THE RADICAL RIGHT AND LAND USE PLANNING (A POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF CONFLICT).pdf

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1/19

nternational Journals

THE RADICAL RIGHT AND LAND USE PLANNING: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF CONFLICTAuthor(s): CHARLES C. GEISLERSource: International Review of Modern Sociology, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Autumn 1982), pp. 211-228Published by: International JournalsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41421543.

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2/19

THE

RADICAL

RIGHT

AND LAND USE

PLANNING:

A

POLITICAL

ECOLOGY

OF

CONFLICT

CHARLES C. GEISLER

Cornell

niversity

International

eview

f Modern

ociology982,

ol.

12

Autumn):Pp211-228)

There re

many

ndicators

f

radical

right

esurgence

n

the

United

States

most

f

which

ccur n

conflict

ituations. uch

a

resurgence

signals

a

challenge

o

state

and

regional

initiatives

n

land

use

planning

given

the

radical

righs

commitment

o

unabridged

ri-

vate

property

ights

nd

decentralized

ocal

control

Research

on

radical

right

bstructionism

o

resource

lanning

was

conducted

n

Wisconsin

where

ecent

ailures

in

land

use

planning

have

been

attributed

o

right

wing

extremism.

ocal

control

was

positively

associatedwithmultiplemeasures fextremismbutextremismail-

ed

to

explainopposition

o

land use

planning

when

measure

of

political

ecology

and

other

background

ariables

were

controlled.

The

mplicationsor

public

policy

in

conflict-prone

reas such

as

land

use

planning

re

discussed

The lower

middle

class

the

small

manufacturer

the

shopkeeper9

the

rtisian

the

easant

all

these

fight gainst

the

bourgeoisie

to

save

from

extinction

heir

existence

as

fractionsof

the

middle

class. They re therefore otrevolutionarybut conservative. ay

more

they

re

reactionary.

.

Karl Marx

(. 9S9[1848]:332

There is considerable

vidence

that

what

Durkheim

1964)

referred o

as shared

normative

nderstandings'*

n

society

re,

in

the

contemporary

United

States,

no

longer

hared.

The

reemergence

f the

radical

right,

and

its

polarizing

ffects

n

such national

debates as

gun

control

nd

the

Panama Canal

Treaties,

abortion

and the

Equal

Rights

Amendment,

property

axes and

omnibus and

use

legislationendsupport o thisview.The liberal

Brookings

nstitute owhas its conservative

ounterpart,

he

American

Enterprise

nstitute,

nd

the Jewish

ommunity,

aving

pon-

sored

much

of the

original

research

n

the

radical

right

hrough

he Anti-

Defamation

League

(Lipset

and

Raab,

1978),

s

itself

urning

ight

n

both

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3/19

212

INTERNATIONAL

EVIEW F

MODERN

OCIOLOGY

Israel and theUnitedStates Rosenberg nd Howe, 1977). The title f a

recent

New

York Times

editorial,

The

Charge

of

the

Right Brigade ,

captures

he mood of

editorials

cross the

country.

The

scholarly

nterest

n

radical

right

xtremism

s

not

new.

It can

be

traced

to

William

Graham

Sumner's concern for the

forgotten

man

(1918),

to

Karl

Mannheim's

nvestigations

f

conservative

opposition

to

the

rise

of modern

rationalism

1927),

and to

Ortegay

Gasset's

classic,

The Revolt

of

the

Masses

(1932).

The mass

psychology

of

fascism and

the

chilling

effect

f the

McCarthyism

have

prompted

ntensive

ocial

science

research

on

extremism

during

and

after

World

War II

(e.g.,

Fromm,

1941;

Bettelheim,

1943;

Adorno,

t

al.,

1950;

Hofstadter,

955;

Kornhauser,

1959;

Upset,

1960;

Shils,

1961;

Reissman,

1971;

Coser and

Howe, 1977;

Steinfels,

9

79;

Hunter,

1980).

Certainreviews

f

scholarship

dealing

with

he

radical

right,

however,

suggest

that

conceptualization

behind

this

epithet

s

in

disarray.

The

studies re

marked

with nternal

inconsistencies

Abcarian

and

Stanage,

1965),

with

validity

problems

(Miller

and

Reissman,

1961;

Jackman,

1972;

Lipsitz,

1965),

and

with

conspicuous

neglect

of

structural

ircumstances

ngendering

eactionary

consciousness

Zeitlin,

1967).

Theobjectiventhe present esearchis to examinethe allegedlyright

wing

nature

f

local

resistence

o non-local

and use

regulation.

n the

one

hand,

there

s

compelling

ace

validity

n

the notion hat he

trident

all for

local

control

is motivated

by

a

political

onservatism

ostile

o

planning

in

general

nd

to

planning

which

bridges

property

ights

n

particular.

As

such,

right

wing

extremism

may

underlie he

perennial

onflict

etween

private

andownership

nd

this

expression

f

social

control. On

the other

hand,

the

ncoherency

f much

radical

right

xposition

eaves ts

influence

upon

local

belligerence

pen

to

question,

f

not to

alternative

nterpreta-

tions.

One

such

alternative

s

that

political ecology

a

structural

ondi-

tion delineates basic supportand oppositionforsuchplanning nd is

therefore

ssential

o

understanding

onflict

n this

strategic

olicy

area.

