The Provincial

A Collection of Essays on Clothing and Equipment of

Massachusetts Militia

Alexander R. Cain

Table of Contents

A Brief History of the

Massachusetts Militia

Equipment of Massachusetts Militia and

Minute Men in the 18th

Century

“The Leather Scanty and Bad Likewise” An

Analysis of British Weapons Provided to

Massachusetts Provincial Soldiers and Militia

During the French and Indian War

An Overview of Pre-Revolutionary

War Cartridge Box Round Dimensions

Warm Steel: The Lack of Bayonets

Within Massachusetts Militia Companies

“A Smock and Trowsers, Spade and Hoe, Will

Do For My Remaining Day”: An Analysis of

the Use of Farmer’s Smocks by Massachusetts

Militia on April 19, 1775

Runaways, Thieves and Deserters: A Collection

of Newspaper Advertisements From the

Boston Gazette and Providence Journal

A BRIEF HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS MILITIA

When war seemed inevitable with England, the Massachusetts Provincial

Congress turned to the colony’s militia companies to serve as its military arm. The

origins of the Massachusetts militia can be traced back to the reign of Edward I, when

Parliament enacted legislation decreeing that every freeman between the age of fifteen

and sixty was to be available to preserve the peace within his own county or shire.1 In

the towns where the freemen were located, they were organized into military units

known, by the virtue of their periodic training, as “trained bands”. However, when

Parliament, under the rule of Charles II, revised membership requirements, established

payment protocols and appointed officers, trained bands became known as militias. By

the 17th century, militias had become the cornerstone of English society. Thus, when

Plimouth and Massachusetts Bay colonies were founded, the establishment of the militia

naturally followed. In both colonies, every man over sixteen automatically became a

member. Musters were frequent and mandatory and punishments were doled out for

absence or for not being properly equipped. The governor maintained the sole authority

to activate the militia in the time of crisis. Each time a new town sprung up, a militia

company was formed. As the town expanded, additional companies often were created.

When counties were formed, the various town militias within the borders of each county

were organized into regiments. However, with the elimination of the Papist French threat

in 1763, the need for a militia decreased significantly. Companies and regiments of

Massachusetts militia rarely assembled to drill and in turn, were of little military value.

1 Edward M. Harris, Andover in the American Revolution, (Missouri, 1976), 37.

By the eve of the Boston Tea Party, a militia muster was not seen as a gathering of a

military organization, but a family reunion or town holiday.

Yet, to gain exclusive authority over the militia, Congress had to first wrest it

away from the loyalist officers who were firmly in control. To achieve this, it ordered the

militias to “meet forthwith and elect officers to command their respective companies; and

that the officers so chosen assemble as soon as may be . . . and proceed to elect field

officers.”2 Congress also recognized the need to strengthen and revitalize the colony’s

militia system as soon as possible. On October 26, 1774, it first voted to create a

Committee of Safety, charged with the responsibility to “carefully and diligently . . .

inspect and observe all and every such person . . . at any time attempt or enterprise the

destruction, invasion, detriment or annoyance of this Province . . .[and] shall have the

power . . . to alarm, muster, and cause to be assembled with the utmost expedition, and

completely armed, accoutered . . . in their march to the place of rendezvous, such and so

many of the militia of this Province, as they shall judge necessary for the ends aforsaid.”3

To support the logistical needs of the Committee of Safety, a sister committee was

created to gather “such provisions as shall be necessary for [the militia’s] reception and

support, until they shall be discharged by order of the Committee of Safety.”4

In the same stroke, the congressional delegates put in motion the creation of

minuteman companies. In the decades that followed English settlement in

Massachusetts, there was an increasing number of hostile encounters between the

colonists, who expanded further westward into New England, and those Native

2 Ibid.

3 Massachusetts Provincial Congress, Wednesday, October 26, 1774.

4 Ibid.

Americans and French who were in their way.5 Over the next 130 years, to meet this

ever-present threat, Massachusetts witnessed the evolution of a rapid response militia unit

into what would eventually become known as the minutemen. During King Phillips’s

War, Massachusetts ordered one hundred men from each county regiment “to be ready at

an hour’s warning and . . . ready to march and not fail to be at the [appointed]

rendezvous.”6 With the outbreak of King George’s War in 1745, militia commanders

were required to appoint a fraction of their men “to be [ready] at a minutes warning to

march [to the] enemy.”7 When the French and Indian War started, Massachusetts

required that its militia companies to choose particular men “to be completely furnished

with arms and ammunition . . . and hold themselves in readiness to march at a minute’s

warning to such part of the [frontier] or elsewhere as service [is] required.”8 Thus, it was

a natural step for Congress to follow when it ordered

[The] field officers, so elected, forthwith endeavor to enlist one quarter, at the

least, of the number of the respective companies, and form them into companies

of fifty privates . . . who shall equip and hold themselves in readiness, on the

shortest notice from the said Committee of Safety, to march to the place of

rendezvous . . . said companies into battalions, to consist of nine companies each.9

Acting upon Congress’ instructions, recently elected militia officers loyal to the

organization traveled throughout their respective counties calling for minutemen.

Andover’s Samuel Johnson, colonel of the 4th Essex Regiment of Militia, appeared

5 In response to this threat, Massachusetts Bay Colony decentralized its tactical control of the militia and

on September 7, 1643, allowed “in cases of danger and assault, to raise the whole force of the country . . .

and to draw them together to [a place] necessary [for the] defense of the country.” John R. Galvin, The

Minute Men, (Washington, 1989), 10. 6 Ibid, 25.

7 Ibid, 30.

8 Ibid, 41.

9 Ibid.

before each of his companies to recruit and organize companies of minutemen.10

On

February 2, 1775, he spoke to the two companies of Andover’s North Parish militia. At

the conclusion of his lecture, fifty men rushed forward, “more than a third part of whom

are heads of families and men of substance and probity” to enlist.11

That same day, in the

town’s South parish, forty-five men immediately enrolled, being “rather . . . animated . . .

by the late disagreeable news contained in the King’s speech.”12

Most towns had little or no problem finding men who were willing to fill the

necessary ranks of minuteman companies. However, to ensure enlistments, many towns

established an annual salary for those men who joined the ranks of minuteman

companies. Concord passed a resolution, which stated minutemen would receive

“reasonable wages” for service. Worcester established a pay scale structure in the event

hostilities erupted.13

Andover resolved that its minutemen would receive

[From] 25th of October to . . . the 30th day of March . . .eight pence for each half

day they shall be exercised in the art of military . . . and from 30th day of March

to the 30th Day of September . . . one shilling for each half day they shall be

exercised . . . and in the case each soldier shall be called to active service, thirty

six shillings per month.14

Over the years, efforts had been made to establish what the minimum

requirements of arms and accouterments should be when fielding with the militia. Yet

10

Report of the Committee Appointed by the Town of Andover, November 14, 1774. 11

Ibid 12

Ibid. 13

Gross, 60. 14

Report of the Committee Appointed by the Town of Andover, November 14, 1774. In the months after

the Provincial Congress’ minuteman order, many towns went to great lengths to see that its minutemen and

militia were properly armed, equipped and trained. Andover, Lincoln and Acton equipped each of its

minute companies with bayonets, muskets and cartridge boxes. Galvin, 65; In Dudley, a military staff was

created to “assist in settling and establishing of the minnut men.” Harris, 69; When the copy arrived, the

town hired a Mr. George Marsden for thirty dollars to “train the militia in the art of military.” G.W. Chase,

History of Haverhill, (Haverhill, 1861), 375.

despite these efforts, militia and minuteman companies continued to lack a uniform

supply of weapons and equipment.15

On the eve of the American Revolution, militiamen

obtained their weapons from a variety of sources: inheritance, the French and Indian War,

the Siege of Louisbourg and from willing British soldiers stationed in Boston. The result

was a variety of weapons of different caliber, origin and value. It was not uncommon to

see 20 gauge fowlers, 12 gauge fowlers, Brown Bess muskets,16

English doglock muskets

from the King William’s War era, New England doglock muskets, Dutch muskets,

American muskets with parts composed of several sources and French Tulle muskets

within the same militia company. In Lexington, Benjamin Locke’s musket was of French

origin;17

John Parker’s musket was a combination of English, American and French

parts18

and several other militiamen fielded with fowling muskets.

Unlike their British counterpart, bayonets were scarce in Massachusetts Bay

Colony. An April 1775 return to the Provincial Congress indicated that only 10,108

bayonets existed for 21,549 muskets. In short, one bayonet existed for every two

15

After the Battles of Lexington and Concord, Massachusetts continued to set down basic militia

guidelines. In 1776, under the guidance of Colonel Timothy Pickering of Salem, Massachusetts attempted

to again establish a uniform equipment system by requiring each soldier to own "a firelock, bayonet,

waistbelt, a cartridge box, cartridges, and a knapsack." Timothy Pickering, An Easy Plan of Discipline for a

Militia, (Salem, 1775) p. 1-4. In 1778, the Third Bristol County Militia Regiment wanted their men to

have the following at muster: "a good firearm with steel or iron ramrod, and spring to retain the same, a

worm, priming wire and brush, and a bayonet fitted to his gun, a tomahawk or hatchet, a pouch containing a

cartridge box that will hold fifteen rounds of cartridges at least, a hundred of buckshot, a jack knife, and

tow for wadding, six flints, one pound of powder, forty leaden balls fitted to his gun, a knapsack and

blanket, a canteen or wooden bottle sufficient to hold one quart.” Continental Journal and Weekly Adviser,

January 22, 1778. Another early company document mentions “a powderhorn, a bullet pouch to contain 40

leaden balls, a knapsack, a canteen, a firearm of good worth, a haversack, a belt, a good pair of overalls.”

Boston Gazette, May 26, 1777. 16

The Brown Bess Musket was the basic standard combat weapon of the British infantry. It was four feet

ten inches in length, weighed fifteen pounds, had a .75 caliber and an effective range of seventy-five yards.

The lock was over five inches in length, straight edged along the bottom, possessed a flash pan-frizzen

bridle and had the inscriptions of “Tower” for the Royal Arsenal in the Tower of London, the royal cipher

and the letters “GR” for Georgius Rex. 17

Benjamin Locke’s musket is currently in the possession of the Lexington Historical Society. 18

John Parker’s musket is currently on display in the senate chambers of the Massachusetts Statehouse.

soldiers.19

The overwhelming majority of these were socket bayonets of French, British

or American origin. A few provincials possibly owned outdated plug bayonets that saw

service in the 17th century. Yet many substituted this deficiency with other edged

weapons. For those who did not own a bayonet, often a tomahawk, cutlass, hangar or

hatchet was used.

Militia and minutemen varied in other equipment as well. Some carried tin

canteens traceable to the French and Indian War. Others carried glass bottles held in

place by a leather pouch, some carried leather canteens, a number utilized wooden

canteens and perhaps many utilized a hollowed out vegetable known as a gourd. Styles

in knapsacks varied as well. Many militiamen, as was evident by the loss of property

claims following the Battle of Bunker Hill, used a single pouch, double strap knapsack

constructed of heavy linen or canvas.20

Another style utilized was a single strap

knapsack traceable to the French and Indian War. Others relied on a tubular bag known

as a snapsack, while some preferred the use blanket rolls and tumplines, a style popular

both before and after Lexington and Concord.21

19

Galvin, 65. 20

Sundry Petitions to the General Court, 1775 - 1778, Massachusetts Archives, vols 180 -183; Henry M.

Cooke IV, Knapsacks, Snapsacks, Tumplines: Systems for Carrying Food and Clothing Used by Citizens

and Soldeirs in 1775, (Randolph, _ ), 1-3. 21

Ibid.

EQUIPMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS MILITIA AND MINUTE MEN IN THE 18TH

CENTURY.

Unlike the British counterpart, there was no uniform issuance of equipment.

Militia men of Massachusetts acquired their weapons from a variety of sources:

inheritance, the French and Indian War, the Siege of Louisbourg and from willing British

soldiers stationed in Boston. However, throughout the colony’s history, Massachusetts

towns made some attempts to bring some semblance of uniformity to its militia

companies. Militia laws and resolves were passed, although often with little success.

The end result was a widespread mixture of French, British and American weapons and

equipment.

Below are various accounts, regulations and laws regarding the use of militia

weapons and equipment:

1. "Each soldier to provide himself with a good fire arm, a steel or iron ram rod

and a spring for same, a worm, a priming wire and brush, a bayonet fitted to his gun, a

scabbard and belt thereof, a cutting sword or tomahawk or hatchet, a . . .cartridge box

holding fifteen rounds . . . at least, a hundred buckshot, six flints, one pound of powder,

forty leaden balls fitted to the gun, a knapsack and blanket, [and] a canteen or wooden

bottle to hold one quart [of water]" (Journal of Arthur Harris of the Bridgewater Coy of

Militia)

2. "A firelock, bayonet, waistbelt, a cartridge box, cartridges, and a knapsack."

(An Easy Plan of Discipline for a Militia, Timothy Pickering, p. 1-4)

3. "Militia minutemen [who were to] hold themselves in readiness at a minutes

warning, compleat in arms and ammunition; that is to say a good and sufficient firelock,

bayonet, thirty rounds of powder and ball, pouch and knapsack." (Town of Roxbury

Resolves, December 26, 1774)

4. “The Third Bristol County Militia Regiment wanted their men to have the

following at muster: "a good firearm with steel or iron ramrod, and spring to retain the

same, a worm, priming wire and brush, and a bayonet fitted to his gun, a tomahawk or

hatchet, a pouch containing a cartridge box that will hold fifteen rounds of cartridges at

least, a hundred of buckshot, a jack knife, and tow for wadding, six flints, one pound of

powder, forty leaden balls fitted to his gun, a knapsack and blanket, a canteen or wooden

bottle sufficient to hold one quart.” (Continental Journal and Weekly Adviser, January

22, 1778.)

5. Another early company document mentions “a powder horn, a bullet pouch to

contain 40 leaden balls, a knapsack, a canteen, a firearm of good worth, a haversack, a

belt, a good pair of overalls.” (Boston Gazette May 26, 1777)

6. "List of Men & accouterments of Each man [illegible words] Regiment in

Bristol County [Massachusetts]" from private collection. Dated 1776: "Men including

officers - 678, Firearms - 446, Ramrods - 129, Springs - 9, Worms - 160, Priming wires -

193, Brushes - 138, Bayonets - 175, Scabbards - 142, Belts - 181, Cutting swords &

hatchets - 255, Cartridge box and powder - 274, Buckshot - 10373, Jackknives - 403,

Tow for men - 258 flints for men - 2084, pounds powder - 244 1/2, Bullets - 11934,

Knapsack - 365, Blankets - 386, Canteens - 295"

7. Massachusetts militia men were required to fall out with “his firelock in good

repair, four pounds of lead in bullets, fitted to the bore of his piece, four flints, a cutlass

or tomahawk, a good belt round his body, a canvas knapsack to hold a bushel, with a

good matumpline, fitting easy across the breast and shoulders, good clothing, etc.”

(Source undated and unknown, but original shown to Henry Cooke by Peter Oakley in

1995)

8. The Town of Braintree required each soldier furnish himself with “a good fire

lock, bayonett, cartouch box, one pound of powder, twenty-four balls to fitt their guns,

twelve flints and a knapsack.” (Town of Braintree Resolves, January 23, 1775)

9. As militiamen from the village of Lynn marched off to war on April 19, 1775,

an observer noted “[one man with] a long fowling piece, without a bayonet, a horn of

powder, and a seal-skin pouch, filled with bullets and buckshot. . . Here an old soldier

carried a heavy Queen’s arm with which he had done service at the conquest of Canada

twenty years previous, while by his side walked a stripling boy with a Spanish fusee not

half its weight or calibre, which his grandfather may have taken at the Havana, while not

a few had old French pieces, that dated back to the reduction of Louisbourg.” (History of

Lynn, p. 338)

10. Massachusetts provincial soldiers were issued the following items throughout

the French and Indian War: “Canteen, Wooden bottle one hoop” (Massachusetts

Historical Society, Journal of the House of Representatives, vol. 35, p. 287 and 335);

“Knapsacks” (Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the

Massachusetts-Bay, p. 313); “Arms and Cartridge Boxes” (Diary Kept at Louisbourg,

1759-1760, by Jonathan Procter of Danvers, p. 70)

11. “To be sold by John Pim of Boston, Gunsmith, at the Sign of the Cross Guns,

in Anne-Street near the Draw Bridge, at very Reasonable rates, sundry choice of Arms

lately arrived from London, viz. Handy Muskets, Buccaneer-Guns, Fowling Pieces,

Hunting Guns, Carbines, several sorts of Pistols, Brass and Iron, fashionable swords,

&c.” (Boston Newsletter, July 11, 1720)

12. “Newly imported, and sold by Samuel Miller, Gunsmith, at the Sign of the

Cross Guns near the Draw-Bridge, Boston: Neat Fire Arms of all sorts, Pistols, Swords,

Hangars, Cutlasses, Flasks for Horsemen, Firelocks, &c.” (Boston Gazette, May 11,

1742)

13. “Every listed souldier ... shall be alwayes provided with a well fixt firelock

musket, of musket or bastard musket bore, the barrel not less then three foot and a half

long, or other good firearms to the satisfaction of the commission officers of the

company, a snapsack, a coller with twelve bandeleers or cartouch-box, one pound of

good powder, twenty bullets fit for his gun, and twelve flints, a good sword or cutlace, a

worm and priming wire fit for his gun” (Mass. Militia Laws, Nov. 22, 1693)

14. “Every soldyer Shall be well provided w'th a well fixed gun or fuse, Sword or

hatchet, Snapsack, Catouch box, horne Charger & flints” (New Hampshire Militia Laws,

Oct. 7, 1692)

15. “We killed and took about the same number of the enemy. The lieuttenant of

the British company and myself, were foremost, and we advanced on and found their

sleeping-place, and while running it up, the Lieutenant was shot through the vitals and he

died soon thereafter. Thus I was all alone, the remainder of our party not having gained

the summit; the enemy retreated, and i followed them to the other end of the hill. In my

route on the hill, I picked up a good French gun and brought it home with me.” (The Life

of Captain David Perry, A Soldier of the French and Revolutionary Wars)

16. ". . . before I arrived at Concord I see one of the grenadiers standing sentinel.

I cocked my piece and run up to him, seized his gun with my left hand. He surrender his

armor, one gun and bayonet, a large cutlash [cutlass] and brass fender, one box over the

shoulder with twenty-two rounds, one box round the waist with eighteen rounds."

(Pension application of Sylvanus Wood, a Massachusetts militiaman who captured a

British grenadier on April 19, 1775)

17. Equipment lost at Bunkerhill by the men of Captain Currier’s Company,

Colonel Frye’s Regiment: 4 muskets, 5 coats, 5 blankets, 3 greatcoats, 9 snapsacks, 1 pair

of shoes, 2 pairs of socks, 1 hat, 1 pair of “trowsers” and two neckerchiefs. (History of

Amesbury and Merrimac)

18. “Every listed Soldier, and other Householder shall be always provided with a

well fixt Firelock Musket, of Musket or Bastard-Musket bore, the Barrel not less than

three Foot and an half long, or other good Fire Arms to the satisfaction of the

Commission Officers of the Company; a Cartouch Box: one Pound of good Powder:

Twenty Bullets fit for his Gun, and twelve Flynts; a good Sword or Cutlass; a Worm, &

priming Wire, fit for his Gun, on Penalty of six Shillings..." (Boston Newsletter,

February 7, 1733)

19. “A proportion of Ordnance and stores for the intended expedition to North

America. . . By order of the Board dated the 12th of October 1754 . . . For Service of the

two American Regiments . . . Musquets with Bayonets with Nosebands & wood

rammers: 1000 . . . Dutch with nosebands & wood R.: 1000 . . . Cartouch Boxes with

Straps [and] 12 Holes: 2000 . . . Swords with Scabbards with Brass Hilts: 320 . . . with

Iron Hilts: 1800 . . .Halberts: 80.”22

(Braddock's Orderly Books, May 12th, 1755;

Military Affairs in North America)

20. “Return of the Arms & Accoutrements of the following Corps, Lost, and

Broke, on the 19th

April 1775 . . .Firelocks lost: 97 . . . Bayonets lost: 143 . . . Swords

lost: 4 . . . Pouches with shoulder belts lost: 43 . . . Waist belts lost: 52 . . . Slings lost: 70

. . . Cartridge Boxes lost: 10 . . . Sword scabbards lost: 4 . . . Bayonet scabbards lost: 27 .

. . Match cases lost: 3.” (List of muskets and equipment lost by the 4th

, 5th

, 10th

, 18th

, 23rd

,

38th

, 43rd

, 47th

, 52nd

, 59t h

Regiments and Marines. Source: WO 36/3, PRO)

21. “In the name of God amen. On this Eleventh day of December AnnoDom

1754. I Daniel Kimball of Andover in ye county of Essex in the Province of ye

Massachusetts Bay in New England, yeoman being Indisposed in Body but of Perfect

mind and memory and calling to mind my mortality do make and ordain this my last will

and testimony (viz) first of all I remand my soul unto the hands of God that Gave it and

my Body I Comend to the Earth to be Decently Buried at ye Descretion of my Executors

hereafter named. Expecting and Believing ye Resurection of ye same at ye last day--- and

as Touching such worldly Estate as hathe pleased almighty God to Confer upon me. I

give & Dispose of it in ye following maner I(illegible) I will that my just Debt and

funeral Expense shall be truly and fairly paid in convenient time after my decease by my

Executors hereafter named Item . . . I give and Bequethe to my said son Andrew all my

stock of Brutual Creture of Every Name & Kind Together with all my husbandry tools &

Tackling Shop & Coopers Tools also all my Barrel tub rags, Sword, gun, pistol Holster,

Saddle & Grate Bible” (Estate of Daniel Kimball of Andover, Massachusetts Bay

Colony, December 11, 1754)

22. “An Inventory of the Estate of Caleb Coy, late of Wenham, post-oath on by

us the said subscribers this thirtieth day of November, Seventeen Hundred and Fifty Four

in lawfull money: One large flintlock & armour (1lb, 6s, 8d) and one other flintlock £2

10s 4d.” (Estate of Caleb Coy of Wenham, Massachusetts Bay Colony, November 13,

1754)

23. “The following names are a full and Just account of those to whom I the

Subscriber delivered Bayonets in the company under my command in Lexington,

Benjamin Reed, Captain, June 5, 1759… [49 militia men listed]” (Massachusetts Muster

Rolls, Volume 97, Page 216)

22

Although these items were not issued to Massachusetts Provincial Regiments, it is an example of the

possible weapons issued to Massachusetts soldiers.

