The Recuay Culture of Peru's North-Central Highlands: A Reappraisal of Chronology and ItsImplicationsAuthor(s): George F. LauSource: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 29, No. 1/2 (Spring, 2002 - Summer, 2004), pp. 177-202Published by: Boston UniversityStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3181492Accessed: 18/12/2009 10:10

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177

The Recuay Culture of Peru's North- Central Highlands: A Reappraisal of Chronology and Its Implications

George F. Lau University of East Anglia Norwich, United Kingdom

Recent archaeological investigations ofpost-Chavzn occupations in the North-Central Highlands of Peru (Department ofAncash) provide new chronological data that help situ- ate the Recuay culture and its transformations in time. Because of the burgeoning interest in northern Peru, and the cultural complexity of the Early Intermediate Period (ca. A.D.

1-700) in general, a reconsideration of Recuayprehistory is needed. This complements the recent advances in the cultural sequences of coeval groups such as Moche, Nasca, and Caja- marca. The discussion reviews ceramic and radiometric evidence to reconstruct six broad cul- turalperiods, of which the firstfour can be identified as components of a 'RRecuay Tradi- tion." To evaluate changing cultural relationships and exchange patterns in northern Peru, the new chronology clarifies local North Highland transformations following Chavin's col- lapse (ca. 100 B.c.), coast-highland interactions between Recuay and Moche/Gallinazo groups (ca. A.D. 200-700), and changing socio-cultural dispositions of Recuaygroups dur- ing the period of Wari expansion (ca. A.D. 750). Recuay's development and regional inter- action by phase furnish new insight into the character of social complexity in the ancient Andes.

Introduction

In large part owing to the pioneering efforts of the great Andeanists Julio C. Tello (1929, 1940) and Wendell C. Bennett (1944), Recuay culture has long been recognized as a vital and influential component in Peruvian prehistory. Despite its early recognition, however, Recuay culture and its position in the general chronology of the Central Andes have largely remained obscure. Recent political unrest in Peru's highlands combined with a long-standing bias for coastal study and other research priorities have limited the diachronic understanding of Recuay culture.

The present contribution reviews the current chrono- logical evidence for Recuay socio-cultural transformations, marshalling data, especially from new radiocarbon and ce- ramic studies, to situate Recuay tradition alongside broad- er patterns in Andean prehistory with greater temporal pre- cision. Specifically, the new framework will be used to illu- minate the timing and character of cultural sequences, in- cluding local developments following Chavin's collapse, Recuay interaction with Moche and Gallinazo cultures,

and the final transformations of Recuay culture vis-a-vis Wari expansion into the North Highlands.

Recuay Culture and Society

Recuay culture emerged as part of the unprecedented regional developments of the Early Intermediate Period, ca. A.D. 1-700 (Rowe and Menzel 1967). Renowned for the proliferation of art styles, the Early Intermediate Peri- od was also a time of major socio-economic innovation, in- cluding the formation of expansionistic polities, the rise of urban centers, and strong regional distinctions in technol- ogy, economic production, and religion. The Moche, Nasca, and Lima flourished as the major cultures of the coast, while Pukara/Tiwanaku and Recuay achieved promi- nence in the highlands. These pan-Andean developments are often understood to reflect the cultural heterogeneity and geopolitical balkanization of the Central Andes fol- lowing the collapse of Chavin civilization. Most portrayals of Recuay culture, however, have remained synchronic be- cause of significant gaps in reliable chronological evidence.

Recuay culture developed in a region of northern Peru

178 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

largely corresponding to the Department of Ancash (FIG.

I), an environmentally diverse area featuring Pacific coast- line, montane, and tropical rain forest habitats extending over 36,000 sq km. The Callej6n de Huaylas (FIG. i), or the intermontane drainage of the Santa River, has been the traditional focus of Recuay research. Tello (1929) and Ben- nett (1944) provided the first syntheses of the culture based on excavations and descriptions of monuments and collections from this region. Subsequent work reiterates the valley's importance (Lanning 1965; Wegner 1988; Is- bell 1989; Gero 1990). Key archaeological sites have been studied near the modern towns ofAija, Katak (Roko Ama), Huaraz (Jancu, Wilkawain, Balc6n de Judas, and sites of the Pierina mining area), Carhuaz/Marcara (Huaricoto, Honcopampa, and Queyash Alto), Yungay (Guitarrero Cave), and Caraz (Tumshukayko and Katiama). Just north of the Callej6n de Huaylas, major centers at Pashash and La Pampa have also been investigated (Grieder 1978; Smith 1978; Terada 1979).

Recuay occupation is known, but poorly documented, from the Callej6n de Conchucos, the Marainon-draining valleys to the east of the Cordillera Blanca. Major Recuay settlements have been identified in and around the modern towns of Chavin de Huaintar, Chacas, and Pomabamba

(Tello 1929, 1960; Espejo Nuniez 1957; Lumbreras 1970; Amat Olazabal 1976; Herrera 1999).

The Recuay culture also flourished along the Pacific flanks of the Cordillera Negra. Archaeological research in

this region has focused traditionally on settlement systems, finding strong Recuay presence in the middle to upper val-

ley areas of the Huarmey, Casma, Nepefia, and Santa rivers

(Tello 1929; Grieder 1978; Proulx 1982; Wilson 1988). Recent excavations and radiocarbon determinations from

Chinchawas, a village settlement located at the headwaters

of the Casma Valley (Lau 2001), provide critical new data

for the reevaluation of Recuay chronology presented here.

The Recuay are best known for their distinctive art style that emerged after Chavin in the North-Central High- lands. Despite the geographic propinquity, Recuay ceram-

ics and stone sculpture lack clear relationships to previous Chavin culture. The iconography, which stresses themes of

important personages and ancestor veneration, appears to

be a conscious break from the esoteric and mystifying em-

phases of Chavin imagery. In addition, innovations in tech-

nology and artistic elaboration-including the use of white

kaolinite clays, resist and polychrome painting, effigy

forms, and architectural representations-distinguish the

Recuay pottery style (Reichert 1977; Smith 1978; Grieder

1978). Highland Recuay peoples also excelled in the man-

ufacture of monolithic stone sculpture (Tello 1929; Ben-

nett 1944; Schaedel 1948, 1952). Depicting noteworthy

individuals and images of status and cosmology, Recuay ar- tisans engaged many of the sculptures as structural mem- bers in special architectural settings. Recent arguments maintain that most sculpture functioned in local mortuary ritual and status aggrandizement (Lau 2000, 2001).

Recuay culture manifests significant stylistic ties to co- eval developments in the Central Andes, including the Moche (Bruhns 1976; Bankmann 1979), Salinar, and Gal- linazo (Larco 1945, 1948; Bennett 1950), Cajamarca (Julien 1988; Terada and Matsumoto 1985), Lima (Pat- terson 1966; Makowski and Rucabado Yong 2000), and montane forest cultures (Church 1996). Later, there are al- so some stylistic connections with Wari culture (Schaedel 1952, 1993). Recuay's central geographic position in northern Peru likely facilitated vigorous stylistic inter-

change by connecting different parts of the sierra with coastal and eastern montane forest zones. Stylistic connec- tions coincided with exchange relationships. Rare sumptu- ary goods such as marine shell, metal artifacts, and fancy ce- ramics comprised key components of long-distance trade.

Exchange probably also included bulkier products, such as camelid meat (on the hoof or as dried ch'arki [English: "jerky"] meat packages) and staple tuber crops. Textiles and

spun camelid fiber may have also been important com- modities for high-altitude communities (Lau 2001:

416-419). Recuay groups prospered through cultural and eco-

nomic transactions between different ecological zones (Tel- lo 1929: 14-16). Many settlements occupied strategic lo-

cations on vital exchange routes (Smith 1978; Proulx

1982), and small communities were established to exploit

high altitude agricultural lands (upper quechua) as well as

zones for camelid pasturage orpuna (Lau 2001). As in other contemporary cultures, like Moche and

Nasca, warfare is a recurring theme in the interpretation of

Recuay groups (Lumbreras 1974a: 112-116; Lau 2000:

181-182) with warriors, weapons, and trophy heads as

common motifs in Recuay art (Tello 1929: 75-80; Schaedel 1948: figs. 56-57). Painted scenes from Moche

pots illustrate battling Moche and Recuay warriors (Weg- ner, in Proulx 1982: 90). In addition to their location on

defensive ridgetops, Recuay settlements were often forti-

fied with moats, large perimeter walls, restricted access, and parapets. Archaeological evidence of weapons, such as

maceheads, projectile points, slingstones, and atlatl hooks, is common (Tello 1929; Proulx 1982; Lau 2001). Mod-

eled ceramics also depict large fortified enclosures with

armed sentries positioned along the walls (Lumbreras 1978: 113).