The

Radical

Right

nd

Land

U se

Planning

To

many

and use

planners,

ightwing

extremism

as

been

the

bete

noire

of

their

attempts

o

rationalize

balkanized,

nconsistent,

nd en-

vironmentally

njurious

roperty

ystem.

Nationally,

he

Farm

Bureau,

the

National

Association

of

Manufacturers,

he

U.S.

Chamber

of

Commerce

and

still

more conservative

roups,

uch as

the

Liberty Lobby,

have

led

successful

offensives

gainst

national and

use

planning egislation

n

the1970s

Reilly,

1977;

Popper,

1981).1 Reports

on state land use

planning

lSeveral

onservative

oundations,

uch

as

the

Sabre

n Wisconsin

nd

the

Heritage

oundation

n

Washington,

rovide

esearchnd

documentation

or

uch



4/19

THE

RADICAL IGHT

AND

LAND

USE

PLANNING

213

initiativesn suchstates s New York, California,Utah,Vermont, lorida,

and

Wisconsin

suggest

resistance

by

a

vociferous

adical

right

s

do,

in

their

wn

fashion,

he

Sagebrush

and

Tundra rebellions n the

western

states

and Alaska.2

Invariably,

the

central ssues are

the

unfettered

ur-

suit

of

happiness

hrough

rivate

roperty

ights

n

the

one

hand

and

the

encroachments

f

federal,

tate

or

regionalgovernments

n

local

urisdic-

tional

domains

on

the other

(Agger

et

al.,

1964;

Newby

et

al.,

1978;

Geisler,

1979).

An

example

s the ocal

opposition

to

regional

land use

planning

in

Pennsylvania's randywine

iver

Basin.

Some

observers educe

this

oppo-sition o McCarthyism ;hardened conservatisms attributed o

oppo-

nents' status

as

farmers

and

blue collar

workers ,

to

their

lack

of

refinement

burly

and

rough poken )

and to

their

mpotence

to

prevent

past

government

ntervention'1

Strong, 957:7).

Similar

portrayals

re

made

of

n-holding roperty

wner

associations

in

Yosemite

and Yellowstone

National

Parks

and

in New York

State's

AdirondackPark.

In

Wisconsin,

a

statewide

ystem

f

regional

planning

ommissions

as been

challenged

in

recent

years

by

the

withdrawal

f some 350 local

government

nits;

at

least

one

faction

instrumental

n

this

dismantling rocess

has been

des-

cribedas rightwing vigilantes Hoffman, 977:2).

An

alluring

question

about

the

opposition

to

centralized land use

planning

efforts

s whether

ts

alleged

radical

right

haracter

manates

from

trictly

deological

sources

or from

nticipated

material

eopardy

and

economic

insecurity

mong

property

wners

hould such

regulation

ake

effect.3

nterestingly,

he

radical

right

as

been viewedas

dispossessed

(Bell

,1962),

but

with

respect

o

loss

of

status,

power

nd cultural

dentity

rather

than

material

dispossession.

n

other

words,

xtremism

ends

to

be

viewedas

a

social

pathology

r

psychological yndrome

hared

by

socially

alienated

individuals.

The

social

pathologists ,

as

C.

Wright

Mills

efforts

see

Sabre,

972

nd

Stitch,

974).

One of

the

better

osition apers xpress-

ing

the

conservative

pposition

o

national

and use

planning

s

by

McLaughry

(1975).

2The

agebrush

nd

Tundra

ebellions

efero

widespreadupport

n

theWest nd

in

Alaska

ar he

onversion

ffederal

overnment

ands-

ome

0

percent

f which

lie

n

the ar

Western

tates

to

private

omain

ubject

omarket

orces. onservative

Senator

rrin

atch

R-Utah' champion

f

the

ause,

has

called for a second

Americ:n

evolution

n

theWest

which ould

ccomplish

his

conversion

Webb,

1981).

3Readers

amiliar

ith

and

use

planning

ontroversies

ill

ecognize

his

s the

taking ssue that s, thesentimentmong ropertywners, suallyormulated

in

egal

hallenges

o land

use

regulations,

hat

uch

egulation

mounts

o confisca-

tion

of

property

ights

arred

by

the

Fifth

nd Fourteenth

mendments

f

the

Constitution.

or further

laboration,

ee

Bosseimen

t

al.,

1972).

he

expropriation

threat

s

mentioned

n

passing

yStrong

1975:7)

nd

Agger

t.ah,

1964:557-8),



5/19

214

INTERNATIONAL

EVIEW

F

MODERNOCIOLOGY

(1943:170)noted a generation go, tendto slippaststructureo focuson

isolated

ituations ,

hus,

eeingproblems

s

problems

f

individuals .

The

argument

eveloped

n the

present

research

is one

of

political

ecology.

Extreme

opposition

to

social

control

over

propertyrights

s

construed as

a

structural

ilemma direct

r indirect

ccupational

depen-

dence

on

a viable

private

roperty

ystem-

rather han

as social

pathology.

What is

a

transfer

f

property ights

o a

professional

and

use

planner

s

perceived

s

dispossession

nd

deprivation

y

the title

holder;

this

sense

of

dispossession

is

a

seriously

nderestimated

orce

behind

strident ocal

control

nd

reactionary esponses

o social control.