“THE LEATHER SCANTY AND BAD LIKEWISE”: AN ANALYSIS OF BRITISH

WEAPONS PROVIDED TO MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL SOLDIERS AND

MILITIA DURING THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR23

It has been established by recent historical research that firelocks and equipment

in the hands of Massachusetts militia and minute men on the eve of the American

Revolution came from five primary sources. These sources included imported muskets

sold by local merchants24

; muskets and equipment captured from enemy troops (most

notably the French and Spanish)25

; locally produced weapons; stands of arms issued by

the British government to Massachusetts provincial and militia soldiers during the French

and Indian War; and finally, the rare procurement of a musket from a willing British

soldier stationed in Boston. The purpose of this paper is to examine the fourth source of

weapons and equipment available to Massachusetts troops: stands of arms issued by the

British government to the Massachusetts Bay Colony in support of the military effort

against France.

23

With credit to Jim Mullins’ work Of Sorts for Provincials: American Weapons of the French and Indian

War. I relied heavily upon his work in preparing this paper. 24

“To be sold by John Pim of Boston, Gunsmith, at the Sign of the Cross Guns, in Anne-Street near the

Draw Bridge, at very Reasonable rates, sundry choice of Arms lately arrived from London, viz. Handy

Muskets, Buccaneer-Guns, Fowling Pieces, Hunting Guns, Carbines, several sorts of Pistols, Brass and

Iron, fashionable swords, &c.” (Boston Newsletter, July 11, 1720); “Newly imported, and sold by Samuel

Miller, Gunsmith, at the Sign of the Cross Guns near the Draw-Bridge, Boston: Neat Fire Arms of all sorts,

Pistols, Swords, Hangars, Cutlasses, Flasks for Horsemen, Firelocks, &c.” (Boston Gazette, May 11, 1742) 25

“We killed and took about the same number of the enemy. The lieuttenant of the British company and

myself, were foremost, and we advanced on and found their sleeping-place, and while running it up, the

Lieutenant was shot through the vitals and he died soon thereafter. Thus I was all alone, the remainder of

our party not having gained the summit; the enemy retreated, and i followed them to the other end of the

hill. In my route on the hill, I picked up a good French gun and brought it home with me.” (The Life of

Captain David Perry, A Soldier of the French and Revolutionary Wars). As militiamen from the village of

Lynn marched off to war on April 19, 1775, an observer noted “[one man with] a long fowling piece,

without a bayonet, a horn of powder, and a seal-skin pouch, filled with bullets and buckshot. . . Here an old

soldier carried a heavy Queen’s arm with which he had done service at the conquest of Canada twenty

years previous, while by his side walked a stripling boy with a Spanish fusee not half its weight or calibre,

which his grandfather may have taken at the Havana, while not a few had old French pieces, that dated

back to the reduction of Louisbourg.” (History of Lynn, p. 338)

Historically, during the French wars Massachusetts Bay Colony encouraged its

provincial soldiers to provide their own arms, rather than rely upon the government. For

example, Governor Pownall declared in the Boston Gazette that “as most people in North

America have arms of their own, which from their being accustomed to and being so

much lighter than the Tower Arms, must be more agreeable and proper for them, General

Amherst, as an encouragement for their coming provided with good muskets, engages to

pay every one they shall so bring that may be spoiled or lost in actual service at the rate

of twenty-five shillings sterling.”26

Jonathan Barnard of Waltham, Massachusetts

petitioned the Massachusetts colony to be reimbursed for the loss of a firearm by his son

who was killed “in a battle near Lake George”.27

This effort was met with moderate

success and unfortunately, a shortage still existed. As a result, Massachusetts was forced

to petition Britain for military supplies.

Unfortunately for Massachusetts Bay Colony, the muskets and related equipment

supplied by the British government was not the top of the line. Colonial governments

traditionally received in times of crisis obsolete and older arms from Britain. By

comparison, military regiments stationed at home or in Europe generally received newer,

high-quality arms.

The arms shipped to Massachusetts were generally referred to as a “stand of

arms”. Firearms were issued in complete sets or “stands”, meaning that all of the basic

components and accouterments needed to use the firearm were included. These

components included the firearm itself, a bayonet fitted to the gun, bayonet scabbard,

sling, a belly box with a waist belt and leather frog. Unlike the better quality cartridge

26

Boston Gazette, March 26, 1759. 27

Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, Volume XXXIV, part 2, page 253.

boxes issued to regular regiments, the belly boxes that came with the stands were simple

wooden blocks with cartridge holes drilled in it. Two thin leather strips were nailed to

the front of the box for a waist belt, which carried the frog, scabbard and bayonet.

It appears that the number of rounds a cartridge box could hold varied from box to

box. In a letter of Henry Bouquet to Forbes, dated June 14, 1758, the author notes, “I

have noticed a great inconvenience in the use of cartridge boxes for the provincial troops.

They do not know how to make cartridges, or rather, they take too much time. In the

woods, they seldom have time or places suitable to make them. These cartridge boxes

hold only 9 charges, some twelve, which is not sufficient. I think that their powder horns

and pouches would be more useful, keeping the cartridge box, however, to use in case of

a sudden or night attack.”28

Artifacts recovered from the British man-of-war Invincible, wrecked in the Solent

while sailing for the invasion of Louisbourg in 1758, also provide detailed information

about cartridge boxes. Among the items recovered in 1979 was a nine-hole belly box

with part of the leather flap still intact.29

In the “General Orders of 1757 Issued by the

Earl of Loudoun and Phineas Lyman in the Campaign Against the French”, the orders

indicate effective “July 2d, 1757, at Fort Edward, that Each Man be provided with 24

Rounds of Powder & Ball.”

Bayonets recovered from fortifications located in Maine and manned by

Massachusetts provincial troops suggest the bayonets issued consisted of flat bladed

socket bayonets manufactured in England between 1700 and 1730. At other

28

“The Papers of Henry Bouquet”, Vol. II, p. 88. 29

The flap has a GR cipher and could have belonged to either a marine or one of the invasion force. For a

detailed color picture, see Brian Lavery, “The Royal Navy’s First Invincible”, pp. ix, 70 (1988).

archeological sites in the Lake Champlain region, it appears provincial soldiers were also

issued Dutch rectangular bladed bayonets manufactured in the 1720s.30

Massachusetts soldiers also received powder horns, powder flasks, knapsacks and

bullet pouches. An inventory of equipment provided by the government to

Massachusetts troops participating in the 1755 Crown Point expedition suggests the

following equipment was distributed “1200 cartouch boxes . . . 1500 powder flasks …

1300 powder horns … 1500 worms & 1500 wires . . . 1500 knapsacks and bullet

pouches.”31

Naturally, one must ask what type of musket was issued as part of the stand of

arms. In the fall of 1755, then Governor Shirley described the 2000 stands of arms he

received to include “ Land muskets of the King’s pattern with double bridle locks, old

pattern nosebands and wood rammers.”32

In the spring of 1756, 10,000 stands of arms

were shipped to the colonies, including Massachusetts. The shipment consisted entirely

of “Land service muskets of the King’s pattern with brass furniture, double bridle locks,

wood rammers with bayonets & scabbards and tann’d leather slings.”33

The descriptions

of these muskets, particularly with the emphasis on “double bridle locks”, suggest the

30

On June 5, 1759, Captain Benjamin Reed of the Lexington Training Band submitted the following

information: “The following names are a full and Just account of those to whom I the Subscriber delivered

Bayonets in the company under my command in Lexington, Benjamin Reed, Captain, June 5, 1759… [49

militia men listed]” Massachusetts Muster Rolls, Volume 97, Page 216. Since stands of arms were

delivered to provincial regiments instead of militia companies, it is likely that these bayonets were locally

produced instead of being part of a stand of arms. On the other hand, in 1758 there was a shortage in

Massachusetts of stands of arms due to delivery errors by both England and Massachusetts. As a result,

local blacksmiths were recruited to produce bayonets. As a result, it is possible, but unlikely, that the

bayonets issued in 1759 to the Training Band were intended to make up for the shortfalls of the 1758 stands

of arms. 31

List of articles provided and providing by the Committee of War in Massachusetts for the Crown Point

Expedition. June 7, 1755. 32

Shirley to Robinson, September 28, 1755; October 13, 1755. 33

Shirley to Sharpe, April 24, 1756.

muskets issued to Massachusetts provincial troops was the 1742 King’s Pattern (often

and erroneously referred to as the 1st Model Brown Bess).

The 1742 King’s Pattern was the successor to the 1730 pattern and represented

the majority of muskets shipped from England to Massachusetts during the French and

Indian War. The 1742 musket’s overall length was 61 11/16 inches, its barrel length was

45 1/2 inches and its caliber was .77. This firelock featured a double bridled firelock, a

wood ramrod, a brass nose band to slow wear on the fore end of the stock and a

redesigned oval trigger lock. All furniture was brass.

However, the 1742 pattern was not the only type of musket delivered to

Massachusetts. Because the British government could not always keep up with demand

and wartime shortages, the colonies also received Dutch muskets produced between 1706

and 1730. Dutch muskets were generally 61 3/8 inches in length; its barrel was 45 7/8

inches and had a caliber of .78. Its furniture was composed of iron or brass, the ramrods

were made of wood and the lock plate was rounded (as opposed to flat). As described

above, the accompanying bayonets were short-shanked rectangular blades.34

Unfortunately, these muskets were in less than ideal condition when they arrived

in Boston. In July 16, 1756, Colonel John Winslow and Lieutenant Colonel George Scott

both complained that the arms they received “are in very bad condition.”35

That same

year, Virginia’s Lieutenant Governor Robert Dinwiddie complained about a shipment of

arms that was received and slated to be shared amongst the American colonies, including

Massachusetts. According to Dinwiddie, the stands of arms were “in a very rusty

34

It is possible Massachusetts received shipments of the 1730 King’s Pattern, although more research is

necessary. 35

Provincial Papers of New Hampshire, page 396.

condition, and it w’d appear they had been under water for months.”36

The previous year,

on September 28, 1755, Governor Shirley and Major General William Pepperrell both

received correspondence highlighting the inadequacies of weapons and equipment sent to

Massachusetts provincials. “The locks being wore out and the hammers so soft, that

notwithstanding repeated repairs they are most unfit for service, particularly Sir William

Pepperrell’s Regiment being old Dutch arms. The holes of the pouches and boxes are so

small that they cannot receive the Cartridge, nor is there substance of the wood, to widen

them sufficiently. The leather scanty and bad likewise.”37

In the eyes of the British government, the stands of arms provided to

Massachusetts soldiers were property of His Majesty and were expected to be returned to

officials at the end of each campaign. Yet despite the existing deficiencies,

Massachusetts soldiers often refused to return these stands of arms. In 1757, the British

Comptroller Furnis complained “out of the 2,000 [stands of arms] issued to the Province

of the Massachusetts Bay, he has just yet received 300 only.”38

Two years later,

Governor Pownall complained “I had caused about three thousand stand of arms to be

delivered to the men, raised the last year for His Majesty’s service, under General

Abercromby; I have an account of one hundred and fifteen only, as yet returned.”39

Assuming the numbers are accurate, at least 4585 British and Dutch muskets,

belly boxes and bayonets remained in the hands of the Massachusetts provincials by

1759. As to how many of these retained muskets and equipment were used at the outset

of the American Revolution more research needs to be conducted. However, it is highly

36

Dinwiddie to Lord Loudon. 37

Public Records Office (PRO) CO, 5/46. 38

Furnis Letterbook, March 7, 1757. 39

Address of Governor Pownall to the Massachusetts House of Representatives, January 6, 1759.

plausible that many of these muskets, especially the 1742 King’s Pattern, were utilized by

Massachusetts militia and minute companies on April 19, 1775 and during the subsequent

Siege of Boston.