It appears that a number of independent polities, prob-

ably along the lines of large chiefdoms, comprised Recuay

Journal of FieldArchaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004 179

Figure 1. Map of northern Peru with location of sites, some of which are mentioned in text. The inset shows the location of the mapped area and the Department of Ancash in Peru.

180 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

society by the mid-ist millennium A.D. Given growing ev- idence for regional cultural variability, it is unclear that the

groups ever coalesced into the more complex or enduring political unit sometimes ascribed for Recuay (Smith 1978; Shimada 1994: 86, 258). Nevertheless, we may conceive of a commonwealth of largely independent groups adapt- ed to the highland and upper coastal valley environments of Ancash, and sharing very similar material culture, iconography, and behavioral patterns--especially in funer-

ary ritual, exchange interests, and settlement organization. Increasingly asymmetrical social relations in Recuay cul-

ture coincided with a shift towards stratification and secu- lar administration in adjacent groups, such as Gallinazo, Moche, and Lima. The current evidence, especially from settlement patterns and stylistic studies, suggests that Re-

cuay cultural differentiation and political development may have been a response to intensive competition with its

neighbors (Proulx 1982; Topic and Topic 1983; Shady So- lis 1988; Shimada 1999). The Recuay pattern agrees with

arguments that widespread innovations in art, technology, and iconography during the Early Intermediate Period were developed to aggrandize elite segments of society and to signal political authority (e.g., Silverman 1993; Uceda and Mujica 1994; Bawden 1996; Gero 2001). By the 8th

century A.D., the Recuay tradition came to a close as new cultural patterns associated with extending Wari influence became predominant (FIG. 2).

Recuay's development represents a remarkable example of adaptation to challenging highland environments that

contrasts with earlier societies (e.g., Chavin). Recuay re-

search promises to offer insights into the emergence of hi-

erarchy in small-scale, "transegalitarian" societies (Hayden 2001). Public art, exchange, technological innovations,

warfare, and religion all contributed to marked Recuay so-

cio-political change during the Early Intermediate Period.

This discussion confronts the fundamental problem that

Recuay's role in Andean archaeology cannot be addressed

reliably without knowing its temporal relationships to oth-

er cultures and broader historical changes. The updated cultural sequence presented here, therefore, contributes to

a more inclusive consideration of northern Peruvian pre-

history.

Style and Chronology in Highland Ancash after Chavin

Radiocarbon data, organized by stylistic associations,

provide the basis for an absolute chronology of highland Ancash after Chavin (FIG. 2). All dates in the text that are

reported as b.p. ages are uncalibrated. Additional details of

each sample are presented in Table 1, citing calibrations us-

ing the Warsaw University Andes radiocarbon database

(Ziolkowski et al. 1994) or CALIB version 4.3 online. The most recent published version of CALIB can be found in Stuiver and Reimer (1993). Parts of this discussion refer to the "Recuay tradition" (ca. A.D. 1-800), a broad term meant to describe four distinctive but related phases in Re- cuay's general development: Huaras, Recuay, Late Recuay, and Early Wari-influenced phases (FIG. 3). Future work in

highland Ancash should improve this reconstruction by identifying subphases as well as regional variations.

Huaras Style (200 B.C.-A.D. 250) Since Bennett's original formulation in 1944, the tem-

poral placement of Huaras culture has been a problem. "Huaras, as is common practice, will be used to avoid con- fusion with the modern city and province of Huaraz. Many scholars accept that Huaras white-on-red pottery occurs

prior to Recuay materials (Bennett 1944; Lumbreras

1970; Grieder 1978) or comprises an early but partially overlapping phase in a broader Recuay sequence beginning at the end of the Early Horizon, ca. A.D. 1 (Lanning 1965; Gambini 1984).

Huaras is often considered as an early component of the

Recuay tradition on the basis of its material culture. The Huaras emphasis on open bowls and small jars, red slips, and groups of painted vertical or horizontal bands along exterior rims continues into Recuay. Other elements, in-

cluding Huaras funerary practices, sculptural iconography, and masonry technique, anticipate later Recuay practices (Bennett 1944: 36, 50; Lanning 1965: 140; Lumbreras 1970: 69-74).

At Chavin de Huantar, Huaricoto, and perhaps also at

Pashash, archaeologists find white-on-red pottery strati-

graphically below Recuay levels (Lumbreras 1974b; Grieder 1978: 63-65; Burger 1985: 125). Other recent in-

vestigations (Isbell 1989, 1991; Lynch 1980; Gero 1990; Ponte Rosalino 2000) expand the geographic distribution

and functional contexts of Huaras style pottery and sup-

port Bennett's (1944: 109) original contention that

Huaras should occur largely after the end of Chavin and

before occupations containing Recuay kaolinite pottery.

Any stylistic developments from Huaras to Recuay remain

poorly understood but most evidence points to a smooth

transition with strong cultural continuity (Lanning 1965;

Burger 1985; Gero 1992, 2001). There are ten fully reported radiocarbon measurements

associated with white-on-red ceramics (TABLE i). From

Chavin de Huantar, Lumbreras (1989) cited two ages, 2640 ? 70 B.P. and 2480 ? 70 B.P.; Amat (1976) also

published another assay of 2100 ? 100 B.P. A sample from

Guitarrero Cave (Lynch 1980: 43) yielded a date of 2315 ? 125 B.P. AnAMS date of 2230 ? 55 B.P. was taken from

Journal of FieldArchaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004 181

Cl)

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Figure 2. Radiocarbon measurements for highland Ancash after Chavin. Bars contain calibrated one-

sigma ranges and intercepts.

the Pierina Mine site ofChonta Ranra Punta (Ponte 2000). Gero (1992: 17) ran a series of seven assays from Queyash Alto where the two earliest, associated with Huaras pot- tery, yielded ages of 2220 ? 150 B.P. and 2140 ? 90 B.P. Two pertinent dates from Pashash, associated with white- on-red Quinfi style pottery, are 1640 ? 80 B.P. and 1610 ? 170 B.P. (Grieder 1978: 191). Finally, the large circular structure at La Pampa yielded a date associated with white- on-red ceramics of 640 ? 50 B.P. (Terada 1979: 178).

At face value, the radiocarbon evidence indicates that

pottery with white-on-red decoration would appear to have a history of use spanning 1000 years, beginning at least by the terminal Early Horizon. It is notable that none of the ten assays fits well with the later ranges generally ex- pected for Huara's culture, ca. A.D. 1-250. The aberrant ages of some of the white-on-red samples will be consid- ered below.

Recuay Style (A.D. 250-650) "Classic" Recuay pottery (FIG. 4) is identified by a suite

of diagnostic features, including fine and thin fabrics, use

ofkaolinite, two- and three-color polychrome painting, re- sist decoration, hand modeling of sculptural elements, dis- tinct vessel shapes, and a characteristic group of icono-

graphic elements (Reichert 1977; Smith 1978; Grieder

1978). Although stylistic seriations exist, the lack of docu- mentation, stratigraphic control, and radiocarbon evidence

precludes verification (Tello 1929: 85-98; Bennett 1944: 99-104; Kroeber 1944: 93-96; Amat 1976: 534; Gambi- ni Escudero 1984: 144-147). Most research has focused on the Callejon de Huaylas, but the distribution of Recuay pottery also extends to the western Andean flanks as well as the Callej6n de Conchucos.