The notable force

behind the

rejection

f and use

regulation

s, in otherwords,thematerial

alienation f

property

ights

rather

than a

generalized

social

alienation

loosely

referred

o as

right

wing

extremism.

Hypotheses

Radical

right

extremism s

a

hydra-headed

notion,

the

underlying

dimensions

f

which

have

been enumerated

and

categorized

in

various

ways

e.g.,

Wolfinger

t

al.

1964;

Abcarian

and

Stanage,

1965;

Lipset

and

Raab,

1970).

It is

an

ethos,

ll-definednd

abstract.

or

some,

t

s

an

exag-

gerated private regarding syndromewhose adherentsdisregard he

greater

ublic

nterest;

or

others,

it

is a

broad

cognitive

estalt

nifying

many

fragments

f

middle

America

nto

a

controversial

social

move-

ment. Whatever ts

true

nature,

those

exhibiting

ne

right

wing

charac-

teristic

are

frequently

iewed

as

subscribers

o

the

whole

cloth

of

right

wing

extremism.

hus,

it

often

s

said

that

detractors

f

centralized

and

use

planning

re

characterized

y

a

range

of

traditional

beliefs,

lack

of

sophist

ation,

working

lass

status,

owerlessness,

nd

even

authoritarian

personalities.

Failure to

differentiate

his

supposed

family

of radical

right

harac-

teristicsmay blur the social dynamics f land use conflictmore than t

illuminates hem.

Not

only

does

it

bring

crude

nd

potentially

nreliable

unity

o

what

are

often

uite

disparate

ocial

dimensions,

ut t

can

divert

analytic

ttention

rom

material

asis

of

local

protectionism-

he

confis-

catory potential

f

certain

and use

planningpolicies.

The

first

ypothesis

to

be

tested,

herefore,

uestionst

e

coherency

f

characteristicsttributed

to

the

ultra-right.

pecifically,

e

hypothesize

hat

the

supposedly

nitary

radical

right

onceptualization

nstead

consists

of

multiple

imensions

dimensionswhichbear

little

r no

relationship

o each

other.

The

second

hypothesis

undertakes

closer look

at

the

association

between xtremismnd local control before and after the influencef

background

haracteristics

s held

constant.

These characteristics

nclude

property wnership

nd

a measure

of

political

cology.

The

expectation

is

that,

ivep

these

controls,

here

remains

ittle

or

no

positive

ssociation



6/19

THE

RADICAL

IGHT NDLAND

USE

PLANNING

215

tetween ocalism ndradicalright alienation . Evidence in support f

this

xpectation

ould

suggest

spuriousrelationship

nd

heighten

nterest

in

the

contribution

f

political ecology

to the

rejection

of

land

use

regu-

lation. The

third

nd

final

hypothesis

lluminates

he

following

question:

What

s

the

relative

mpact

of

right

wing

xtremism

n

resistance o land

use

planning

fter

ccupational

reliance n a

minimally egulated

roperty

system

has

been

taken

into

account?

It

is

expected

that

where

this

reliance

is

high

resistance

will be

greatest,

nd that

an

affirmative

est

of

material

lienation

versus ocial

alienationwill be

possible.4

Data andMeasures Used

Wisconsin

s

well suited

for

study

f

the

possible

ffect

f

right-wing

extremismn

aggressive

and

use

planning.5

he

statehas two

well-known

mutually

repelling

political

traditions.On the one

hand,

there is an

acknowledged Progressive

ineage

extending

back

to

the

early

1900s

(Caine, 1970). Alternatively,

isconsin

s the

birthplace

f the

Republican

Party.

And,

only

a

generation

go,

Wisconsinvoters lected nd

reelected

Joseph

McCarthy

to

the

Senate.

Subsequently,

variety

f

studies

have

been

completed

n

right-wing

xtremism

s

a source of

public

policy

con-

flictn the state Adrian,1967; Rogin,1966).6 t is noteworthyhat the

plaintiffs

n

the

andmarkJust

vs. Marinette

case

testing

the

legality

f

Wisconsin's shoreland

zoning

law

were

members

f a

local

John

Birch

Society.7

In

order o test

he first

ypothesis uestioning

he

unity

of

the

radical

4These

orms

f

alienation

eednot be

mutually

xclusive.

ee,

for

xample,

Torrence

1977).

5In

1923,

he

tate

upreme

ourt

upheld

municipal

oning

rdinance,

reda-

ting

by

three

years

he

classic

1926

arallel uling

y

he

U.S.

Supreme

ourt n

Euclid s Amblereality.Rural oning,ow cceptedymost tates, ad tsoriginsinWisconsinnthe ate1920s. he tate

ioneered

ndifferential

use-value)

axation

of land

with

ts

Forest

rop

Law

1927).

n the

930s,

he tate

egislation

egan

he

purchase

f scenic

easements,

formal

eparation

f

ownership

rom ontrol

f

property,

program

hat

was

greatly xpanded

n

the 1960s.Wisconsin

assed

its

Water

uality

ct

n

1965,

model

horeland

rotection

egislation

hallenged

s

unconstitutional

n

1972

see below).

Considerable

adical

ight

esearch

as

been

done

n the

topic

of

fluoridation,

supposedly

iewed

by

the

right

s an anti-

merican

onspiracy

Riessman,

971).