AN OVERVIEW OF PRE-REVOLUTIONARY WAR

CARTRIDGE BOX ROUND DIMENSIONS

In the spring of 1775, Massachusetts residents struggled to equip its fledgling

provincial army of minute and militiamen. One problem the Committee of Safety

recognized was the need to properly carry bullet rounds, commonly referred to as

cartridges. Although hunting pouches were more commonplace among Massachusetts

soldiers, cartridge boxes of French, British and Provincial origin were utilized on April

19, 1775. A short review of Massachusetts’s militia laws and resolves on the eve of

Lexington and Concord reveals the urgency for the adoption of cartridge boxes by

provincial militia men.40

Yet despite this demand for the adoption of such an item, by

1776 the results were discouraging. For example, of the 678 men and officers in a Bristol

County militia regiment, only a mere 274 men had obtained cartridge boxes.41

In light of this attempt, the question arises what did these boxes look like?

Naturally, the design varied from maker to maker. A French box from the Siege of

Louisbourg varied from a Massachusetts box made for the 1759 campaign against the

French. Yet, in light of these differences, the more important question is, given the

40

"Each soldier to provide himself with a good fire arm, a steel or iron ram rod and a spring for same, a

worm, a priming wire and brush, a bayonet fitted to his gun, a scabbard and belt thereof, a cutting sword or

tomahawk or hatchet, a . . .cartridge box holding fifteen rounds . . . at least, a hundred buckshot, six flints,

one pound of powder, forty leaden balls fitted to the gun, a knapsack and blanket, [and] a canteen or

wooden bottle to hold one quart [of water]” Journal of Arthur Harris of the Bridgewater Coy of Militia.;

“Militia minutemen [who were to] hold themselves in readiness at a minutes warning, compleat in arms and

ammunition; that is to say a good and sufficient firelock, bayonet, thirty rounds of powder and ball, pouch

and knapsack." Town of Roxbury Resolves, December 26, 1774; The Town of Braintree required each

soldier furnish himself with “a good fire lock, bayonet, cartouch box, one pound of powder, twenty-four

balls to fitt their guns, twelve flints and a knapsack.” Town of Braintree Resolves, January 23, 1775. 41

"List of Men & accouterments of each man [illegible words] Regiment in Bristol County

[Massachusetts]" from private collection. Dated 1776: "Men including officers - 678, Firearms - 446,

Ramrods - 129, Springs - 9, Worms - 160, Priming wires - 193, Brushes - 138, Bayonets - 175, Scabbards -

142, Belts - 181, Cutting swords & hatchets - 255, Cartridge box and powder - 274, Buckshot - 10373,

Jackknives - 403, Tow for men - 258 flints for men - 2084, pounds powder - 244 1/2, Bullets - 11934,

Knapsack - 365, Blankets - 386, Canteens - 295".

accuracy of smooth-bore muskets, the intended purpose of a socket bayonet and the

shortage of such edged weapons within the Massachusetts army, of those boxes that were

present on April 19th, how many rounds did these boxes contain?

It appears that the number of rounds a cartridge box could hold varied from box to

box. According to the Reverend Samuel Chandler, the French cartridge boxes he

observed during the French and Indian War contained “3 rows, 10 in a row, 30 cartridges

and 30 bullets lose.”42

The list of stores for General Braddock’s expedition, dated

October 12, 1754, revealed “For service of the two Irish Regiments: . . . Cartouch Boxes

with Straps . . .12 holes . . . 1400; “For service of the Two American Regiments:

Cartouch Boxes with straps . . .12 holes . . . 2000.”43

In a letter of Henry Bouquet to

Forbes, dated June 14, 1758, the author notes, “I have noticed a great inconvenience in

the use of cartridge boxes for the provincial troops. They do not know how to make

cartridges, or rather, they take too much time. In the woods, they seldom have time or

places suitable to make them. These cartridge boxes hold only 9 charges, some twelve,

which is not sufficient. I think that their powder horns and pouches would be more

useful, keeping the cartridge box, however, to use in case of a sudden or night attack.”44

Artifacts recovered from the British man-of-war Invincible, wrecked in the Solent

while sailing for the invasion of Louisbourg in 1758, also provide detailed information

about cartridge boxes. Among the items recovered in 1979 was a nine-hole belly box

with part of the leather flap still intact.45

In the “General Orders of 1757 Issued by the

42

“Extracts from the Diary of Rev. Samuel Chandler . . .” New England Historical Genealogical Register,

Vol. XVII (1863), p. 346-354. 43

Stanley Pargellis, “Military Affairs in North America 1748-1765: Selected Documents from the

Cumberland Papers in Windsor Castle, p. 486 (1936), p. 2. 44

“The Papers of Henry Bouquet”, Vol. II, p. 88. 45

The flap has a GR cipher and could have belonged to either a marine or one of the invasion force. For a

Earl of Loudoun and Phineas Lyman in the Campaign Against the French”, the orders

indicate effective “July 2d, 1757, at Fort Edward, that Each Man be provided with 24

Rounds of Powder & Ball.” In 1758, the amount of ammunition carried was increased to

36 rounds as found in Montpenny’s Orderly Book. On September 17, 1758, the “Brigade

Major (was) to review the men for duty dayly on the parade before they mount Guard &

see that they have their blankets & provisions, & also 36 rounds of ammunition.”

Provincial boxes also varied in the number of rounds on the eve of Lexington and

Concord. A belly box recovered in Middlesex County had twelve rounds with an

additional seven added when a second block was nailed to the first.46

Another box

unearthed in Southern Massachusetts had 23 rounds,47

while a box on display at Fort

Ticonderoga had 24 rounds.48

Militia laws and resolves also provided some insight into

how many rounds a cartridge box should have, although it appears a minimum number

was left undecided. The Town of Bridgewater expected its soldiers to be equipped with a

“pouch containing a cartridge box that will hold fifteen rounds of cartridges, at least.”49

Roxbury required every militia and minute man to carry “thirty rounds of gunpowder and

ball.”50

Finally, when the Commonwealth adopted Timothy Pickering’s drill in 1776 for

its soldiers and militia, the number of rounds for a cartridge box was never addressed.51

Clearly, the variety of cartridge box rounds posed a problem for Massachusetts

militia on April 19, 1775. However, as Lt. William Sutherland recalled, “[The] fire now

detailed color picture, see Brian Lavery, “The Royal Navy’s First Invincible”, pp. ix, 70 (1988). 46

This box may be viewed at Minute Man National Historical Park, Concord, Massachusetts. 47

George C. Neumann, Collector’s Encyclopedia of the American Revolution, (Texas, 1997), p. 68. 48

Ibid, p. 74. 49

Journal of Arthur Harris of Bridgewater. (Emphasis added) 50

Town Resolve of Roxbury, December 26, 1774. 51

One may argue this is evidence of the variety of cartridge boxes and their number of rounds within the

colony.

never slackened . . .as we left Concord, but always found it heavier . . . where we saw

these partys upon the heights.”52

Whether the heavy and constant fire was attributable to

the number of militiamen on the field, the supplementing of cartridge boxes with pouches

or both is an issue that remains to be resolved.

52

Report of Lieutenant William Sutherland to Major Kemble, April 27, 1775.

WARM STEEL: THE LACK OF BAYONETS WITHIN

MASSACHUSETTS MILITIA COMPANIES

The origins of the bayonet can be traced back to 17th

century France. The first

recorded military use of this weapon by the French army was in 1642. Twenty years

later, the British army also adopted bayonets.53

The early version was known as the

“plug bayonet”: a dagger having a tapered handle for insertion into the muzzle of a

soldier’s musket.54

However, the plug bayonet had its limitations. Soldiers could not fire

their muskets when the bayonet was inserted in the muzzle; the plug bayonet often

jammed and it was easily lost during close combat. By 1720, both England and France

adopted the socket bayonet. The socket bayonet, which slipped over the barrel of a

musket, remained in use throughout the American Revolution.

The bayonet was an offensive tool with the dual purpose of serving as a weapon

during close quarter combat and, at the same time, instilling “shock and awe” in the

enemy. Many 18th

century European battles were decided by close combat involving

edged weapons. More importantly, on more than one occasion during the Revolution, the

mere sight of British or German soldiers fixing bayonets often instilled fear in

undisciplined opponents and inspired the American army to flee from the field.

However, Massachusetts militiamen were very reluctant to adopt this important

weapon. In his work Swords and Blades of the American Revolution, George Neuman

correctly argues “When the . . . bayonet . . . gained acceptance throughout Europe in the

late 1600s the Americans apparently used it sparingly . . . [Specifications] by most

53

George C. Neumann, Swords and Blades of the American Revolution, (Rebel Publishing Company,

Texas 1991) p. 22. 54

Ibid.

colonies for their militia continued to stress swords and hatchets as the recommended

side arms. Bayonets appear to have finally begun to receive official endorsement during

the 1740s – but even then only as an elective alternate to the sword or hatchet.”55

This

perception continued through the early years of the American Revolution. On April 14,

1775, a return of arms and equipment for Massachusetts militia revealed there were only

10,108 bayonets available for 21,549 muskets. The following year, an inspection of a

Bristol County militia regiment suggests that there were only 175 bayonets available for

446 muskets.56

As late as 1777, a Boston Gazette advertisement encouraged militia men

to acquire “a powder horn, a bullet pouch to contain 40 leaden balls, a knapsack, a

canteen, a firearm of good worth, a haversack, a belt, [and] a good pair of overalls,” but

failed to endorse bayonets.57

Naturally, this begs the question why was the bayonet in short supply in 18th

Century Massachusetts? It appears two factors influenced this condition, economics and

governmental policy. In regard to the former, many gunsmiths actually elected not to sell

bayonets to their customers. For example, John Pim of Boston advertised “To be sold by

John Pim of Boston, Gunsmith, at the Sign of the Cross Guns, in Anne-Street near the

Draw Bridge, at very Reasonable rates, sundry choice of Arms lately arrived from

London, viz. Handy Muskets, Buccaneer-Guns, Fowling Pieces, Hunting Guns, Carbines,

several sorts of Pistols, Brass and Iron, fashionable swords.”58

Twenty-two years later,

55

Ibid at 23-24. 56

"List of Men & accouterments of Each man [illegible words] Regiment in Bristol County

[Massachusetts]" from private collection. Dated 1776: "Men including officers - 678, Firearms - 446,

Ramrods - 129, Springs - 9, Worms - 160, Priming wires - 193, Brushes - 138, Bayonets - 175, Scabbards -

142, Belts - 181, Cutting swords & hatchets - 255, Cartridge box and powder - 274, Buckshot - 10373,

Jackknives - 403, Tow for men - 258 flints for men - 2084, pounds powder - 244 1/2, Bullets - 11934,

Knapsack - 365, Blankets - 386, Canteens - 295" 57

Boston Gazette May 26, 1777. 58

Boston Newsletter, July 11, 1720.

Samuel Miller announced “Newly imported, and sold by Samuel Miller, Gunsmith, at the

Sign of the Cross Guns near the Draw-Bridge, Boston: Neat Fire Arms of all sorts,

Pistols, Swords, Hangars, Cutlasses, Flasks for Horsemen, Firelocks.”59

Although business choices severely limited a militia man’s access to a bayonet,

early government policy actually discouraged the use of bayonets. Most likely, officials

saw little use for the bayonet on the battlefields of North America. As early as 1693,

Massachusetts Militia laws dictated that “Every listed souldier ... shall be alwayes

provided with a well fixt firelock musket, of musket or bastard musket bore, the barrel

not less then three foot and a half long, or other good firearms to the satisfaction of the

commission officers of the company, a snapsack, a coller with twelve bandeleers or

cartouch-box, one pound of good powder, twenty bullets fit for his gun, and twelve flints,

a good sword or cutlace, a worm and priming wire fit for his gun.”60

In 1733, it was

advertised “Every listed Soldier, and other Householder shall be always provided with a

well fixt Firelock Musket, of Musket or Bastard-Musket bore, the Barrel not less than

three Foot and an half long, or other good Fire Arms to the satisfaction of the

Commission Officers of the Company; a Cartouch Box: one Pound of good Powder:

Twenty Bullets fit for his Gun, and twelve Flynts; a good Sword or Cutlass; a Worm, &

priming Wire, fit for his Gun, on Penalty of six Shillings...”61

During the French and Indian War, not all Massachusetts provincial soldiers were

issued bayonets. Some were only provided with a “Canteen, Wooden bottle one hoop . . .