Recuay styles in the Conchucos are known by various names, including "Mariash," "Callej6n" (Lumbreras 1970), "Huaylas" (Espejo Nufiez 1957), and "San Jeronimo" (Bennett 1944). Chavin de Huantar and its vicinity have

consistently produced Recuay materials above Chavin-pe- riod materials (Tello 1960; Bennett 1944; Lumbreras 1970; Amat Oblazabal 1976; Burger 1982, 1984). Owing to limited research, however, there are no radiocarbon dates for Recuay occupation of the Conchucos. The largest

1600

1500

1400 -

1300 -

1200 -

1100 -

1000

900

800

700

600

500

400

300

200

100

cal AC/BC

100 -

200 -

300

400

500

600 -

700

800

Calibrated radiocarbon ages from North-Central Highlands,

Ancash, Peru

(1-sigma ranges)

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182 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

Highlands Coast Ancash

LATE HORIZON

LATE INTERMEDIATE

PERIOD

MIDDLE HORIZON

EARLY INTERMEDIATE

PERIOD

1532

140

1200

1000

900

800

700

600

500

400

300

200

100

ACI

Inka- Aquillpo

Pashash Pierina Chinchawas Cajamarca Huamachuco Moche

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Estero Late

Tambo Real

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Final Cajamarca

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Late Wari-

influence

Early Wari-

influence

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Recuay

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Chakwas

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Middle Cajamarca

A

Tuscan

Urpay

Chamis

Amaru

Huamachuco

Huacohu

Quimit

Yaia

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Cotojirca II

C

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Initial Caiamarca

Purpucala

Early Chimu

Late Moche

IV Middle Moche III

Early II Moche

Gallinazo

Salinar

Tomaval

Huancaco

Late Gallinazo

Early- Middle

Gallinazo

Early Tambo Real

Late Tanguche

Early Tanguche

Guadalupito

Late Suchiman-

cillo

Early Suchiman-

cillo

Casma

Choloque

Nivin

Cachipampa

Figure 3. Cultural chronology for Ancash and correlations with adjacent cultures. Dates are in cal years A.D.

- -----

- --I -- - - - -- - - -

Journal of FieldArchaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004 183

Table 1. Radiocarbon assays for Huaras white-on-red style ceramics. Site (reference) Laboratory no. 14C years B.P One-sigma range Two-sigma range Phase associatin Context and material Chavin de Huantar HAR-1104 2640?70 832-791 B.c. 919-562 B.c. Huaras Tomb 7, in stone fill (charcoal)

(Lumbreras 1989) Chavin de Huantar HAR-1109 2480? 70 787-409 B.c. 801-398 B.c. Huaras Midden on house floor

(Lumbreras 1989) (charcoal) Guitarrero Cave Si-1504 2315 ? 125 517-204 B.C. 790-52 B.c. Huaras-Recuay Unit 47, fire-drill hearth

(Lynch 1980) (wood) Chonta Ranra Punta AA32484 2230 55 386-201 B.c. 399-124 B.c. Huaras Locus 137 (charcoal)

(Ponte 2000)

Queyash Alto Beta-31354 2220? 150 403-54 B.c. 763 B.C.-A.D. 79 Huaras White-on-red level (charcoal) (Gero 1992)

Queyash Alto* Beta-31357 2140?90 357-46 B.c. 396 B.C.-A.D. 54 Huaras White-on-red level (charcoal) Chavin de Huantar Gif-1079 2100? 100 350 B.C.-A.D. 16 390 B.C.-A.D. 123 Huaras Old temple atrium, NE sector,

(Amat 1976) Level 5 (plant carbon) Pashash Tx-944 1640 80 A.D. 263-534 A.D. 237-601 Quinui Fill above Quinui level-Cut 4

(Grieder 1978) Level 4 (charcoal) Pashash Tx-1332 1610? 170 A.D. 243-638 A.D. 34-768 Quinu Stone fill, Cut 9 Level 4,

(Grieder 1978) white-on-red (charcoal) La Pampa TK-173 640 50 A.D. 1293-1396 A.D. 1279-1410 White-on-red RCC structure, upper floor

(Terada 1979) (charcoal) *Joan Gero, personal communication 2000.

suite of dates comes from Pashash, where many of the finest Recuay vessels known were recovered. Grieder (1978) identified three local Recuay subphases-the Quimit, Yaia, and Huacohui. The Yaia phase is represented by two assays: 1590 ? 60 B.P. and 1380 ? 100 B.P. The fi- nal phase, Huacohu, is represented by two measurements: 1490 ? 70 B.P. and 1110 ? 270 B.P. Three other Recuay dates, with no subphase association, are also reported: 1400 ? 60 B.P., 1500 ? 90 B.P., and 1580 ? 70 B.P. These dates indicate that Recuay occupation at Pashash appears to have been late in the Early Intermediate Period and rel- atively short-lived (ca. A.D. 400-650) (TABLE 2).

Further south, the area around modern Huaraz formed another center for Recuay development (Bennett 1944; Schaedel 1948, 1952). One site, Balc6n de Judas, revealed large quantities of broken Recuay kaolinite bowls, with monochrome and polychrome painting along exterior bowl rims (Wegner 1988). Eisleb (1987) illustrates very similar pottery in the Macedo Collection in the Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, a massive gravelot recovered from the Roko Ama cemetery in Katak. At Chinchawas, located due west of Huaraz, Lau (2001: 179-187) encountered pottery resembling Balc6n de Judas and Katak materials in the lowermost deposits of the site. The assemblage was at- tributed to a local Recuay variant, known as the Kayan style. The lone Kayin assay from Chinchawas yielded an age of 1710 ? 50 B.P., which is just slightly earlier than the Pashash dates.

Radiocarbon measurements were also reported for the Marcara-Carhuaz area in the Callej6n de Huaylas, taken on samples recovered by Gary Vescelius and Hernan Amat

(Buse 1965; Ravines 1982; Ziolkowski et al. 1994). Al- though the contexts and associations have never been pre- sented in full, at least two dates that are not presented in Table 2 reasonably fall within Recuay ranges at 1541 ? 125 B.P. and 1621 ? 145 B.P. Taken together, the radio- carbon evidence (TABLE 2) indicates that classic Recuay pottery may have been produced for only four centuries ca. A.D. 250-650.

Late Recuay Styles (A.D. 600-700)

By the end of the 6th century A.D. in highland Ancash, kaolinite ceramics were being replaced by a proliferation of coarser locally-decorated wares (FIG. 5). At Chinchawas, this is known as "Chinchawasi 1 Ware A" (Lau 2001: 187-196). At Pashash, a related style, named "Usui" emerges (Grieder 1978: 70). Published examples occur as far abroad as Chacas (Wegner 2000: 16), Katak (Eisleb 1987: figs. 23, 38, 92), and Pierina (Ponte 2000). In ad- dition, "Callej6n" style ceramics from the Mosna drainage show late Recuay features (Lumbreras 1970: 67).

Stylistically, cultural changes point to a gradual dissolu- tion of the previous Recuay fineware style. In general, late Recuay pottery manifests preferences for coarser oxidized fabrics, tan to pinkish buff paste colors, and the disappear- ance of kaolinite. Elaborate modeling and resist decoration become more infrequent. In painting, the line weights be- come heavier and less meticulous; fewer colors are used, re- lying almost exclusively on a dark red pigment. Painting occurs typically on the exterior of bowls and small jars. Common designs reuse but update previous Recuay pref- erences: multiple horizontal meanders, groups of vertical

184 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

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Figure 4. Examples of Recuay-style pottery, from Kayin phase, Chinchawas. A-U) Kaolinite open bowls; V) Modeled kaolinite adorno, probably the head of a camelid; W) Small redware jar; X-Y) Kaolinite ring-bases.

r

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Journal ofFieldArchaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004 185

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Figure 5. Examples of Late Recuay pottery, from Chinchawasi 1 phase, Chinchawas. A-J) Exterior-paint- ed open bowls and cups; K-M) Jars; N-P) Contemporary white-on-red "non-Huaras" bowls.

r

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186 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

Table 2. Radiocarbon assays for Recuay and Late Recuay ceramics.