According

o

Adrian

1967),

Wisconsin's

ity

f

Antigo

bandonedluoridationn

1960

as

a result

f

a

conservative

ampaign,

nly

o

restoret

five

ears

ater

when

stale

health

epartment

tudy

showed

ooth

decay

mong

Antigo

kindergartners

ad

increasedy92percentn the nterveningears.

7Based

n

conversation

ith

irector

f

Northeast

isconsin

egional

lanning

Commission,

pril ,1978,

he

Wisconsin

upreme

ourt

uled

n

1972

in

favor

of

the

tate's

uthority

o

regulate

wetland

esources

nder

ections

9.71

and

144.26

of

the

tate

tatutes,



7/19

216 INTERNATIONAL

EVIEW

F MODERN

OCIOLOGY

right estalt, review f the iteraturewas undertakenand producedthe

following

ltra-conservative

traits :

Nativism:

Extremists f

the

right

re

believed

o

focus

nostalgically

n

preindustrial,

rontier

merica.

This

accountsfor

heir

presumed

reli-

ance on

simple

conventional

wisdom

and

contract n

preference

o

sophisticated,

ighly

ationalized

xplanations

nd

exchanges

Abcarian,

197

P.

Nativism

thus

conveys

a

romantic

onging

ora

social

order

marked

y

natural

unity

f human

will,

n

essence,

the

gemeinschaft

conceived

f

by

Ferdinand

Tonnies

a

centuryago.

It is

a

rejection

r

phobic

response

to an America hathas fallen from

grace

(Riessman,

1971).

Agrarianism:

erhaps

no

association is

more

widely

hared

by

analysts

of

all

disciplines

nd

persuasions

han

the notion thatrural

nhabitants

are

rustic,

conservative,

nd

provincial.

Lipset

(1960)

bolsters

his

argument

hat

ower

classes are

authoritarian

y citing

cross-national

survey

ata that ndicate

armers

re

reactionary.

Converse

1964)

cites

Nazi

appeal

in rural

Germany;

others

argue

that,

where he

agrarian

myth ersists

n

America,

so

too is

there

onformity

nd

intolerance

towards nnovation, ven where thewell-beingfsociety s concerned

(Cooper,

1970;

Haer,

1952).

Similar hidebound conservative

tereo-

types

are

frequently

sed

in

depicting

ural

and

small

town

residents

(e.g.,

Bertrand

nd

Corty,

1962;

Taylor

and

Jones,

1964;

Knoke

and

Henry,

1977).

Anti-ocialism:

Fear

and

loathing

of

depersonalized

overnment

re

perhaps

hallmarks of

the radical

right

(Trow,

1958;

Abcarian

nd

Stanage,

1965).

Big government

onnotes

bureaucracy,

regimented

lifestyles,

ependency

n

welfare

statism,

and

planning,

ll of

which

are

ruinous

to

rugged

individualism. hese

alleged

osses

n

privacy

and self-reliance re indignitiesmany Americans associate with

collectivism.

Conservatism

Political

ffiliation,

articularly

ith

known

right wing

organizations

uch as

the

Young

Americans

or

Freedom,

he

Christian

Anti-Communist

rusade,

the

Minutemen,

he

American

Party,

he

Liberty

obby,

or with

racial

supremacy

groups

s

commonly

ccepted

as

emblematic

of the

Right

(Abcarian

and

Stanage,

1965).

More

commonly,

ffiliation

ith

he

Republican

Party

is

taken as

a

general

measure

of

conservatism

e.g.,

Koenig

1975).

Fundamentalism:

he

extreme

right

takes a

puritanical pproach

to

work,welfare,ndreligionDanzig, 1971;Miller, 1968;

Hunter,

1980).

Thus,

the

radical

right

message

s

mingled

with

undamentalist

octrines

usually

f a

Christian

variety.

Big

government,

articularly

n

its



8/19

THE

RADICAL

IGHT

ND

LAND

USE

PLANNING

217

extreme ormcommunism),mbodies hesinister orces fanti-Christ.

Furthermore,

udo-Christian

recepts,

as recorded

in the

Bible,

en-

courage

ndividual

ppropriation

f

the

and

and its

bounty,

ndividual

wisdom

ufficing

o

prevent

esource xhaustion.

Alienation

two

meanings):

The theme

of

social-psychological

lienation

runs

throughout

he

radical

right

iterature,

ften

reflecting

ivergent

uses of

the

term.

Riessman

1971)

sees alienation

s

impotency

efore

a

changing

ociety,

n

impotency

ofstadter

1955)

identifies

s

leading

to a

pseudo-conservative

evolt.

Lipset (1960)

takes

this

powerlessness

to mean

a lack

of

community

nd

occupational integration.

Others

construe lienation o meanisolationfrom

politically

meaningful

arti-

cipation

(Wolfinger

et

al.,

1964)

and

from

he

power

of elites more

generally Wright,

976).

It follows

hat

non-centrist

overnment

nd

localism

are viewed as means

of

retaining

r

reclaiming

ower

over

one's life

Horton

and

Thompson,

1962;

Miller,

1968).

Authoritarianism:

eople

exhibiting

authoritarian

personalities

ave

proved

vulnerable to

the

demagogu

ry

of fascism

Adorno,

1950;

Fromm, 1941;

and

Shils,

1961)

and

McCarthyism

(Trow,

1958;

Wilkinson,

972).