59

Boston Gazette, May 11, 1742. 60

Massachusetts Militia Laws, Nov. 22, 1693. Likewise, in New Hampshire, the colony declared “Every

soldyer Shall be well provided w'th a well fixed gun or fuse, Sword or hatchet, Snapsack, Catouch box,

horne Charger & flints.” New Hampshire Militia Laws, Oct. 7, 1692. 61

Boston Newsletter, February 7, 1733.

Knapsacks…Arms and Cartridge Boxes.”62

Even on the eve of the American Revolution,

regulations still discouraged the adoption of bayonets as a primary weapon.

Massachusetts militia men were required to fall out with “his firelock in good repair, four

pounds of lead in bullets, fitted to the bore of his piece, four flints, a cutlass or tomahawk,

a good belt round his body, a canvas knapsack to hold a bushel, with a good matumpline,

fitting easy across the breast and shoulders, good clothing, etc.”63

Thus, when war seemed inevitable with England, Massachusetts militia and

minute man companies scrambled to adopt bayonets. On October 25, 1774, the

Massachusetts Provincial Congress ordered 5,000 bayonets produced.64

In Lexington,

the residents resolved “to provide bayonets at the town’s cost for one third of the training

soldiers.”65

In Roxbury, minutemen were ordered to “hold themselves in readiness at a

minutes warning, compleat in arms and ammunition; that is to say a good and sufficient

firelock, bayonet, thirty rounds of powder and ball, pouch and knapsack.”66

In

Bridgewater, Arthur Harris noted “Each soldier to provide himself with a good fire arm, a

steel or iron ram rod and a spring for same, a worm, a priming wire and brush, a bayonet

fitted to his gun, a scabbard and belt thereof, a cutting sword or tomahawk or hatchet, a . .

.cartridge box holding fifteen rounds . . . at least, a hundred buckshot, six flints, one

pound of powder, forty leaden balls fitted to the gun, a knapsack and blanket, [and] a

canteen or wooden bottle to hold one quart [of water]”67

62

Massachusetts Historical Society, Journal of the House of Representatives, vol. 35, p. 287 and 335; Acts

and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, p. 313; Diary Kept at

Louisbourg, 1759-1760, by Jonathan Procter of Danvers, p. 70. 63

Source undated and unknown, but original shown to Henry Cooke by Peter Oakley in 1995. 64

Resolves of Massachusetts Provincial Congress, October 25, 1774. 65

Declarations and Resolves, Town of Lexington, December 28, 1774. 66

Declarations and Resolves, Town of Roxbury, December 26, 1774. 67

Journal of Arthur Harris of the Bridgewater Coy of Militia.

Even as the Regulars retreated from Concord, the desperate need for obtaining

bayonets was apparent. According to Sylvanus Wood, when he encountered a straggling

grenadier, “I cocked my piece and run up to him, seized his gun with my left hand. He

[surrendered] his armor, one gun and bayonet, a large cutlash [cutlass] and brass fender,

one box over the shoulder with twenty-two rounds, one box round the waist with eighteen

rounds.”68

According to official British reports, the largest pieces of equipment lost on

April 19th were bayonets. “Return of the Arms & Accoutrements of the following Corps,

Lost, and Broke, on the 19th

April 1775 . . .Firelocks lost: 97 . . . Bayonets lost: 143 . . .

Swords lost: 4 . . . Pouches with shoulder belts lost: 43 . . . Waist belts lost: 52 . . . Slings

lost: 70 . . . Cartridge Boxes lost: 10 . . . Sword scabbards lost: 4 . . . Bayonet scabbards

lost: 27 . . . Match cases lost: 3.” 69

The shortage of bayonets continued to be a source of frustration in the aftermath

of Lexington and Concord. Although France and other European nations began to supply

the American army with bayonets in 1776, the problem did not subside within the ranks

of militia. In fact, this deficiency remained unresolved until the federal government

passed the United States Militia Act of 1792, which required every militia man to have a

bayonet fitted to his musket.

68

Pension application of Sylvanus Wood, a Massachusetts militiaman who captured a British grenadier on

April 19, 1775. 69

WO 36/3, PRO.

“A SMOCK AND TROWSERS, SPADE AND HOE, WILL DO FOR MY

REMAINING DAYS”: AN ANALYSIS OF THE USE OF FARMER’S SMOCKS BY

MASSACHUSETTS MILITIA ON APRIL 19, 1775

Since 2000, a growing number of reenactors have been relying upon farmer’s

frocks as their primary outer clothing for the reenactments of the Battles of Lexington

and Concord and the British Retreat to Boston. The purpose of this paper is to examine

the appropriateness of this clothing item, especially in light of recent research.

A frock (often erroneously called a “smock”) was an oversized shirt made out of

heavy linen that was worn by laborers, farmers, sailors and soldiers70

to protect their

clothing from dust, tears, rips and bad weather while in the field or at work (See figures 1

and 2). Frocks were quite common in Europe. However, sources do indicate that frocks

were also in existence in New England on the eve of the American Revolution. To quote

John Adams, “a frock and trowsers, spade and hoe, will do for my remaining days.”71

Ebenezer Blancher had on “frock and trowsers, over a dark homespun jacket and

breeches” when he fled from his employer in 1770.72

Finally, period paintings also seem

to support the existence of frocks in 18th

century New England. In Copley’s Watson and

the Shark, a least one of the sailors is depicted wearing a linen frock. Likewise, in the

1770 mezzotint entitled A Scene Near Cox Heath, or The Enraged Farmer a pitchfork

wielding farmer is depicted in a knee length frock, flop hat and farmer’s boots.

70

According to Captain John Chester July 22, 1775 letter, his Connecticut regiment responded to the Battle

of Bunker Hill by marching out of Cambridge clad in “frocks and trousers on over our other clothes (for

our company is in uniform wholly blue turned up with red,) for we were loth to expose ourselves by our

dress.” 71

Letter from John Adams to Abigail Adams, July 7, 1774. 72

Boston Gazette, February 26, 1770.

However, a frock should not be confused with a hunting shirt. According to John

Trumball, “you express apprehension that the rifle dress of General Morgan may be

mistaken for a waggoner’s frock, which he, perhaps wore when on expedition with

General Braddock; there is no more resemblance between the two dresses, than between a

cloak and a coat; the waggoner’s frock was intended as the present cartman’s to cover

and protect their other clothes and is merely a long coarse shirt reaching below the knee .

. . the dress of the riflemen . . . was an elegant loose dress . . . with fringes in various

locations.”73

Given the documentation that frocks did exist in 18th

century Massachusetts, the

next logical question is whether frocks were considered a fashionable clothing items

worn to town meetings, religious gatherings and political protests or a piece of equipment

limited in use to the field and shop. A review of probate inventories, period political

cartoons and the actions of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress suggest that on the eve

of the American Revolution frocks were little more than a coverall, were of little value to

its owners and were not worn outside of the workplace.

Probate records comprise all materials related to a deceased’s estate. Documents

often found in probate records include wills, administration accounts and estate

inventories. Of these documents, estate inventories are often the most significant as it

lists a person’s possessions at death and their rated or fair market value. Interestingly,

estate inventories from 18th

Century Middlesex, Essex and Norfolk Counties reveals

extensive information about male clothing and their worldly possessions, but yield no

information about frocks. For example, an inventory of the estate of Samuel Jones

describes in detail a wide array of personal items, including one hat, three coats, five

73

Cited in Tidings from the 18th Century, Beth Gilgun (Texarkana, 1993), p. 104.

breeches, over eight shirts and seven pairs of stockings.74

However, a frock was

noticeably absent from the inventory list. Similarly, a review of William Wilson estate

details a wide array of personal items and belongings, including “one staffe….one gun”,

but fails to reference a frock.75

The inventory list of Job Brooks went to great length to

identify his worldly belongings and included references to insignificant items such as a

hat case and garters. Unfortunately, a frock was never identified amongst his personal

clothing.76

Given that such minor items as staffs, hat cases and garters are listed in estate

inventories, but frocks are not, it is likely 18th

century farmers did not view this item as

part of a their personal clothing and belongings. However, frocks were not listed

amongst farm equipment, livestock or household goods for Job Brooks and Samuel Jones

of Concord and Joseph Bridge of Lexington either.77

This suggests that frocks were

merely seen as minor equipment or disposable pieces of fabric that covered other clothing

for the purpose of keeping it clean. When frocks outlived their usefulness, they were

discarded and replaced.78

Furthermore, period paintings and cartoons support the theory that smocks were

unlikely to be worn beyond the field or shop. For example, Revere’s Bloody Massacre

depicts the Boston populace clad in jackets and frock coats. A 1773 print of a tarring and

feathering of a government official in Boston show a Boston mob clad in jackets and

74

An Inventory of the Personal Estate . . . of Mr. Samuel Jones, yeoman, Late of Concord . . .Taken . . . by

us The subscribers December, 1755. 75

Inventory of the Real and Personal Estate of William Wilson Gentleman taken October 17, 1741. 76

An Inventory of the Estate Real and Personal whereof Mr. Job Brooks Late of Concord in the County of

Middlesex yeoman, Deceased September, 1794. 77

Mr. Joseph Bridge died in 1776. 78

This is not to say that frocks did not eventually become acceptable fashion. By the 1840s, the men of

Weare, New Hampshire continuously wore frocks. During the week, they donned striped frocks. On

Sunday, white frocks were worn to religious services. See Figures 1 and 2 for examples of 19th

century

frocks.

sailors coats. Absent are frocks. (See Figure 3) The cartoon Political Electricity depicts

the Boston working class clad only in jackets. The 1775 Doolittle prints depict the

Lexington militiamen in brown and blue coats. The 1774 print The Bostonians Paying

the Excise Man or Tarring and Feathering shows five Bostonians assaulting a customs

commissioner. The Bostonians are all wearing frock coats and sailor’s jackets (see

Figure 4).

Finally, there is the decision by the Massachusetts Provincial Congress regarding

the provincial soldiers surrounding Boston. According to Henry Cooke, Congress chose

to clothe these troops in “bounty coats”. These coats were modeled after common

laborer jackets and from a deliberate political standpoint represented the citizen soldier

and America’s self sufficiency in the face of England’s colonial policies.79

Interestingly,

the Massachusetts Provincial Congress never considered clothing its soldiers uniformly in

frocks.

Were frocks worn by Massachusetts militia on April 19, 1775? The answer is

possibly. However, it is unlikely frocks were worn by militia men from Central

Middlesex County, between Medford and Concord, due to the fact they were alarmed

well before sunrise on April 19, 1775 . On the other hand, militia and minute companies

located in Northern and Eastern Essex, Northwestern Middlesex, Worcester, Norfolk and

Barnstable Counties all received the Lexington alarm between 5 AM and Noon. For

these militiamen, they were already in the fields and shops when news of the British

expedition towards Concord arrived. Many farmers and laborers immediately sprung into

action, abandoned their plows and shops and raced to the appointed assembly site. As a

result, many militia men from those counties may have fielded in smocks.

