crucial evidence that many ta-class

mediopassives were created after the present active 3 sg. *-ti became *-tsi by affrication

that occurred in pre-Hittite. It is interesting that while the change -a -ta was still underway in non-derived mediopassives, the secondarily derived mediopassives in -e/a-

and -ke/a- are always characterized by -tta, not by -a. This fact suggests that the

mediopassives in -e/a- and -ke/a- apparently have a history very different from that of

the non-derived mediopassives.

An important clue to elucidating the affinity of the innovative -ta with the

mediopassives in -e/a- and -ke/a- is gained from the pattern of another morphological

change -a -atta observed in the internal history of Hittite. The change -a -atta is conspicuous in late Hittite. For example, when root ablauting i-verbs such as ni ~ na came to inflect like mi-verbs in -a- in Neo-Hittite (neami, neai, neazzi), their 3 sg.

mediopassives received the attachment of -ta (neattat). Likewise, i-verbs with a root

shape *CeRH- came to have 3 sg. mediopassives in -atta (arratta) in Neo-Hittite only

after the original 3 sg. active -i (rri) was replaced by the new -ai with the secondary thematic -a- (arri). In other words, when the original 3 sg. mediopassive ending -a came to be synchronically perceived as a stem-final element (arri, arranzi, arranta), the ending -ta was added. In either case, the change -a -atta can be paraphrased as the change - -ta as far as the ending itself is concerned, (nea nea-ttat, anna-ri anna-tat). This finding leads us to assume that the change - -ta is to be pushed back to an earlier period when the 3 sg. mediopassives in -e/a- and -ke/a- were characterized

by the zero ending (e.g. *-o-o(r) > *-(r) *-o-(r)). It is to be noted that both verbal classes show fixed stems with a clear-cut boundary between the stem and the ending (e.g.

-e-mi, -e-i, -e-zzi, -a-a, -a-tta, -a-tta).

Anatolisches und indoiranisches Verbum: Erbe und Neuerung