Lipset

1960)

has

popularized

he

notion

of

working

class authoritarianismttributableo low education, ow organizational

participation,

solated

primary

ector

occupations,

conomic

nsecurity,

and

authoritarian

amily

atterns

which

are

transmitted

uring

hild-

hood.

By

this atter

ogic,

if

a

person's

parents

xhibit

uch

charac-

teristics

what

is

necessary

and what

is

sufficient

s

not

clear),

an

intergenerational

ransfer

f extremist

r

authoritarian

ersonality

s

predictable.

Data

for the

present

analysis

were

collected

by

the Wisconsin

urvey

Research

Laboratory

n a 1974

statewide

urvey.

The

sampling

echnique

wasa multi-stagerobability ample,following heKish (1949) procedure

for

electing

espondents

y

household

unit

within

26 selected

ounties

of

the state. These

548

respondents

onsisted

of

adults

18

years

of

age

or

older

housing

units

on

military

eservations

nd

institutional

r

group

quarters

were

excluded).

Survey

uestions

ncluded

many

opinion

variables

expressive

f the

right

wing

attitudes

ust

identified.

wenty

uch

items

are

included

in

the

present

analysis

and

appear

with

heir

means

and

standarddeviations

n

Table

1.

Respondents

were

given

he

opportunity

to

agree,

disagree,

or to defer

nswering

or ack

of

knowledge.

These

don't know responses,along

with

missingdata,

were

recorded

o the

statistical

mean;

and

high

scores

( agree )

indicateconcurrencewith

right

wing

perspective.

These

twenty

ndicators

have been

factor

analyzed

according

to

a



9/19

218

INTERNATIONAL

EVIEW F

MODERN

OCIOLOGY

Table 1 : Meansand StandardDeviations fRadical Right

Items elected

for

Varimax

actor Analysis.

ITEM

M

S.D

(1)

TheAmerican

ay

s as

close

s we can

get

o a

perfect

ociety.

2.49 .99

(2) Agrarian

ife

s thenatural

ife

or

man.

2.73

.92

(3)

Children

hould

pend

art

f

their

hildhoodn

a

farm. 2.58

*98

(4)

The

farms

an ideal

place

o

raise

family.

2.48

.97

(5)

Federal

egulation

s

bringing

he

ountry

lose o

socialism. 2.74 .87

(6)

Government

lanning

esults

n the oss

of

essen-

tial ibertiesnd freedoms. 2.78 .88

(7)

Self dentification

f

political

hilosophy.

4.05

1.14

(8)

The

Bible

s God's

message

o

man ndall

it

says

is

true.

2.22

1.00

(9)

All

miracles

appened

ust

s the

Bible

ays they

did.

2.68

1.10

(10)

Religious

ruths

higher

han

ny

other

orm

of

truth.

2.28

1.08

(11)

It

is

wishful

hinking

o believe

hat

ne can

in-

fluence hat

appens

n

society.

3.17 1.03

(12) Theworld s run by a fewpeople ndtheres

little hat an

be done

bout

t.

2.72 1.17

(13)

I

cannot

rotect

y ersonal

nterests

hen

they

conflict

ith

hose

f

strong ressure

roups.

2.82

1.00

(14)

I

feel ree

o

drop y

nd

visitwith

most

people

in the

neighborhood.

2.20

.92

(15)

I

feel

at

home almost

nywhere

n this om-

munity.

2.25

.95

(16)

I

know

he

people

round

ere

uite

well.

2.43

1.00

(17)

I

don't

feel like

a

member

f

this

ommunity

(reversed).

2.17

.84

(18) Father'sducationtotalyears). 9.21 3.43

(19)

Father's

ccupation.

- -

(20)

Respondent

lace

ofresidencet

age

18.

-

-

varimax

procedure

in

Table

28.

Six

independent

factors

merge,

and

factor

labels selected

from

the

previous

iscussion

re

assigned.

In

the

case

of

variables ne

( The

American

way

s as

close

as

we

can

come to

a

perfect

society )

and

seven

(respondents'

self-identified

political

^Factor

nalysis

s

a statistical

anipulation

hich

rovides

esearchersmeans

of mposingtructurendata ccordingo various riteria. he varimax riterion

maximizes

he variance

f

squared

oadings

f

factors

nder

he

rthogonality

restriction.

he

factors

r

dimensions

hich esult

have

eigenvalues

f at

least

1.0,

he

um

f he

quaredoadings.

he

eigenvalue

s

equivalent

othe otal ariance

explained

y

hefactor.



10/19

THERADICAL

IGHT

ANDLANDUSE

PLANNING

219

philosophy), here s no evident lustering ith thervariables n thefactor

analysis.

Thus,

the

overall

pattern

which

merges

s one

of

heterogeneity

and

diversity.

olicy

prescriptions

mong

land

use

planners

and

other

resource

managers

which

assume a

unidimensional

adical

right

may

therefore verreact

r

improperly

iagnose

the nature

f

local

resistance

to

their nitiatives.

Table

2:

Varimax

otation

Procedure f

Principal

Components

Factor Analysis

orRadical

Right

tems.