79

The Massachusetts Bounty Coat, Henry Cooke (Randolph, 1998), p. 4.

Given the above, reenactors portraying militia and minute companies that

mobilized on April 19, 1775 prior to 5 AM should consider prohibiting or discouraging

frocks from its ranks. However, for those organizations that portray militia or minute

companies that alarmed after 5 AM, members could be permitted to wear frocks.

Figure 1: Mid 19

th Century frock of heavy gray linen with wide collar edged in double cross-stitch; front

and back made alike with coarse smocking and three pearl buttons. Shoulder reinforcements and cuffs

edged with double cross-stitch. Some smocking on upper part of sleeve. (Old Sturbridge Village)

Figure 2: Mid-19

th Century Smock (Old Sturbridge Village)

Figure 3

Figure 4

Runaways, Thieves and Deserters: A Collection of Newspaper

Advertisements from the Boston Gazette and Providence Journal

1. May 28, 1763

Lost last Monday evening, Somewhere on Seaquonk Plains, the following Artilcles, Vis.,

Twelve yards of Strip'd Poplin,- five Gauze Handkerchiefs, and one Silk Ditto, Three

Yards of open Lawn, One small piece of Cambrick, and another of plain Lawn. These

Goods were all pack'd up in a Pair of Saddlebags, with Sundry other Things, and were all

lost together; but the next Morning the Bags were left by a Traveller at a Tavern near the

Plains, with the above articles missing, -- Whoever will deliver said Goods, or give

information where they may be obtained, either to Robert Bentley, in Boston, or the

Printer hereof, Shall be handsomely rewarded for their trouble.

ROBERT BENTLEY

Providence Gazette, May, 1763

2. "Rehoboth, August 12, 1763

Runaway from his master, Samuel Whitman, of Rehoboth, on Monday the 25th of July,

an Apprentice Lad, about 17 years of age, named Edward Green, a Shoemaker by trade.

Had on when he went away, a blue coat, green Jacket, a light coloured pair of breeches,

and wore his own hair: He is a short, thick fellow. Whoever takes up said lad, and returns

him to his Master, or secures him in any of his Majesty's Gaols, so that he may be had

again, shall receive THREE DOLLARS Reward, and all necessary Charges paid, by,

SAMUEL WHITMAN

N.B. All Masters of Vessels and others are forewarned either secreting or carring off said

Fellow, as they would avoid the Penalty of the Law.

Providence Gazette, August 13, 1763"

3. August 15, 1767, Providence Gazette

Ran away from me the Subscriber, on the 4th instant, an apprentice Lad named Uriah

Stone, about 18 years of Age; he is Short in Stature, and of a dark Complexion. He had

on when he went away a Flannel Jacket without Sleeves, a striped Tow Shirt, a Pair of

Short Wide Trowsers, and an Old Felt Hat. Whoever Apprehends said Lad and brings

him to his Master Sall be resonably rewarded for their Trouble.

NATHANIEL BROWN

Rehoboth, August 13, 1767

4. January 12, 1771, Providence Gazette

Friday Se'nnight a transient Person, who called his name M'Farland, went to the house of

Mr. Joseph Franklin, at the Upper Ferry, in Rehoboth, and under the Pretence of hunting

a Partridge in the Woods adjacent, took a Gun belonging to the House, and made off,

which he afterwards sold at Diton (Dighton, ed.), where he called himself Allen Fanning.

He had a blue Double-breasted Cloth Jacket, blue Cloth Breeches and had Black Hair.

5. Run away from the Subscriber, at Attleborough, on the 25th of July, a Lad about 17

years old, named Issac Allen, a thick chunky Fellow, about five Feet six Inches high, of a

pale swarthy Complexion, has dark brown Hair, which he sometimes wears ty'd: Had on

and took with him, when he went away, two Tow Shirts, one Check Linnen Ditto, a Pair

of short wide Trowsers, a striped Flannel Jacket, a black Ditto, a yellow doubled and

twisted Coat, two Hats, a Black Barcelona handkerchief, a Pair of Check Linen Trowsers,

two Pair of Stockings, and one Pair of new Shoes.

Whoever takes up said Runaway, and brings him to his Master, shall have Two Dollars

Reward, and all necessary Charges, paid by me.

JOHN FISHER

Providence Gazette, Aug. 3, 1771

6. SIX DOLLARS Reward

Run away from the Subscriber, last Monday night, an indentured Irish Servant Lad,

named Patrick Sullivan, about 17 Years of Age, smooth faced, has black hair, pretty tall,

and something slim made, has been about three Months in Country, and can whistle

remarkably soft and fine: Had on, when he went away, a short blue Sailor's Jacket, a

striped under Ditto, and a Pair of Tow Trowsers. He took with him a Bundle containing

some Shirts and a brownish coloured half worn Thick-Set Coat. Whoever takes up said

Runaway, and bring him to my House, on Taunton Green, shall have the above Reward,

and all necessary Charges, paid by,

ROBERT CALDWELL

N.B. It is thought he is gone up the Country.

Taunton, November 11, 1771

Providence Gazette, November 16, 1771

7. RUN away from the Subscribers, last night, two indentured Servant; one belonging to

Henry Bowers, of Swansey; he is known by the Name of James Hill, is about 5 Feet 10

Inches high, speaks very good Spanish, and some French; Had on when he went away a

blue jacket, red Duffil Trowsers, and a Check Shirt; but will probably change his Dress,

as he has other Cloaths with him. -- The other belonging to Dr William M'Kinstry, he is a

straight well-limbed Fellow, about 5 Feet 10 Inches high, has dark brown straight Hair,

not long, about 25 Years of Age, and speaks English and Irish fluently; Had on a home-

made light brown Surtout, two thirds worn, a new blue Broadcloth Coat, lined with green

Baise, and Breeches of the same; he is a Weaver by Trade, and has some weaving tools

with him.

Whoever takes up the above Runaways, and secures them in any of his Majesty's Goals,

shall have Eight Dollars Reward, or Four Dollars for either of them.

HENRY BOWERS

WILLIAM MCKINSTRY

Taunton, January 6, 1772

Providence Gazette, Jan. 11, 1772

8. Run away from the Subscriber, the Night of the 5th of April last, an Apprentice Lad,

named Danile Bowen, about 20 years of Age, about 5 feet and a Half high, has brown

Hair, grey eyes, is something round Shouldered, and understands making Buckles; Had

on when he went away a new Felt Hat, a blue double breasted Jacket, with flowered

Pewter Buttons, striped underflannel Jacket, Striped Flannel Shirt, Leather Breeches, and

Yarn Stockings. Whoever takes up said Runaway, and brings him to his Master, Shall

have Two Dollars Reward, and all necessary Charges, paid by

BENJAMIN KINGSLEY

Rehoboth, April 25, 1772

Providence Gazette, April 25, 1772

9. RUN away from the Subscriber, of Norton, in the County of Bristol, on the 2d Day of

December last, an Apprentice lad, named William Haradon, in the 18th Year of his Age,

about 5 Feet 10 Inches high; had on when he went away a Felt Hat, a light coloured

Surtout, a dark brown homespun Coat, a striped Waistcoat, Leather Breeches, and striped

Trowsers. He is of a light Complexion, and has dark brown Hair. If the above Apprentice

will return to his Master, his past Misbehaviour will be overlooked.

WILLIAM CODINGTON

N.B. All Masters of Vessels and others are cautioned against harbouring, trading with, or

carring off said Apprentice, as they would avoid the Penalty of the Law.

Norton, March 2, 1773

Providence Gazette, March 6, 1773

10. RUN away from the Subscriber, on the 11th of October inst. an Apprentice Boy,

named John Baker, about 17 Years of Age; about 5 Feet 8 Inches high, well made, and of

a sandy complextion; Had on when he went away, a mixed coloured Surtout, brown

Jacket, and dyed Deerskin Breeches; he carried with him a striped Jacket, two Flannel

Shirts, and sundry Articles of Apparel. Whoever will take up said Runaway, and return

him to the Subscriber, shall have Sixpence Reward, paid by me.

JOHN WILLIAMS

Providence Gazette, October 23, 1773

11. Rehoboth

Sunday Night Last died at Palmer's River, Captian Philip Wheeler, whose death was

occasioned by a wound he received in the Leg, at the Training of his Company a few

days before, a young man having carelessly, and contrary to orders, discharged his Gun,

which contained a double charge of Powder - This fatal Accident should caution all that

are engaged in learning the Art of military to Submit themselves entirely to the Orders of

their Officers. - Capt. Wheeler has left a Wife, and a numerous Family of Children to

deplore his loss.

Providence Gazette, December 3, 1774

12. RUN away from the Subscriber, on the 22nd Instant, an Apprentice Boy named

William Pettis, about 14 Years of Age of a ruddy Complexion and has brown Hair; had

on a green outside Jacket, a red under Ditto, and red Duffil Trowsers. He is a sturdy boy;

all Masters of Vessels and others are forbid to employ or detain him, as they will answer

the contrary according to Law. Whoever takes up said Boy, and Conveys him to his

Master, shall receive a handsome Reward, and all necessary Charges.

HENRY BOWERS

Swansey, Feburary 23, 1775

Providence Gazette, Feburary 25, 1775

13. DESERTED form the Continental Ship WARREN, commanded by Capt. John

Hopkins, two Sailors, who entered on board Monday last, and received their Month's

Pay; one of them named John Williams, about forty Years of Age, has a Scar on his left

Cheek, had on a blue Jacket and a Pair of Trowsers; the other named Thomas Kalton, or

Caton, an Irishman, about thirty Years of Age, had on a light coloured Jacket, New

Shoes, and a Pair of Trowsers; one of his great Toes has been cut about Half off.

Whoever takes up said Deserters, and confines them in the Gaol in Providence, shall have

Six Dollars Reward, and all necessary Charges, paid by the Naval Comittee.

N.B. It is supposed they are gone by Land, as no Vessel has sailed since.

Providence, August 28

Providence Gazette, August 31, 1776

14. DESERTED on the 13th Inst. from Ensign Springer's Company, commanded by Col.

Sayles, a private Soldier named Wilham Middleton, says he was born in Ireland; he is of

a light Complexion, pitted with the Small-pox; had on when he went away a short light

coloured Sailor's Jacket, Leather Breeches, and white woolen Hose. Whoever takes up

said Deserter, so that he may be returned to his Regiment or Company, shall receive Five

Dollars Reward and all reasonable Charges, paid by me,

JOSEPH SPRINGER, Ensign

Providence Gazette, December 21, 1776

15. DESERTED from Capt. Abimeleck Rigg's Company, in Colonel Talman's Regiment,

Benjamin Wood, belonging to Norton, about 5 Feet 9 Inches high, somewhat slim built,

of a dark Complexion, has short brown hair; had on when he went away a round Felt Hat,

short grey Coat, Jacket and Breeches. Whoever will take up said Deserter, and secure him

in any Gaol, or return him to his Company, shall have Five Dollars Reward, and all

necessary Charges, paid by

ABIMELECK RIGGS, Capt.

Providence Gazette, Feburary 8, 1777

16. Deserted from Capt. Josiah Gibb's company, in Col. Stanton's regiment, a soldier,

named Jacob Allen, about 6 Feet hih, of a dark complexion; had on when he went away a

brown coat, faced with the same colour, and leather breeches; said he belonged to

Norton. Whoever will take up said deserter, and return him to his regiment, or confine

him in any gaol within the state of Rhode Island, shall have Five Dollars Reward, and

necessary Charges, paid by,

JOSIAH GIBBS, Capt.