Styl Site (reference) Laboratory no. 14C years B.. One-sigma range Two-sigma range Phase association Context and material

Recuay Chinchawas AA32365 1710 50 A.D. 256-408 A.D. 229-429 Kayan Burnt area, OP9 Level J,

(Lau 2001) Terrace 1 (charcoal) Pashash Tx-1824 1590?60 A.D. 411-540 A.D. 264-616 Recuay-Yaia Fill over La Capilla burial,

(Grieder 1978) Cutl2 Lv4 (charcoal) Pashash Tx-942 1580?70 A.D. 411-559 A.D. 263-639 Recuay Alluvium, Cut 3 Level 2

(Grieder 1978) (charcoal) Pashash Tx-940 1500?90 A.D. 433-647 A.D. 386-685 Recuay Alluvium over surface,

(Grieder 1978) Cut 3 Level 2 (charcoal)

Pashash Tx-941 1490 ?70 A.D. 475-643 A.D. 420-664 Huacohui Burned roof beams, Cut 4

(Grieder 1978) Level 2 (charcoal) Pashash Tx-1329 1400?60 A.D. 604-669 A.D. 541-765 Mid-Recuay (Yaia) Fill in doorway to burial,

(Grieder 1978) Cut 12, Lev. 6 (charcoal) Pashash Tx-943 1380 ?100 A.D. 600-764 A.D. 435-886 Yaia Fill over house structures,

(Grieder 1978) Cut 3 Lev. 4 (charcoal) Pashash Tx-1331 1110?270 A.D. 658-1216 A.D. 412-1401 Huacohu Fill under house floor,

(Grieder 1978) Cut 9 Level 3 (charcoal)

Late Recuay Chinchawas AA32369 1395 45 A.D. 622-664 A.D. 598-689 Chinchawasi 1 Base of midden, OP19

(Lau 2001) Level L (wood/bone) Chinchawas AA32371 1375 ?45 A.D. 642-677 A.D. 602-763 Chinchawasi 1 Under batin, house -

(Lau 2001) OP49 Level D (charcoal)

Queyash Alto* Beta-31353 1360 ?90 A.D. 618-768 A.D. 537-886 Post-Recuay Post-Recuay association (charcoal)

Queyash Alto* Beta-30112 1350?80 A.D. 640-768 A.D. 543-879 Post-Recuay Post-Recuay association (charcoal)

Chinchawas AA32368 1305 ?45 A.D. 663-773 A.D. 652-801 Chinchawasi 1 Floor refuse deposit, OP31

(Lau 2001) Level H (charcoal) Chinchawas AA32376 675 ? 50 A.D. 1283-1386 A.D. 1263-1400 Chinchawasi 1 Tomb ST-3, OP65 Level B

(Lau 2001) (charcoal)

*Joan Gero, personal communication 2000.

or horizontal lines, repeating circles, and simple repeating linear and geometric motifs such as rectangles, mazes, and

triangles. Radiocarbon evidence (TABLE 2) indicates that late Re-

cuay styles flourished during the 7th century A.D. Three as-

says date Chinchawasi 1 at 1395 ? 45 B.P., 1375 ? 45 B.P.,

and 1305 ? 45 B.P. Two assays from Queyash Alto, asso-

ciated with local "post-Recuay" occupation, yielded com-

parable ages of 1360 ? 90 B.P. and 1350 ? 80 B.P.

Early Wari-Influenced Styles (A.D. 700-850)

During the height of terminal Recuay styles, foreign cul-

tural influences in the Callej6n de Huaylas became increas-

ingly pervasive. Wari-influenced occupation at Honco-

pampa commenced, as part of Vescelius' "Early Honco"

phase (Lanning 1965: 140; Buse 1965: 327); Isbell

(1989, 1991) reports four dates from Wari-associated con-

texts at the site: 1380 ? 70 B.P., 1330 ? 100 B.P., 1280 ?

70 B.P., and 1240 ? 90 B.P. (TABLE 3). The assays indicate

that Wari expanded into the Callej6n de Huaylas by the be-

ginning of the 8th century A.D. and promoted a major

building program highlighted by foreign style D-shaped structures and patio-groups (Isbell 1989, 1991; cf. Topic

and Topic 2000: 195). The pottery from Honcopampa has

not yet been published, so stylistic comparisons are cur-

rently unavailable. Cultural changes have been documented at Chinchawas

in the transition between phases Chinchawasi 1 and 2 (Lau

2001). The major continuity consists of a ware character-

ized by dark red painting on a light background (FIG. 6). Redder paste colors become more prominent, as if the

long-standing emphasis on light kaolinite-related fabrics

was being displaced. The earlier preference for painting on

bowl exteriors shifts discernibly to interiors during Chin-

chawasi 2. In designs, there is a growing emphasis on dual

face images, nested diamonds, and the concomitant disap-

pearance of other representations. Finally, Chinchawasi 1 Ware B, a "white-on-red" pottery, falls out of favor.

Throughout the Callej6n de Huaylas, locally decorated

pottery commonly occurs, but with a greater abundance of

exotic prestige ceramics. Chakipampa B (an imported Wari

style), Cajamarca, Late Moche and other North Coast

styles, and non-Recuay kaolinite pottery have all been doc-

umented as trade items, especially in burial contexts (Ben- nett 1944: figs. 9, 10, 13; Menzel 1964; Lanning 1965:

140; Lau 2001: 283-334). The greater frequency of exot-

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004 187

Table 3. Radiocarbon assays for Wari-influenced ceramics.

Style Site (reference) Laboratoy no. 14Cyears BJ. One-sigma range Two-sigma range Phase association Context and material

Early Wari-influenced Honcopampa n/a 3 1380 70 A.D. 618-687 A.D. 541-777 Late E.I.P./MH1 Patio-group AC-8,

(Isbell 1989) Exc. 2, floor hearth (charcoal)

Honcopamnpa n/a 2 1330+ 100 A.D. 640-778 A.D. 539-943 Huars-bearing Patio-group AC-5,

(Isbell 1989) Excav. 1, Level 11 (charcoal)

LlacaAmai Caca AA32489 1300?55 A.D. 662-776 A.D. 644-880 Cotojirca IV Hearth with ashy

(Ponte 2000) sediment (charcoal) Chinchawas AA32367 1290?45 A.D. 668-776 A.D. 657-863 Chinchawasi 2 Refuse deposit, OP4

(Lau 2001) Level G (charcoal)

Honcopampa n/a 5 1280 70 A.D. 663-804 A.D. 642-937 Middle Horizon 1-2 Patio-group AC-2,

(Isbell 1989) Exc.4, broken floor (charcoal)

Chinchawas AA32366 1255 45 A.D. 689-863 A.D. 664-891 Chinchawasi 2 Refuse/fill, OP21

(Lau 2001) Level I (charcoal) Honcopampa n/a 1 1240 90 A.D. 673-892 A.D. 642-993 Middle Horizon 2 Patio-group AC-5,

(Isbell 1989) Exc. 1, sw floor (charcoal)

Queyash Alto* Beta-30115 1210?80 A.D. 690-942 A.D. 659-998 Post-Recuay Post-Recuay association (charcoal)

Ancash Punta AA32481 1195 ? 55 A.D. 734-937 A.D. 686-981 Cotojirca IV Outside habitation

(Ponte 2000) Unidad Z2 (charcoal) Chinchawas AA32372 1180 45 A.D. 778-940 A.D. 694-980 Chinchawasi 2 Top of refuse deposit,

(Lau 2001) OP26G (charcoal)

Late Wari-influenced Chinchawas AA32373 1170?55 A.D. 778-960 A.D. 692-994 Warmi Refuse on floor,

(Lau 2001) OP36G (charcoal) Chinchawas AA32374 1160?45 A.D. 781-961 A.D. 730-985 Warmi Burnt refuse on floor,

(Lau 2001) OP43I (charcoal) Queyash Alto* Beta-30114 1160?80 A.D. 776-982 A.D. 679-1022 Post-Recuay Post-Recuay

association (charcoal)

Chinchawas AA32370 1150 50 A.D. 782-977 A.D. 731-998 Warmi Burnt pit, OP20 (Lau 2001) Level F (charcoal)

Yarcok AA32490 1125 ?50 A.D. 886-983 A.D. 778-1018 Middle Horizon Chullpa tomb, Tumba (Ponte 2000) 11, Capa 2 (human

bone) Chinchawas AA32377 655 50 A.D. 1288-1392 A.D. 1276-1405 Warmi Chullpa tomb CT-2,

(Lau 2001) OP57 Level A (human bone)

*Joan Gero, personal communication 2000.

ic pottery reflects widening exchange relationships fostered

by early Wari expansion. Three radiocarbon ages are available for Chinchawasi 2

contexts: 1290 ? 45 B.P., 1255 ? 45 B.P., and 1180 ? 45 B.P. The ages fall largely into the 8th century A.D. and can be considered roughly coeval with the occupation at Hon-

copampa. One "post-Recuay" date from Queyash Alto yielded an age of 1210 ? 80 B.P. Two sites in the Pierina

mining area, associated with Cotojirca IV pottery, provid- ed comparable dates of 1300 ? 55 B.P. and 1195 ? 55 B.P.

(Ponte 2000) (TABLE 3).