Variable

Numbers

(from)

FACTORS

Table

(I) (2) (3)

(4)

(5)

(6)_

1 .23 .00 .35

.30

-.12

-.25

2

.07 .71

.21

.00

.04

-.10

3 -.09 .78

-.03

.04

.14

.17

4 .13

.65

.19

-.26

-.02

.21

5 .08

.21

.79

.09

.07

.06

6 .06

.43

.73

.00

.16

-

.01

7 -.17 .05

.16

.22

.29

-.12

8 .87 .15 .03 .10 - .04 .00

9

.84

-

.12

.41

.01

.09

.16

10 .77 .04

-.11

-.03

.26

-.36

11 .04 .21

.10

.56

.08

.04

12

.07

.21 .02

.58

-.07

.14

13

-.20

-

.04

.18

.57

.00

.15

14

.07 .09

.

31

.4i

.81

.03

15

-.12

.18

.04

-.03

.80

.30

16

-.15 -.16

-.05

-.20

.76

.19

17

-

.06 .09

-.06

.14

.73

-.16

18

.15 .21

.00

.18

.12

.50

19 .04 .22

.10

-.12

.04

.71

20 .16 .00 .12 .06 -.01 .


11/19

220

INTERNATIONAL

EVIEW F

MODERN

OCIOLOGY

Table 3: Zero-OrderndPartial Correlations etween ocalism

and

Measures

f

Radical

Right.

Radical

Right

Correlations

Measures

Zero-Order

Partial

Nativism

.127*

.082*

Agrarianism

.143*

.112*

Anti-Socialism .120*

.151**

Individualism

.163* .100*

Conservatism

.111*

.073

Fundamentalism .115* .081Powerlessness .017 .006

Isolation

.156*

.099*

Authoritarianism .038

.044

Controlling

or

ge,

Education,

enter-Periphery

nd

Property

*Sgnificant

t

a

=

.05 evel

Significant

t

a=.01

level,

r

greater

control

nd

extremism

n

the

right.

he

results,

hown n

Table

3,

suggest

that

a

positive

relationship,

n

fact,

exists

t both

he

zero

and

higher

order correlations.Here,radical rights measured using the results f

the factor

nalysis

in

Table 2.

Note that

the

first

nd

seventh

ariables

now

appear

as

separate

dimensions of

extremism nd

that

the

anti-

socialism

factor

(a

combination

of

variables

four

nd five n

Table

2)

is

broken

nto

ts

component

parts

for

closer observation

n the

testing

f

hypotheses

wo

and

three.

Seven

of the

nine measures

of

right

wing

extremism

re

significantly

related

o

localism t

or

below the

criterionevel of .05 and in a

posi-

tive

direction.

This

pattern

is

not

seriously

ltered

n

the

accompanying

partial

correlations,

where

five

out of

seven

of

the

measures

retain

statistical ignificance. he control variables inthis secondanalysis re

age,

education,

real

property

ownership,

nd

a

measure

of

political

ecology

explained

below. To

summarize,

he more

a

respondent

s

identi-

fied

as

ultra-conservative,

he

more he

or

she

tends

to

oppose

non-local

land

use

planning.

The

highest

partial

correlation

s

with the

anti-

socialism

measure,

as

might

be

expected

in an

analysis

featuring

he

opposing

political

pectrum.

The

lowest

correlation,

n the

other

hand,

is

a measure of alienation

(powerlessness).

But

for

this

finding,

he

results

f

Table

3

do

not

support

the

prediction

that

the

relationship

between ocal control

nd

rightwing

xtremism

s

spurious.

The Political

Ecology

of Conflict

Until

this

point,

he

roots

of

resistance

o

non-local

and

use

planning

have

been

examined

only

ndirectly,

sing

a

composite

measureof

local



12/19

THE

RADICAL

IGHT

ND

LANDUSE

PLANNING

22

1

controlwhich incorporates question on the preferred evelof such

regulation.

n

the nterest

f

testing

adical

right

nfluence

on land

use

planning

more

directly,

scale

of

eight

and

use

control tems

overing

broad

range

of

land use

management

nitiatives n

Wisconsin

was cons-

tructed

nd

appears

in

Appendix

.

Respondents

were asked

to state

thir

upport

r

opposition

for

each

policy.

These

responses

were stan-

dardized

to

equalize

the

dissimilar

response

ategories

ffered

n the

survey.

Missing

data weretreated s

zero,

the

standardized

mean,

and

the

Cronback's

Alpha

measure

of

internal

consistency

for

the

scale

createdfrom hese

measureswas .62.

Attitudes owardAssorted

and

Use Planning

olicies

in

Wisconsin,

974

Respondent

isposition

Land

Us*

Policies

Favor

r

Oppose

Agree

Neutral

or

Dis

(

N

agree

Do

you

hinkhat

motorcycles

nd similar

(%)

(%)

(%)

vehicles

hould r should

ot

be

kept

ut

of recreationreas instate ndnational

parks?

57

15

28

(530)

How

bout

nowmobiles

.

.

should

they

be

banned rom ecreationreas

or

not?

45

22

33

(530)

The tate

nd

federal

overnments

hould

createmore

arks

n Wisconsin

ith

n

emphasis

n

preserving

and

n

ts natural

state.

72

15

13

(539)

Howdo

you

eel bout

assing

aws

which

prohibit

gricultural

ands from

being

convertedo other

ses?

50

15

35

(530)

The nformationalue of highway ill-

boards

oes

not

utweigh

he

blight hey

put

n

the

andscape.