Providence Gazette, March 8, 1777

17. Deserted from Capt. Tew's Company, in Col. Angell's Regiment, Samuel Smith, and

John Stone; Smith is about 23 Years of Age, 6 Feet high, well set of a light Complexion,

smooth - faced has blue Eyes, short Hair, says he was born in Philadelphia: Had on, when

he went away, a black Broadcloth Jacket, with Sleeves, and a Pair of long Trowsers.

Stone is about 21 Years of Age, 5 Feet 5 Inches high, of a light Complexion, has short

sandy Hair, a smooth Face, a pretty thick set Fellow, says he was born in Philadelphia;

He had on when he went away, a black Broadcloth Jacket, with Sleeves, and a Pair of

black Velvet Breeches. Whoever will take up said Deserters, or either of them, and secure

them so that their Officers may have them again, shall have Five Dollars Reward for

each, and all necessary Charges, paid by

EBENEZER MACOMBER, Lieut.

Providence Gazette, March 22, 1777

18. Deserted from Capt. Thomas Cole's Company in the Ninth Regiment of Foot,

Commanded by Col. Crary. William Horton, 20 Years of Age. 5 Feet 6 Inches high a

slim active Fellow. Says he was born at Rehoboth in Massachusetts State. has dark hair

dark eyrs. Had on a blue outside Jacket, Striped Trowsers, and a round Hat. Whoever will

take up said Deserter, and return him to me at East Greenwich or secure him in any Gaol

in the United States Shall receive Ten Dollars Reward, and all reasonable charges, paid

by

JOHN COOKE, Ensign

Providence Gazette, 4/26/1777

19. TEN DOLLARS REWARD

On Saturday the 7th day of June, 1777, was stolen and carried away from the house of the

Subscriber, in Providence, six yards and one quarter of patch, white ground, with a

chocolate stripe; one calico gown, with ruffled cuffs lined with Russia linnen; one black

sattin sprigged cloak, with lace round the head and gimp round the cloak; one gauze

apron, one spotted handkerchief with a blue stripe round the edge, two pair of cotton

stockings, also two thirty dollar bills and other money; with a number of other articles.

The person who stole the said articles calls herself Polly James, alias Polly Young; she is

a short thick Irish girl, about 19 years of age; had on when whe went away, a black skirt

petticoat, a short calico gown with long sleeves, has brown hair, light eyes, fair

complexion, and went off without stockings or shoes, and without a bonnet or hat.

Whoever will apprehend the said thief, and convey her to Providence, so that she may be

brought to justice, shall receive a reward of Ten Dollars, and all necessary charges, paid

by me,

JOHN DAWSON

Providence, June 7, 1777

Providence Gazette, June 14, 1777

20. Deserted from my company in Col. Crary's Regiment, Peter Millard of Rehoboth, 20

years of age 5 feet 10 inches high, slim built of a dark complexion. dark hair and eyes.

Jacob Bullock of Rehoboth, 19 years of age. 5 feet 6 inches high has blue eyes and light

hair. Daniel Matthews, a Seaman, belongs to Providence or Rehoboth, 22 years of age, 5

feet 8 inches high, has black hair, black eyes, is of a tawney complexion and slow of

speech, Kimbal Pratt of Middleborough, 40 years of age 5 feet 10 inches high, has blue

eyes and black hair. Whoever will take up said deserters, or either of them, and confine

them to any gaol in this State, or return them to their regiment again, shall have Five

Dollars reward for each, and all necessary charges, paid by

THOMAS ALLIN, Capt.

Bristol, August 5, 1777

Providence Gazette, August 9, 1777

21. Deserted from the galley Spitfire, Joseph Crandall, commander, Thomas Austin, a

stout young man, about 24 years of age, about 5 feet 9 inches high, and has short light

coloured hair: Had on when he went away a light coloured thick jacket, and a pair of long

white trowsers. Also Sampson Sims, a stout young fellow 5 feet 9 inches high, about 20

years of age, and has light coloured hair. Had on when he went away, a thick green

jacket, and a pair of leather breeches. Also, William Clarke, 24 years of age, about 5 feet

4 inches high, has long reddish hair, and is a well set fresh looking man: Had on when he

went away, a short blue Jacket, and white breeches. Also, Preserved Sisson, 18 years of

age, about 5 feet high, and has long light coloured hair: Had on when he went away, a

blue jacket, and long white trowsers.Whoever will take up said deserters, and secure them

in any gaol in the United States, or return them to the subscriber, shall receive Five

Dollars reward for each, and all necessary charges, paid by

JOSEPH CRANDALL, Capt.

Bristol, November 13, 1777

Providence Gazette, November 15, 1777

22. Deserted from my company, in Col. Crary's regiment, Nathan Bardin of Freetown,

31 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches and an half high, has blue eyes, and dark hair; had on a

blue uniform coat, faced with yellow. Also Jonathan Bullock, of Rehoboth, 21 years of

age, 5 feet 9 inches and an half high, has blue eyes and light hair. Whoever will take up

said deserters, and return them to their regiment, or secure them in any gaol in this state,

shall have Five Dollars reward and necessary charges, paid by

THOMAS ALLIN, Capt.

Bristol, Dec. 3, 1777

Providence Gazette, December 13, 1777

23. RUN away from the subscriber, a Negro lad, named Pero, a smart well built fellow,

about 15 years of age, speaks pretty good English, had on a great coat and straight bodied

coat, of a brownish grey color, jacket and breeches of a colour somewhat different, home

made, greyish stockings, a felt hat almost new, and a fulled cap. Whoever returns said

Negro to me, shall have ten dollars reward, and necessary charges.

OBADIAH READ

Rehoboth, Dec. 26, 1777

Providence Gazette, December 27, 1777

24. Deserted from the Continental Service, James Waldron, jun. of Rehoboth, 18 years

of age, 5 feet 2 inches high, wears a snuff coloured coat and leather breechers. also

Christopher Bowen of Attleborough, 19 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, has dark eyes,

black hair, wears a reddish coat, and leather breeches. Whoever takes up said deserters

either of them, and secures them in any gaol in the United States, giving to me at

Swanzey, or conveys them to Col. Lee's regiment at Cambridge shall have Fifty Dollars

reward for Waldron, and Five for Bowen, paid by

PETER HASTINGS, Lieut.

Providence Gazette, December 27, 1777

25. Deserted from Col. William R. Lee's Regiment, in the Continental Service, Samuel

Shearman, about 5 Feet 8 Inches high, about 30 years of Age, of a slim Stature, has short

grey Hair, and blue Eyes; had on when he went away a brown Coat, a striped Flannel

Jacket, Leather Breeches, and white Yarn Stockings: He belongs to North Kingstown.

Also, John White, of Rehoboth, belongs to the same Regiment, about Twenty five Years

of Age, about 5 Feet 9 Inches high, has black hair, and is of a light Complexion: Had on

when he went away a light coloured Coat, white woollen Breeches, and white Yarn

Stockings. Whoever takes up the above Deserters, or either of them, shall have Five

Dollars for each, and reasonable Charges, on securing them in any Gaol within the United

States, or returning them to the Regiment, paid by,

PETER HASTEN, Lieut.

Providence Gazette, March 28, 1778

26. Deserted from Capt. Parker's company; in Col. Crary's regiment, Job Herrington, 26

years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, and is of a dark complexion; Had on when he went

away, a light coloured Coat, turned up with red, says he belongs to Attleborough.

Whoever will secure the said deserter, (etc., etc.,)

SAMUEL NORTHUP, Lieut.

Bristol, May 18, 1778

Providence Gazette May 23, 1778

27. In the month of May last, Some evil minded person or persons broke open several

locks and doors, and stole from the subscribers, and other persons, Sundry articles. On

the 31st of the same month discovery was made of a stranger in the woods, and upon

further search, a cave was found, and the said stranger apprehended, who proved to be

one Arthur Thresher of Rehoboth; he confessed that he had stolen several articles from

the subscribers, and had lived in the woods three weeks. On the first of June he made his

escape, before he could be brought to justice, and left behind him several articles, which

it is supposed were stolen, viz., a gun, one blanket, a piece of woolen cloth, marked W. L.

one liver coloured coat, two shirts, two pillow cases, etc. The said Thrusher is about 18

or19 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, and has straight black hair, whoever will

apprehend him, and deliver him to the subscribers, shall have twenty dollars reward.

NEHEMIAH CARPENTER

JOSEPH HEWES, jun.

N.B. The above mentioned articles will be sold after the 1st day of July, it the theif

should not be found nor the owners appear.

Wrentham, June 10, 1778

Providence Gazette, June 13, 1778

28. In the Night of the 21st Instant the Shop of the subscriber was broke open and robbed

of the following Articles, viz., 10 pair Calfskin shoes, one Pair of Calfskin Boots, with

stiff Tops, between 50 and 60 pounds of Flax, and 16 Dozen of Horn Buttons. Whoever

will secure the Theif, with the Goods, shall have fifty Dollars Reward, or for the Goods

only Thirty Dollars, and necessary Charges. paid by the subscriber, at Capt. Daniel Hunts

in Rehoboth.

JOSEPH WHEATON HUNT

Rehoboth, Aug. 24, 1778

Aug. 29, 1778,

Sept 5, 1778,

Sept. 12, 1778, Providence Gazette

29. To be Sold by Humphrey Palmer, At the house which belonged to Mr. George Allen,

deceased about a mile on the Boston Road North of the Rev. Hides Meeting House in

Rehoboth.

Sugar, Tea, Coffee, Cotton, Choice Barbados Rum, French Brandy, Scarlet Broadcloth,

Mens and Womens black and white Gloves and Mitts, Men's Black Silk Gloves, Writng

Paper, Alspices, Gunpowder and a few other Articles.

Providence Gazette, August 29, 1778

30. RAN away from the Subscriber, a Negroe Man, named CATO, about 50 Years of

Age, of a middiling Stature, speaks broken English, has his Country's Marks in his Face;

had on when he went away an outside Cloth coloured woolen Jacket. a Linen striped

under Jacket, Linen Shirt and Stockings, and a Pair of good Shoes. Whoever shall take up

said Negroe, and return him to his Master in Rehoboth, shall have Twenty Dollars

Reward, and all reasonable Charges, paid by me,

DANIEL HUNT

N. B. All Masters of Vessels and other are cautioned against harbouring or concealing

said Fellow, as they would avoid the Penalty of the Law.

Rehoboth, July 23, 1779

Providence Gazette, July 24, 1779

31. To be Sold, by Humphrey Palmer, at his shop in Rehoboth. West India Rum, Coffee,

Sugar, Tea, Choice Currants by the single pound, doz, or larger quantity, Pepper, Alspice,

Lisbon Salt, Rosin, Brimstone, Whalebone, Pins, Writing Paper, a few cases of Knives

and Forks, and some other Articles.

N.B. The above mentioned Goods may be purchased much lower than for several months

past.

Providence Gazette. August 14, 1779

32. RAN away from the Subscriber, a Negro Man, name Anthony, a likely well-made

Fellow, near 6 Feet high, about 23 Years of Age, and has a Scar in his Forehead: Had on

a white Blanket Coat, a blue Jacket, and Ozenbrigs Overalls. Whoever will secure the

above Negro, and give Notice to his Master, in Providence, so that he may have him

again, shall have the above Reward, and all necessary Charges paid by

SILAS TALBOT

Providence, July 14, 1780

Providence Gazette, July 15, 1780

33. RAN away from his Master, on Saturday the 24 th ult. a Negro Lad, 17 Years of

Age: he is a straight, well built Fellow, Said Negro had on a grey outside Coat, with plain

Pewter Buttons, a grey Jacket, striped woolen Trowsers, and a striped Flannel Shirt.