Late Wani-Influenced Styles (A.D. 850-950) The subsequent phase of late Wari-influenced styles in

highland Ancash commences during the 9th century A.D. and is marked by the widespread disappearance of Recuay-

tradition features in local decorated pottery. In their stead, we see the emergence of innovative wares bearing affinities to Wari secular styles (FIG. 7). In the Casma headwaters, by around A.D. 850, the Chinchawasi 2 phase was being re-

placed by Warmi ceramics (Lau 2001) and dark red or or-

ange oxidized fabrics predominate. Surface treatment is much less elaborate, with striations commonly found on bowl and jar surfaces. Bowl interiors comprise the primary field for painted decoration, which is rendered primarily in black and dark purple. Designs include lattices, wing mo- tifs, band or meander designs, arcs, and nested arcs. Plastic decoration, especially circular punctations and shallow in- cisions on jar necks and strap handles, becomes more prevalent. Applique ribbed fillets and nubbins also occur more commonly. Some Cotojirca IV pottery reported for the Pierina sites may be contemporary to Warmi styles

188 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

019

9

023

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Figure 6. Examples of Early Wari-influenced ceramics, from Chinchawasi 2 phase, Chinchawas.

A-H) Interior-painted and exterior-painted bowls; I-M) Jars.

-W w -Mf

- I

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I

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004 189

(Ponte 2000: figs. 16, 19). The Warmi phase may best cor- relate with Vescelius' "Late Honco" phase derived for the Carhuaz-Marcara area (Lanning 1965: 140).

The mid-late Middle Horizon position of Warmi and other related styles is supported by their frequent associa- tion with above-ground tombs, or chullpas (Bennett 1944: fig. 4; Lau 2001). Exotics from chullpas consist of styles that date to the mid-late Middle Horizon, such as Vinaque (Tello 1929: 27; Terada 1979: plate 73b; Isbell 1991: 34; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000: fig. 6a), Middle Ca- jamarca (Terada 1979: plate 73a; Terada and Matsumoto 1985), and Nieveria (Lau 2001: 289-290). Particularly striking is the proliferation of press-molded wares typical of coastal styles found in Supe (Tanning 1965), Huarmey (Thompson 1966; Priimers 2000), Casma (Collier 1962), and more northern valleys, such as Santa (Wilson 1988), Vini (Collier 1955), Moche, and Chicama (Larco 1948).

The Warmi radiocarbon samples from Chinchawas clus- ter in the latter half of the 9th century A.D. (Lau 2001: 263-264). The three assays, taken from different test pits in the site's main sector, measured 1170 ? 55 B.P., 1160 ? 45 B.P., and 1150 ? 50 B.P. Radiocarbon measurements from late occupations at the Yarcok site in the Pierina area (1125 ? 50 B.P.) and Queyash Alto (1160 ? 80 B.P.) may be associated ages. On the basis of this small suite of dates, late Wari influence in the Callejon de Huaylas appears to have developed and ended abruptly (TABLE 3).

Aquillpo Style (A.D. 950-1450) In the Callejon de Huaylas, cultures developing after

Wari influence are often referred to as "Aquillpo" or "Akillpo"' (Vescelius, in Lanning 1965). Many sites have produced Aquillpo-type pottery, including the Pierina mining area (Ponte 2000), Honcopampa (Isbell 1989, 1991), Balcon de Judas (Steven Wegner, personal commu- nication 1998), and Pojoc (Burger 1982). At Chinchawas, Lau (2001) characterizes a local variant referred to as "Chakwas' style (FIG. 8).

Aquillpo wares are best known for repetitive plastic dec- oration on plain redware fabrics ranging in color from brick red to orange. Punctation, incision, and applique treatments-in the form of lugs, adornos, and fillets-are common additions to the exteriors and rims of bowls, and the necks, strap handles, and rims ofjars. Occasionally, pot- ters combined rows or lattices of incisions with puncta- tions. Painting is uncommon, but occurs occasionally in the interiors of bowls, typically as simple, black geometric designs (FIG. 8A). Based on associations, stylistic similari- ties, and stratigraphic contexts, these styles begin at the ter- minal Middle Horizon and span the Late Intermediate Pe- riod.

One Aquillpo period radiocarbon sample from the Pie- rina mining area yielded an age of 535 ? 50 B.P. (Ponte 2000). Other sites from Pierina and the Callejon de Huay- las have produced comparable ages, suggesting a pre-Inka occupation between A.D. 1200 and 1450. There are five dates from tomb contexts that fall within the Aquillpo time range despite older ceramic and architectural associations; these are Samples AA32376, listed in Table 2, AA32377 in Table 3, and in Table 4 AA32491, AA32486, and AA32485. Although contamination of earlier organic ma- terials is possible, it is more likely that the ages date the reuse of earlier tombs for Aquillpo period interments. Reuse would support the hypothesis that chullpa funerary practices continued during the Late Intermediate Period, when highland peoples often appropriated the mortuary spaces of earlier Middle Horizon groups (Isbell 1997; Sa- lomon 1995; Lau 2000). Finally, the only date for Inka-pe- riod occupation in highland Ancash is from La Pampa, where a Caserones period sample yielded an age of 500 ? 70 B.P. (Terada 1979).

Issues in Recuay Prehistory An updated sequence for highland Ancash facilitates fin-

er cross-dating with broader socio-cultural developments during the post-Chavin period. Using the current chronol- ogy as an aid, the following section addresses three major issues concerning Recuay culture. Future fieldwork should clarify the observations and preliminary conclusions pro- vided here.

Collapse of Chavt'n and the Emergence of the Huards Style

Although the emergence of Chavin civilization has been a prominent research topic in recent decades, its collapse has received much less treatment. The decline of Chavin's regional influence is notable because early manifestations of the Recuay tradition emerge quickly thereafter in the North-Central Highlands. The transitional period, around 200 B.C. to A.D. 200, is often associated with white-on-red Huaras culture.

The Huaras style contrasts starkly with previous Chavin pottery and surely indicates a fundamental disruption of cultural patterns at Chavin de Huantar and other sites (Lumbreras 1970; Bennett 1944; Burger 1984, 1985). In particular, the Huaras reliance on painted decoration, oxi- dized redwares, bowl forms, and simple linear patterns on vessel exteriors in distinct combinations diverges from ear- lier pottery styles. Moreover, white-on-red iconography, in general, lacks the overt and complex religious symbolism of Chavin-period pottery (Willey 1948:10-11).

Other profound transformations coincided with the de-

190 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

019 1-

a WV~ \ -. black

015

black

015

suir [ white

[ orange red (slip) d:'dark red

black

022

black

018

black

022

purple

023

black

018

f

black

020

M purple

024

black

0 5

cm

Figure 7. Examples of Late Wari-influenced ceramics, from Warmi phase, Chinchawas. All are open bowls with interior-painted designs.

018

black

i\,

\\\

Journal ofField Archaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004 191

cline of Chavin. Peoples within Chavin's sphere of influ- ence in the North Highlands invested tremendous effort in the construction and maintenance of monumental plat- form-mound temples. Although the tradition of monu- mental architecture continued, such as at Tumshukayko and Pashash, the buildings were not constructed in the Chavin style, suggesting that later groups largely rejected the principles of Chavin religion. Nowhere is this more ev- ident than at Chavin de Huantar itself, where Huaras groups built common residential buildings and dumped refuse atop one of the most sacred places of the temple complex, the Old Temple atrium (Lumbreras 1970, 1974b, 1977). Further, the general moratorium on temple building and renovation programs at Chavin de Huantar and other sites suggests a widespread interruption of Chavin influence, ca. 200-100 B.C. (Burger 1992: 228; cf. Rodriguez Kembel 2001).

The pattern of large civic-ceremonial centers in the North Highlands appears to be replaced by a more frag- mented social landscape based on small local communities and territories. Settlement studies have yet to identify ma- jor Huaras sites that can be interpreted as regional capitals. It seems that most Huaras peoples resided in village com- munities, such as the re-occupations of Chavin de Huantar and Huaricoto. Anticipating a common strategy in later Recuay times, Huaras settlements bearing evidence of pub- lic architecture occupied hilltop locations (Amat 1976; Gero 1990). This pattern was part of a wider phenomenon of defensive settlement orientation that affected many parts of northern Peru after Chavin, especially the coast (Daggett 1985, 1987; Wilson 1988, 1995). The hilltop sites appear to have been refuges for small, independent groups rather than components of a centrally coordinated defensive system (Topic and Topic 1982: 9).