57 13

30

(533)

Do

you

avor

r

oppose zoning

for

the

separation

f

single

family

omes

from

apartment

wellings?

60

7

30

(530)

Do

you

avor r

oppose

zoning

for

the

separation

f

mobile

homes

rom

ther

types

f

housing?

79

4 17

(538)

Do

you

favor

r

oppose

more

oning

res-

trictions

n

private

akes

and

riverfront

property?

56

9 35

(484)

Political

ecology,

as

used

here,

refers

to

the

politically

ignificant

relationship

f human

populations

o

the

resourcebase

from

which

they

make

their

living.

Conservatism,

by

this

ogic, depends

at least

in

part



13/19

222

INTERNATIONAL

EVIEW F MODERN

OCIOLOGY

on a respondent's rincipal ustenance ctivity- heway a person pro-

vides for

basic

needs and

reproduces

heir

amily

nd

larger

community.

Threats

o

basis sustenance

ctivities

may

ead,

as

the

quotation

at

the

outsetof the

paper

suggests,

o

reaction

that

is,

to ultra-conservatism.

Where social controls

ver

private

roperty

hreaten o

reduce

an

owner's

income

opportunities

y

restricting

ale or

use

options,

concerted

oppo-

sition

may

be

expected.

This is

particularly

rue

when

social

controls

are

nonlocal

n

origin,

in

which

case

the influenceof local

property

ownersover

variances

and other

xemptions

re

greatly

educed.

In

the

present nalysis, oliticalecology

s

operationalizedby separat-

ing

the

twenty

ixcounties

sampled

n Wisconsininto two

subregions.

The

first

Periphery )

ncludes

hose counties

which,

according

to the

U.S.

Department

of

Commerce,

ave

a

high proportion

average

25

per-

cent)

of

self-employed

ersons

n

their abor

force.

It

is

this

constituency

who,

as

proprietors,

0

willbe

keenly

ware

of the

economic

consequen-

ces

of

curtailing

ropertyrights

and

who would

be

expected

o

resist

land

use

planning

n

principle.

The

second

subregion

Center ) groups

those

counties

which

have

a

lower

average

proportion

11

percent)

of

self-employed

n

their

labor

force.

The

inhabitants

of the

center,

by

similar ogic, aremore ikely o conform o basic modifications n their

propertyrights.

ndeed,

people

employed

in

manufacturing,

ervices,

and

the

high

technology

sectors have far less

at stake

occupationally

from

earrangements

n real

property

ights

han

do

the

self-employed.

The relative

impacts

of

center-periphery,

ocalism,

property,

and

background

variables

on

the

comprehensive

and

use

scale

are

compared

through

he

use of

standardized

egression

oefficientsn

Table

4.

Pro-

perty

wnership,

hile

consistently

egative

n

its

influence,

s

expected,

is

of

little

tatistical

onsequence.

In all

but

one

instance

individualism),

the measures

of

right

wing

extremism

make

negligible

contributions

o

themodel and are erraticn theirdirection f influence.This ambiguous

showing

by

measures of

social

alienation

tandsmuch n

contrast

o

the

performance

f

center-periphery

entered

n

the

regression

s

a

dummy

variable,

with

enter=0,

periphery=l).

As

proposed,

the

direction

of

this

formulation

f

political

cology

s

consistently

egative.

The

magni-

tude

of

the

measure,

moreover,

s

in

general

arger

han

other

coefficients

throughout

the

table,

including

those

of

age11

and

education.

Thus,

10Self-employment

nd

proprietorship

re

roughly

quivalent,

hough

s

Wright

and

Singleman

1978)

roperly

arn,

he

quivalence

s

imperfect

n

so for

s

various

categoriesfprofessionalse.g., doctors nd lawyers) re self-employedithout

having

n

occupational

take

n

unaltered

ropertyights.

Though

ge

and

educationre

nversely

orrelated

r

=

-.

415)

well

stabli-

shed

attern,

ge

s

positively

elated

o the

and

use

planning

cale n

each

set

of

regression

oefficients

isplayed.

he fact

that

age

is

positively

ssociated ith



14/19

THE

RADICAL IGHT

ND

LAND

USE

PLANNING

223

Table 4: Standardized egressionoefficientsf LandUsePlanning

Scale

on

Radical

Right

tems

nd Other

ndependent

ariables.

Dependent

Variable

Independent

ariables

CONTROLS

Center

Age

Educa Pro-

Local-

Radical

Right

ndicator

Peri

tion

perty

ism

phery

LandUse

Planning

Scale (Nativism) .006 .226** .183** .202** -.010 .082*

(Agrarianism)

.023

.221** .184** .196**

-.010

.085*

(Anti-Socialism)

.039 .228**

.190** .199**

-

.037

.086*

(Individualism)

.086*

.227**

.189**

.199**

-.007

.095*

(Conservatism)

.052

.225** .197** .200**

-.005

.086*

,, (Fundamental-

ism)

-.017

.225**

.187**

.197**

-.009

.084*

(Powerlessness)

009

.226** .185** .204**

-.010

.082*

(Isolation)

-.046

.229**

.196**

.205**

-.003

.087*

,,

(Authoritari-

anism

)

.048

.218** .184** .182**

-.005

.081*

*Significantta=.05 Level

**Significant

t

a

=

.01

Level,

r

greater

whereas

little

support

was

found for the

second

hypothesis

f

interest

when

an indirect

measureof social

control

was

employed,

trong

vidence

is

apparent

here

on behalf

of

the

third

hypothesis

where

direct

measure

is

present.