Whoever will take up said Negro, and return him to the Subscriber, shall have Two

Hundred Dollars Reward, and the necessary Charges, paid by,

EBENEZER DRAPER

Attleborough, April 2, 1781

Providence Gazette April 7, 1781

34. Ran away from the subscriber, on the 10th instant, a Negro Man, named Pero, about

20 years of Age, 5 Feet 4 Inches high, speaks good English; Had on when he went away,

a Felt Hat, grey Jacket, Leather Breeches, old Stockings, good Shoes and Buckles, --

Whoever will take up the said Negro, and return him to the Subscriber, or to Slack's

Tavern, in Rehoboth, shall receive Three Dollars Reward, and nescessary Charges, paid

by

OBADIAH READ

N.B. All Masters of Vessels are forbid to Carry him off.

Rehoboth, October 18, 1782

Providence Gazette October 19, 1782

35. RAN away from the Subscriber, in the Night of the Fifteenth Instant, a Wench, Half

Indian and Half Negro, named PHOEBE, Twenty Six Years of Age, large and strong,

much pitted with the Small-Pox, has a remarkable piercing Eye, some scars round her

Neck and back, and is very talkative. Took with her one Calico Gown, one striped Linen

Ditto, one Drugget Ditto, and a black Cloak & c. Whoever will bring said Wench to the

Subscriber, shall have Two Guineas Reward; or whoever will give Information so that

she may be had, shall be handsomely paid for their Trouble.

JAMES DAGGET

Rehoboth, November 22, 1782

Providence Gazette, November 23, 1782

36. Monday, January 3, 1774

Ran-Away- from me the Subscriber a Negro -man names TOM, the ??? Inst. Had on

when he went away, a light coloured Surtout, a Snuff coloured Coat with flower'd Brass

Buttons, a Chocolate coloured Jacket and black Hair, Plush Breeches and striped Cotton

and Linnen Shirt, black Stockings and Plated Buckles, about 5 feet 7 or 8 Inches high,

Whoever shall take up said Negro and return his to his Master, shall have 2 Dollars

Rewrd, and all necessary Charges paid by me.-

Simeon Polley.

Boston, Dec. 1 1773

37. Monday, February 14, 1774

Ran-away from Johnathan Red of Wrentham, on the seventh fo this Instant, a Man

Servant , called his Name John Hopkins or James Gutridge, an Old Countryman, who

Bound himself to said Reed for the Theft, about 30 Years of Age, a Shoemaker by Trade,

mark'd with Small Pox, about 5 feet & 1/2 high, his Hair red, and wears a darkish Wig,

walks very upright, a well fet Man: Had on when he went away a brown fusty short Coat,

black Jacket, and old Leather Breeches, a thick Buff Cap, no Hat:- Whoever….

JR Wretham Feb. 8, 1774

38. Monday, June 13, 1774

Ten Dollars Reward

RAN AWAY from the Subscriber, Joseph Moors, of Groton, in the County of Middlesex,

and Province of Massachusetts-Bay, a Molatto Man Servant, names, TITU, about 20

Years of Age, of a middling Stature, wears, short curl'd Hair, has one of his Fore-Teeth

broke our, took with him a blue Surdan, a Stuff coloured Coat, and a Pair, of white

wash'd Leather Breeches, a Pair of new Cow-Hide Pumps, and Furr'd Hat with a large

Brims, and sundry other Articles, of Wearing Apparel.-- Whoever will take up said

Servant and confine him in any of his Majestly's Goals, so that the Owner may have him

again, shall have TEN DOLLARS Reward and all necessary Charges paid by

JOSEPH MOORS

39. Waltham, June 6, 1774

Ran-away from the Subscriber a Servant Boy, named Silence Robinson, between 17 and

18 Years old, large of his Age, Any Person who will secure said Servant so that his

Master may have him again, shall have Five Shillings, O.T. Reward for their Trouble

paid by

JOSEPH WELLINGTON

40. Ran-away from the Subscriber, living in Gorham, which joins Falmouth,

Cumberland County in the Massachusetts Province, short Negro Man named Prince,

about 26 Years of Age, 5 Feet some Inches high, talks broken English, has remarkable

small Ears, and a Jewel Hole in one of them. Had on almost new Felt Hat, a reddish grey

home-made Cloth Coat Jacket and Breeches, with silk knee Garters, a dark Callicoe

under Jacket, a white Linnen Shirt, red Collar and Cuffs, to his Coat with Metal Buttons,

white Cotton Stockings, Cald-Skin Pumps,. It may be he has a Pass. Said Negro plays

tolerable well on a Violin. Whosever will take up said Negro or bring him to his Master

shall have Sixteen Dollars Reward, and all Charges paid by

WILLIAM M'LEENEN

41. Monday, June 20, 1774

RAN-away from the Subscriber on the Eighth of June Instant, at Night, a Negro Boy,

about Seventeen Years of Age: Had on when he went off, a dark coloured cloth Jacket

and Trowsers, and is branded on the Breast Delamote, very remarkable: said Fellow

speaks tolerable good English , and some French. Whoever takes up said Fellow and

Secures him in any of his Majesty's Goals, or Returns him to the Subscriber, shall have

FIVE DOLLARS Reward, and all necessary Charges paid by . . .

42. Providence, June 10, 1774.

Ten Dollar Reward

RAN AWAY from the Subscriber, Joseph Moors, of Groton, in the County of Middlesex,

and Province of Massachusetts-Bay, a Malatto Man Servant, names TITUS, sbout 20

Years of Age, of a middling Statue, wears, short curl'd Hair, has one of his Fore Teeth

broke out, took with his a blue Surdan, a Snuff coulor'd Coat, and a Pair, of white wash'd

Leather Breeches, a Pair of new Cow-hide Pumps, and a Fur'd Hat with large Brims, and

sundry other Articles of Wearing Apparel.---Whoever will take of said Servant and

confine him in any of his Majesty's Goals ………

Joseph Moors

43. Monday, July 25, 1774

Four Dollars Reward.

RANAWAY from his Master MARK HUNKING of Barrington, in New Hampshire, a

Negro Servant named CSESAR :--- Had on when he went away, a striped homespun

lappel'd Waistcoat, a Tow Shirt, black Serge Breeches, grey Jacket, a pair of Breeches

and Jacket of a black and Hemlock dye, striped Tow Trowsers, black and white Yarn

Stockings. He is a strait Limb'd Fellow about 5 Feet nine inches high, very white Teeth,

smiling Countenance; was bro't up to Farming Work. ---Whoever shall take up said

Runaway, and secure him so that his Master may have him again,………….

MARK HUNKING

44. DOLLARS REWARD

Ran-away fro her Master, Francis Shaw, a likely tall Negro Woman, known by the name

of Violet Shaw, about 25 Years old; has a Blemish in one Eye, carried away with her a

white Callico Riding Dress, a stript Callico Gown, a Claret coulored Poplin Gown, a

stript blue and white Holland Gown, a Bengail Gown, and many other valuable Articles

of Apparel.

Whoever apprehends her, and will return her to her Master in Boston………

Boston, July 29h, 1774

45. Monday, August 15, 1774

50 DOLLARS REWARD

Where as sundry Goods and Merchandize were taken and stolen out of the Store of the

Subscriber in July last to the Amount of 4ooL.M. Part of which Goods and Merchandize

were found in the Dwelling House of Middlesex, Trader. And wheras said Jonathan

Brewer, hath since made his Escape, and cannot be found…………….The said Brewer is

a well-built Man, decently dressed. Had on when he went away (as is supposed) a white

Coat and Spotted Jacket and Breeches, his Hair is black and cut short, and he generally

wears mixt coloured Silk Stockings.

Boston, 1st August, 1774 FRED Wm. GEYER

46. Monday September 12, 1774

Ran away from the Subscriber, at Manchester, Yesterday; two Negros, viz CHESTER,

alias TITUS, about 30 Years of Age 5 Feet 9 Inches high, well Limb'd, a stammering

Speech, and one or more of his Toes partly lost by Frost. Had on when he went away, and

carried with him, a brown colour'd all Wool Coat, light colour'd Broadcloth ditto, trim'd

with Green, two striped Jackets, blue Breeches and a Pair of Trowsers.---CSESAR, a slim

Boy about 17 Years of Age, Carried with him a light colour'd BroadCloth Coat, trimm'd

with Green, Leather Breeches, two under Jackets, one Callico, the other whitish Broad

Cloth with Metal Buttons, a Pair of Trowsers &c.

Whoever shall take up said Run-aways …..shall have four Dollars Reward for each…….

John Lee

47. Monday, October 3, 1774

STOP THIEF

Absconded from the Subscriber on the 3d Day of August last, a Negro Man, call TOM,

had on a Pair of black Plush Breeches, a light colour'd ragged Jacket, Lame in both his

Feet: Said Negro return'd the last Night broke open his Master's Stable , Stole from

thence a valuable Chestnut colour'd Horse, wth a small white Spot on his Forehead,

Pacers and Trots light, and took a Saddle (with a white Housen) and Bridle; he has with

him a counterfeit Pass.

Whoever will take up said Thief and Horse shall have FOUR DOLLARS, and all

necessary Charges, paid by SIMEON POLLEY Boston, Sept, 28, 1774

48. Monday, October 10, 1774

FOUR DOLLARS REWARD

Ran-away from the Subscriber on the 22d of September, at Night a Negro Man Servant,

by the Name of CATO, about Five Feet and Eight Inches high, very thick Lips, speaks

broken, and Walks as if he was lame in his Heels. Had on when he went away, a Cloth

colour'd Coat, with Pewter Buttons, old Leather Breeches, a Tow Shirt, old Shoes with

Silver plate Buckles, wore a Cap, and ?hoves round his Neck, and very high on his

Forehead: Carried away with him a Callico Banyan, fine Linen Shirt, Check Linen

Trowsers, grey Wigg, also carries or Wears a Felt Hatt with a Silver Lace on it, had a

Violin and carries it in a green Bays Bag. Whosoever will return the Runaway to his

Master in Winchenden, shall have the above Reward and all necessary Charges, paid by

LEVI NICHOL,

Winchenden, Sept. 23, 1774

49. Monday, May 9, 1774

Stop Thief and Runaway Man Servant.

Whereas William Hayward, Baker, absconded himself from my Service 16th

March,

1774, and took with him to the Value of eight pounds , L. M. and be being taken and

convicted, voluntarily Bound himself, to serve me Six Months, to Pay Damages & Cost:

and he last Night absconded himself again; had on an old Felt Hat, an old cloth colour'd

Coat and Waistcoat, check'd Woolen Shirt, a Pair of new cloth colour'd Breeches, a Pair

of old pale blue Stockings, and a Pair of singleSole Shoes.--Said Hayward is about

Thirty-three Years of Age, Five Feet Five Inches high, darkish, short Hair, and down look

like a Rogue and Thief.----Whossoever will take up said Servant and Notify me the

Subscriber so that I may have him again, shall have FIVE DOLLARS reward. Paid by

me,

Marlboro April 9, 1774 ISAAC SHERMAN,

All Bakers are hereby cautioned against Employing said Servant.

50. Ran away from his Master on Friday Evening last, a Negro Boy, named GORREE,

about 16 Years of Age, 5 Feet , 3 Inches High, had on when he went away, a brown Cloth

Coat, dark Velvet Waistcoat, white Shirt, white Linen Breeches, grey Yarn Stockings, a

pair of Shoes tore at the Heels, with Pinchback Buckles, an old Felt Hat. Whoever will

take up said Run-away, and secure him, and give Information to the Subscriber, for that

he may have him again, shall have a handsome Reward and necessary Charges paid by

DANIEL VOSE. Milton, May 30, 1774.