The radiocarbon determinations for white-on-red asso- ciations are, at best, only suggestive of the timing of Huaras occupations. Sample Gif-1079 from Chavin's sunken circular plaza fits within the expected Huaras age range and the dates from Queyash Alto (Beta-31354 and Beta-31357) and Chonta Ranra Punta, Pierina (AA32484) are also acceptable. The remaining assays are more difficult to reconcile. Two samples from Huaras contexts in the sunken circular plaza at Chavin produced surprisingly ear- ly determinations (HAR-1104 and HAR-1109). The Gui- tarrero Cave assay (Si-1504) may also be considered some- what older than anticipated. Meanwhile, three dates (Tx- 944, Tx-1332, and Tk-173) appear too young for the ex- pected ranges of Huaras occupation.

In addition to the absolute chronology, data are emerg- ing that suggest a simple sequential ordering from white- on-red to Recuay style is untenable. At Chinchawas, a

white-on-red ware (Chinchawasi 1 Ware B) occurs nearly exclusively with other Chinchawasi 1 pottery, associated with late Recuay styles dating to ca. A.D. 600-700 (Lau 2001). At a glance, Chinchawasi 1 Ware B pottery resem- bles the Huaras white-on-red style defined by Bennett (1944). Bowl shapes and exterior painting are the primary similarities. More careful review, however, reveals clear dif- ferences. Bennett's (1944: 37) vessels exhibit a strongly carinated profile that does not appear on the Chinchawas specimens (FIG. 5N-P). Moreover, Bennett's pots are pol- ished to a dull luster, which contrasts with the matte finish of Ware B specimens. Finally, Chinchawasi 1 Ware B bowls in general are much larger than Bennett's examples.

Lau (2001: 278-279) concludes that Chinchawasi 1 Ware B is not of the Huaras style, but constituted an ar- chaistic reformulation or holdover of an older decorative tradition. The Ware B specimens at Chinchawas comprise a very specialized pottery that is linked to other fancy Chin- chawasi 1 ceramics. The homogeneity of form also suggests that Chinchawasi 1 Ware B was limited to certain uses, most likely as serving vessels for special occasions. The common inclusion of white-on-red pottery in burial con- texts reiterates their ceremonial importance (Bennett 1944; Lynch 1980).

Over 50 years ago, Willey (1948: 10-11) noted percep- tively that white-on-red pottery occurred widely as a result of technological convergence rather than as a single cultur- al phenomenon resulting from religious or military expan- sion. What is more, Bennett (1944: 36) defined Huaras pottery as specialized funerary ceramics with distinct forms and decoration. Because red pastes and white pigments are common in pottery manufacture, it is quite likely that not all white-on-red pottery found in the Callej6n de Huaylas belongs under the heading of"Huaras" (Vescelius, in Buse 1965: 330). Rather, the radiocarbon data suggest that there was a long history of production and use of white- on-red pottery in highland Ancash that crosscuts period and cultural boundaries. The Huaras culture is only one of many to use white-on-red styles and the positive identifi- cation of Huaras pottery is necessary before chronological associations can be determined.

Recuay Interaction with Gallinazo and Moche The new chronological evidence for Recuay culture en-

ables more precise examination of the trajectory of Recuay contact with coastal groups. Because of the lack of compa- rable sequences and radiocarbon evidence, it has been im- possible to assess models of coast-highland relationships diachronically (e.g., Topic and Topic 1983; Gambini Es- cudero 1984: 134-135). Here, Recuay interaction is seen as a series of developments that coincided with other socio-

192 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

cultural transformations during the Early Intermediate Pe- riod.

Coastal valley surveys demonstrate coast-highland con- nections at the settlement level. Proulx (1982) argues con-

vincingly that Moche peoples controlled the lower valley in

Nepeina, while Recuay groups occupied the upper zones. The pattern of a middle valley "buffer" zone between coastal and highland peoples also obtains in the Vini and Moche (Topic and Topic 1982) as well as in the Santa val-

leys (Wilson 1988). The chronology and nature of the ter- ritorial standoff, however, remain unresolved.

Most of the Recuay sites identified in the Nepenia sur-

vey occupy hilltops, suggesting that defensive positioning was an important dimension of the settlement system (Proulx 1982: 87). Notably, numerous fortified sites are oriented to defend lower coastal valleys collectively during the early portion of the Early Intermediate Period (Willey 1953; Wilson 1988). Some important sites were fortified

"gateway" communities, located at vital road junctions or constricted valley necks, which connect highland with coastal areas (Czwarno 1983; Topic and Topic 1983).

Pottery associations currently provide the best temporal and spatial markers for Recuay presence on the coast. Ear-

ly interaction during Gallinazo times can be identified. Gallinazo (or Vini) refers to the North Coast culture that

develops by the first centuries A.D. prior to Moche flores- cence (Larco 1945; Bennett 1950; Willey 1953). Based in the Vini Valley at the large urban site known as the Galli- nazo Group, Gallinazo comprised a stratified society with a strong militaristic character, whose culture extended into the Moche and Santa Valleys (Fogel 1993). Gallinazo

eventually became annexed or displaced as part of Moche

expansion, presumably through military invasion, but

groups with Gallinazo cultural characteristics continued at

least until Moche V (Shimada 1994, 1999). Six calibrated radiocarbon samples conservatively frame Early Gallinazo

occupation at ca. A.D. 1-200 and Late Gallinazo ca. A.D.

300-500, (see Shimada 1994: 4-5; Ziolkowski et al.

1994). These data suggest that Late Gallinazo overlapped quite significantly with Recuay and Moche III-IV (Middle Moche) occupations of northern Peru.

Wilson (1988: 151-177) reported the first signs of

highland contacts in the lower Santa Valley as occurring

during Early to Middle Gallinazo times (i.e., Early Suchi-

mancillo), in the form of intrusive kaolin sherds, stone-

lined tombs, trails and corrals for llama trains, and ground

drawings with highland animal motifs. Connections are al-

so apparent between Gallinazo and highland groups in the

middle Moche Valley in the form of kaolin bowl sherds

(Topic and Topic 1982: 12-21). Initial contacts between

coastal and Recuay peoples can be closely allied with com-

mercial interests associated with llama transport. During Late Gallinazo (i.e., Late Suchimancillo), more abundant remains of herding corrals as well as Recuay ceramics and tombs indicate marked but "peaceful" intensification of

coast-highland trading relations (Wilson 1988: 355). Stylistically, coastal and highland ceramic traditions

contrasted considerably. As Bennett (1944: 102) notes, the

variability of Recuay pottery might be attributable to the fact that each vessel was hand modeled. Nonetheless, there are some stylistic affinities that can be enumerated. A com- mon vessel shape is the popper or kanchero form, which is introduced as early as Gallinazo phases (Tello 1929:

86-88; Donnan 1965: 117). This shape is not common in Huaras pottery and appears to have become popular main-

ly in later Recuay assemblages, probably after A.D.

200-300. Another shared form, possibly of Salinar origin, consists of a distinctive bottle with a shortened, everted rim spout fed by three tube handles (Larco 1948: 20-22). Gallinazo and Recuay pottery also share other features- such as the representation of architectural settings, sculp- tured human and animal figures, nested geometric motifs, and elaborate resist decoration.

Coast-highland interaction is perhaps best demonstrat- ed by the use of the figure known as the Recuay "moon an- imal, "dragon," or "crested feline" (Bruhns 1976; Bankmann 1979; Reichert 1982; Makowski and Rucaba- do Yong 2000). The animal shows distinctive characteris- tics including a profile position, large circular eyes, clenched claws, and a mythical appendage, often emerging from the animal's head, spiraling or broken into segments with circular or half-circle finials. This animal is a central motif in Recuay funerary pottery, but also occurs some- times on Recuay sculpture and textiles.

The crested animal design occurs in Moche art as early as phase I (Donnan 2001). Moche I vessels show dramat- ic anthropomorphic versions of the animal, who some- times wields a sacrificial knife and severed head. The ani-

mal carried associations with death, ritual sacrifice, and de-

capitation that were common in later Moche imagery and

funerary practices aimed to aggrandize leadership and a

warrior ethos (e.g., Makowski 1994). The mutual popu-

larity of the image appears to relate to the emergence of

Moche and Recuay systems of rank and elite ideology dur-

ing the Early Intermediate Period. Why the design became

so pervasive in Recuay art while it maintained only a sub-

sidiary role in later Moche art requires additional attention.

Although the coast and highlands shared clear cultural

affinities, the precise directions in which influence spread are not always clear. Ceramic comparisons led Larco

(1945, 1962) to postulate that Recuay culture, or in his

terminology "cultura Santa" or "Callej6n" derived from

Journal of FieldArchaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004 193

014

a M black

014

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016

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012

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Figure 8. Examples of Aquillpo style pottery, from Chakwas phase, Chinchawas. A-F) Plastic-decorated

bowls; G-O) Jars.