Not

only

s

spatial

context a

proxy

for

occupational

cluster-

ing

important

n

shaping

public

attitudes

towards and

use

planning,

but

t

would

appear

to

override the

importance

of

social

pathology

as

expressedn measuresofrightwing xtremism.

Table

4

offers

n anomalous

finding

worthy

of

note.

Localism

relates

positively

o

land use

planning

and retains tatistical

ignificance

ven

after

ll other

ndependent

variables

are

controlled.

Despite

the

coun-

terintuitive

ature

of

this

finding,

given

the

prior ogic

of

the

analysis

and

the

depiction

of

local

control as a

force

directed

gainst

and use

regulation,

vidence

an be

adduced

showing

hat ocial control nd local

control

re

not

n

all

instances

ntagonistic

Geisler

nd

Martinson,

1976;

Geisler,

1979).

At

another

evel,

the reader

may

wish

to know

f

what s

termed

center

and

periphery

n

the

present

nalysis

s

merely

size-

of-place gradientopen to other interpretationshan theone provided.

property

wnershipr =.291)

may

xplain

hy

he

nfluence

f

property

s

severely

diminished

n the

and

use

planning

cale.



15/19

224

INTERNATIONAL

EVIEW F MODERNOCIOLOGY

Thebivariate orrelationbetween center-peripherynd size-of-placeof

residence

which

was

asked of each Wisconsin

espondent)

s

.505,

lending

initial

upport

o

such concerns. The

correlationsof

each variable

with

the

land

use

planning

scale

relay

different

message,

however.

As

is

shown

n

Table

5,

center-periphery

aintains

he

stronger

ssociation

at

both

the

bivariate

nd

higher

rderof

correlation.

In the second

set

of

partais

presented,

where the

variables

re

concurrently

ssociated

with

the

and

use

planning

cale,

place-of-residence

s

no

longer

statistically

significant

whereas

center-periphery

s.

Hence,

there

is littlereason

to

assume

that

the

atter

ariable

s

merely

reworked

ensitygradient.

Table

5

Correlation

oefficients

etween

and

Use Planning

cale

and

1)

Place-of-Residence

nd

2)

Center-Periphery.

Association

With

Independent

ariables

LandUse

Place

of

Residence

Center-Periphery

Planning

cale

Zero-Order

Correlation

.179*

.211**

Partial

Correlation

l)a

.179** .214**

Partial

Correlation

2)b

.081

.143**

**

X

2

significant

t

>

+

001

Controlling

and

wnership,

ge,

education,

nd

family

ncome.

Controlling

ll

variables

n

a),

above,

lus

enter-periphery,

r

place-of-residence,

as

appropriate.

Conclusion

This

paper

examines

the

empirical support

for

the

proposition

hat

extremism,n the

right,

ngendersopposition to extra-local control of

land

resources.

Not

only

are there

pparent

frailties

n

the

global

radical

right

onstruct

tself,

ut

the

separate

radical

right

ndicators show

little

net

influence

on

social control. Radical

right

ssociation

with

ocal con-

trol

is

clearly positive.

Yet,

its

effect

on

social

control

may

well

be

spurious,

argely

ttributable

o

background

factors and to a

political

ecology

context

bearing

on

one's

property

nterests.

Reticence

nd

reac-

tion

to

land

use

planning

ppear

to be matters f

vested

property

rights,

most

salient

n

the

periphery.

What, if anything, s the relevance oftheforegoingnalysisfor he

management

f

land-userelated onflict It is

one

thing

o contend

that

right

wing

extremism,

f such

can be

unambiguously

efined,

ccentuates

localism.

It is

quite

another

o assume that

opposition

o

land use

plan-

ning

comes

exclusively

or even

principally

rom

he

politicalright.

This



16/19

THERADICAL

IGHT

NDLAND

USEPLANNING

225

particular extension of conventional adicalright heorizing allswithin

what Richard

Hamilton

1976)

has

termed

restraining

myths,

i,e.,

the

persistence

f

a

theory

resting

on unfounded

laims.

Policies based on

such

theory

perpetuate

these

myths

nd

may

very

well

prolong

he

con-

flicts

manating

rom hem.

Radicals,

on

the

right,

nd

grass

roots

oppo-

nents to land

use

planning

are

not,

based on

the

evidence

t

hand,

interchangeable.

From

a

conflict

management

tandpoint,

esource

managers

wishing

to

know

n advance

where

ocal

resistance o land

use

planning

is

likely

to

occur

might

consult the

same

Department

of

Commerce

mploymentdata

employed

n the

present

nalysis.

It existsfor ll states and is

regu-

larly updated.

A

political

ecology

imilar o

that

developed

here

can be

approximated

n

states

other

han Wisconsin

s

one

step

in an effort o

identify

otential

onflict

ones.

It is

felt hat

uch

an exercise

will

prove

to

be

a

more reliable

han

comparable

fforts

o

map

social

pathology

and

will,

in

the

process,

better

acquaint

land use

planners

with

he

essence

of conflict

n

their

profession.

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