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194 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

Viri (i.e., Gallinazo) peoples. In contrast, Reichert (1982) argued on the basis of "hybrid" vessels, i.e., a small sample of Moche jars inspired by Recuay forms and composition, that the influence descended from the highlands (also Bankmann 1979).

Occasional interaction is also documented by the pres- ence of Moche products in the Recuay heartland. Amat

(1976: 535) briefly mentioned Moche II objects from Re-

cuay tombs in the Mosna Valley. Grieder (1978: 72-73) documented fragments of imported pottery and a spindle whorl in Moche style. Late Recuay tombs in the Pierina area produced some Moche ceramics, including a fragment of a fanged decapitator figure (Ponte 2000). Proulx (1982: 91) reported Moche vessels in highland-style graves in the

upper Nepeiia Valley. Lau (2001: 285, 310) recovered Late Moche painted and pressed pottery in a residential zone of Chinchawas, as well as a small effigy bottle in a Re-

cuay style subterranean tomb. A fragment of Moche V pot- tery was also found at Huaricoto (Richard Burger, person- al communication 2001). Coastal ceramics therefore

passed occasionally into the Recuay area by A.D. 400 and continued until the decline of Moche and Recuay ca. A.D.

700-750.

Recuay culture, on the other hand, does not occur com-

monly in lower coastal valley areas, except in mixed ceme- teries (Larco 1962; Proulx 1982, 1985; Gambini Escud- ero 1984; Wilson 1988) and is not a common feature of Moche archaeological contexts. For example, Recuay pot- tery was not prominent in the rich Middle Moche warrior-

priest grave found in Vini or the recent excavations at the

Moche site. Nor is Recuay tradition pottery found in the

later, Late Moche graves at San Jose de Moro, which con- tained imports from distant regions of Peru, including de- rived Cajamarca, Nieveria, and Wari styles (Castillo 1993,

2000; Castillo and Donnan 1994a, 1994b). Moche and Recuay ceramic exchange can be accurately

characterized as light, highly specialized, and focused on

high-status sumptuaries found typically as grave goods. In

terms of distribution, the current evidence demonstrates

ceramic exchange into the Pashash region by Moche III or

IV, probably via the highlands east of Moche, Vini, and

Santa. This seems plausible, given that Moche groups were

established in the lower Santa Valley by phase III (Donnan

1973; Wilson 1988). Subsequent access into the Callejon de Huaylas contin-

ued through the western Andean flanks but extended fur-

ther south into the Cordillera Negra. Beyond Nepenia

(Proulx 1982: 90), Moche presence also appears in habita-

tion and cemetery sites in lower Casma, the southernmost

known extension of Moche IV political influence (Wilson 1995: 200-202). On the basis of Recuay and Moche IV

radiocarbon evidence, the interaction can be situated ca. A.D. 500 and 650 (Ziolkowski et al. 1994; Shimada 1994; Russell, Leonard, and Bricenio 1998; Chapdelaine 1998). There were occasional Moche V connections that reached late Recuay groups in upper Casma and the Callejon de

Huaylas during subsequent periods. It is somewhat surprising to find only very limited

amounts of Moche pottery in highland contexts, especially considering the geographic overlap and apparent wealth and proximity of emerging Recuay elites, such as at Pashash. Recuay iconography shared very little overall with Moche or any other coastal style. Despite some stylistic borrowing, both Moche and Recuay groups manifested

very little interest in intensive emulation of their powerful neighbors.

In all likelihood, Recuay culture had already lost its

prestige by the beginning ofMoche V The production and use of kaolinite vessels in classic Recuay style was already in decline soon after A.D. 600. The development of derived

Recuay styles with limited local distributions (e.g., Chin- chawasi 1 and 2, and Usui) supports the hypothesis that

Recuay groups in the Callej6n de Huaylas became smaller and less influential. It would follow that late Recuay pot- tery does not occur commonly as a prestige ware in coastal contexts.

Currently, there is no direct evidence for warfare be- tween Moche and Recuay groups. John and Theresa Topic (1997) argue that most Moche fineline scenes of warfare

mainly concern internecine fights between Moche groups, fixed as small-scale ritual contests. The available data sug-

gest that intensive interaction between Moche and Recuay

groups was limited, especially outside middle valley zones.

Further, highland ceramics are more commonly associated with Gallinazo fortified sites in the middle valleys of San-

ta, Vini, and Moche (Topic and Topic 1982: 9). The rela-

tive contemporaneity of Late Gallinazo, Moche, and Re-

cuay contexts (ca. A.D. 300-600) suggests the likelihood of

multi-ethnic interaction within single valleys. Some provisional observations about coast-highland in-

teraction can now be made. First, the western flanks of the

Andes constituted the interaction's physical milieu, no

matter whether the region is construed as a conduit for

communication or as a natural obstacle. Second, pottery interaction occurred in shared stylistic elements as well as

in ceramic exchange. The occasional sharing of vessel

forms, decoration, and imagery appears to have comprised the earliest dimension of Moche interaction (by phase I) with Recuay tradition groups. This interaction follows a

pattern established in Gallinazo. It is suspected that early

coast-highland connections during the Early Intermediate

Period were fostered by mutual exchange relationships at

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004 195

Table 4. Radiocarbon assays for post-Wari ceramics and related occupations in highland Ancash. style

Site (reference) Laboratory no. 14Cyears B.P. One-sigma range Two-sigma range Phase association Context and material

Aquillpo Carhuac Punta

(Ponte 2000) Inka

La Pampa (Terada 1979)

Colonial Pashash

(Grieder 1978) Related assays

Urpaycoto* Quitapanmpa C*

AA32482 535 50 A.D. 1330-1433

TK-193 500 ?70 A.D. 1334-1445

Tx-1330 420?80 A.D. 1425-1622

AA32492 3060?50 1405-1224 B.C. AA32488 2305?55 401-262 B.C.

HornojircaC* AA32491 615?50 A.D. 1298-1402

Llaca Ama Caca*

Ama*

AA32485 535 ?70 A.D. 1325-1438

AA32486 520?55 A.D. 1333-1438

Auquish Corral* AA3241

Marcara areat 1-1352

Marcara areat I-1350

Marcara areat I-1359

Marcara areat I-1353

Marcaria areat I-1355

Marcara areat 1-1358

Marcarai areat I-1354

Marcara areat 1-1356

Marcara areat 1-1357

250?50 A.D. 1637-1796

2086?225 393 B.C.-A.D. 131

1851 ?135 A.D. 5-340

1621 145 A.D. 255-601

1541 ? 125 A.D. 401-644

991? 110 A.D. 904-1180

956?210 A.D. 888-1279

896?115 A.D. 1019-1263

586?110 A.D. 1291-1436

501? 105 A.D. 1325-1473

*Victor Ponte. personal communication 1999. tZiokowski et al. 1994.

least partly reliant on llama transport. Actual interchange of vessels grew more prevalent at the same time that the coastal and highland styles became more stylistically diver- gent (cf. Moche IV versus Pashash Recuay). Radiocarbon evidence suggests that ceramic exchange mainly occurred ca. A.D. 400-750. Finally, the data suggest that both the earlier stylistic interaction and later ceramic exchange were relatively light. This may reflect one or a combination of factors: resilient cultural traditions, impermeable frontiers, little physical contact, and/or disinterest in referencing oth- er cultures, especially on the parts of elites.

A.D. 1303-1444

A.D. 1302-1609

A.D. 1331-1649

Cotojirca V/Aquillpo Locus 641 (charcoal)

(Late) Caserones

Colonial

Contents of vessel under floor (charcoal)

Base of wall, Cut 7 Level 4 (charcoal)

1430-1131 B.C. Ancash Locus 3924 (ceramic) 478-262 B.C. Recuay Burned circular

structure, outside tomb (charcoal)

A.D. 1284-1421 Cotojirca IV Subterranean tomb (human bone)

A.D. 1296-1476 - Rockshelter, Capa 1, Sector IV (charcoal)

A.D. 1304-1453 Cotojirca III Funerary structure A, with copper (charcoal)

A.D. 1494-1947 Cotojirca V/Aquillpo Hearth in patio (charcoal)

777 B.C.-A.D. 419 White-on-red General context (charcoal/bone)

168 B.C.-A.D. 527 - General context (charcoal)

A.D. 81-676 Recuay General context (charcoal)

A.D. 240-758 - General context (charcoal)

A.D. 780-1274 Late Honco General context (charcoal)

A.D. 658-1411 Late Honco General context (charcoal)

A.D. 897-1298 Late Honco General context (charcoal)

A.D. 1224-1489 - General context (charcoal)

A.D. 1286-1640 -General context (charcoal)

The Decline of Recuay and Wari Expansion into Ancash

Just as the emergence of Recuay culture has seen limit- ed research, very little information exists to understand the decline of Recuay. Despite the dearth of data, most schol- ars argue that Wari culture played a significant role in ac- celerating the process (Menzel 1964, 1977; Lanning 1967; Lumbreras 1974a). New archaeological studies con- firm unequivocally that Wari intervention coincided with sharp transformations in the Recuay cultural tradition (Is- bell 1991; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000; Ponte

83

196 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

2000; Lau 2000, 2001). During the early Middle Hori-

zon, local Recuay pottery traditions underwent a dramatic makeover. Both at Pashash and at Chinchawas, terminal

Recuay assemblages show that kaolinite production essen-

tially disappeared and traditional decorative methods and

designs became obsolete in favor of more rustic red-on-

light wares (Lau 2001: 187-236; Wegner 2001: 29). In

addition, cultural mixing occurred, as Wari designs became

incorporated into Recuay forms (e.g., Wegner 2000: 16). Wari-Recuay interaction is also evident in the changes in form and composition of stone sculpture (Lau 2001:

335-376; Schaedel 1948: 75-79, 1952: 168-169). The overall picture suggests that Recuay peoples claimed new ideas and benefits from Wari affiliation, but relied heavily on local stylistic and technological traditions.

These observations lead to more questions about the demise of Recuay than they resolve. First, many multi-

component sites in the North Highlands that show post- Recuay occupations, such as Queyash Alto and Pashash, do not manifest discernible Wari influence. Wari interaction in

highland Ancash thus appears to have been strong in cer- tain settlements while absent in others. In addition, by the time Wari becomes established in Ancash, the use of kaoli- nite clays had already fallen out of favor, suggesting that some fundamental changes already occurred in local Re-

cuay culture prior to Wari expansion. Similar cultural pat- terns have been documented in Late Moche pottery (Castillo 2000: 151-160). The parallel trajectories support the hypothesis that Wari did not instigate the terminal de-

velopments of these regional cultures, as much as it ma-

neuvered into already-changing social arrangements. The Late Moche phase has been described as a period of

"collapse" and "crisis"' when elite rule became vulnerable

due to environmental stress, economic destabilization, and

increasingly ineffective ideologies (Bawden 1996: 263; Castillo 2000: 173). Currently, it would be premature to

use either term in reference to the Recuay case. Partly this

is due to lack of data, but recent research also indicates that

some late Recuay communities experienced unprecedented economic growth and cultural elaboration (Lau 2001).

Another pertinent problem concerns Recuay as a pres-

tige culture. The current evidence indicates that Recuay

fancy pottery appears very infrequently in the highlands outside of Ancash. Although stylistic affinities exist, it is

notable that long-term investigations in the Cajamarca and

Huamachuco regions do not report intensive Recuay in-

fluence in the form of trade wares (Thatcher 1972; Krzanowski 1977, 1986; Terada and Onuki 1982, 1985; Terada and Matsumoto 1985; Julien 1988; Topic and Top- ic 2000: 194). The region between Pashash and Santiago de Chuco (FIG. I) does produce Recuay-influenced pottery

(Perez Calderon 1988, 1994) and appears to have been a transitional zone between the Recuay heartland and its more northern highland neighbors.

The general scarcity of Recuay trade wares is somewhat

surprising because fancy Cajamarca imports show a fairly wide distribution in the Recuay area, albeit in limited

quantities. Cajamarca itself does not seem to have exerted

political authority over Huamachuco or Recuay (Julien 1988). Further, simple geo-political relationships based on settlement size and geography cannot account for this im-

balance; Huamachuco would seem to be a key intermedi- ate political system during the late Early Intermediate Pe- riod and Middle Horizon yet it leaves little cultural mark on either Cajamarca or Recuay. It can be argued therefore that different systems of cultural prestige appear to have been operating in the North Highlands, as reflected in the valuation of special commodities. Specifically, highly portable Cajamarca style objects, especially spoons and small bowls, were esteemed in highland Ancash during late

Recuay and Wari-influenced times. Radiocarbon associations situate the exchange at ap-

proximately A.D. 500-900. The appeal of acquiring Caja- marca products, particularly as funerary offerings, was thus

already established well before Wari expansion ca. A.D.

700-750. Wari's cultural ties later do appear to have pro- moted heightened access and flow of certain northern

goods, including Spondylus and Cajamarca pottery (Shady Solis 1988; T. Topic 1991), especially to areas south of An- cash.

It is unclear whether the high status of Cajamarca de-

rived from one or a combination of factors, such as tech-

nological virtuosity (e.g., Lechtman 1980), geographical distance (Helms 1993), or some as yet unknown cultural

content specific to ancient Cajamarca. It is apparent, how-

ever, that its cross-cultural significance was prized by Re-

cuay peoples and many others, including Moche V, Early Chimui, Huamachuco, groups of the eastern Andes, and

Wari. Settlement patterns also demonstrate fundamental

changes during early Wari interaction. While Wari-period sites were established or renovated throughout the Calle-

jon de Huaylas (Bennett 1944; Isbell 1989; Lau 2001),

surveys of regions in the Callejon de Conchucos indicate

that intrusive Wari occupation was comparatively light

(Amat 1976; Herrera 1999). Unlike the Callej6n de Huay-

las, exotic Wari pottery appears very infrequently in the

Conchucos, although local Middle Horizon pottery cul-

tures apparently flourished (Herrera 1999: 10). In addi-

tion, Amat (1976: 534-535) identified drastic disruptions in the settlement system of the Mosna Valley. The Recuay

period accounts for the most number of sites, 58, of any

Journal of FieldArchaeology/Vol. 29, 2002-2004 197

phase. In contrast, only two Wari occupation sites were en- countered. The Conchucos probably constituted the east- ern frontier for Wari cultural expansion in highland An- cash. Massive sites, like Yayno and Tinyash, were fortified centers of powerful warring polities that emerged in the latter half of the 1st millennium A.D. (Tello 1929; Antinez 1935; Thompson and Ravines 1973). Additional research would clarify whether Wari expansion into the region may have been thwarted by these potent local centers.

New trade routes emerged or intensified in use during the period of late Wari influence. Exchange continued for highland ceramic styles, including Vifiaque (Amat 1976; Buse 1965; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000), Caja- marca (Terada 1979; Bennett 1944), and lesser known wares such as Wilkawain resist, polished red- and black- wares, and derived Cajamarca styles (Lau 2001). Perhaps most striking was the rise of coastal imports. Nieveria and, in particular, press-molded red- and black-wares of coastal origin became popular imports into the Callej6n de Huay- las region (,anning 1965; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000; Lau 2001). Coastal interaction, incidentally, also be- came increasingly prominent for Cajamarca groups after the Middle Cajamarca phase, following Wari expansion (Julien 1988: 237).

Changes in obsidian exchange were also present. At Chinchawas, the large majority of the obsidian assemblage was found in Chinchawasi 2 and Warmi phase levels, dat- ing to ca. A.D. 700-900. All the 27 analyzed samples from the site were from the Quispisisa source near Ayacucho (Burger and Glascock 2000), contrasting with earlier peri- ods when obsidian occurs infrequently (Lynch 1980; Burger 1985; Lau 2001). There was, therefore, a funda- mental restructuring of access for Central Highland obsid- ian that can be attributed to Wari economic interests.

Wari cultural influence, though extensive in coverage, became established only in certain settlements within high- land Ancash. In particular, Wari culture was strongly asso- ciated with contexts for status display, offering caches, and funerary practices. As is the case further north in the area of Huamachuco, corporate architecture constructed in Wari style, such as at Honcopampa, does not manifest evidence of intensive Wari use. Apparently, the centers never served their intended purposes, perhaps because of overextension of state resources or local occupation/competition (J. Top- ic 1991; T. Topic 1991; Topic and Topic 2000).

Finally, Wari presence in Ancash can be linked to settle- ments strategically located for trade. Wari likely benefited from trade networks that exploited efficient routes along intermontane valleys and coast-highland corridors (Topic and Topic 1983, 2000). For example, both Honcopampa and Chinchawas share little in common in terms of size or

architectural elaboration, but may have been attractive nonetheless because they were established settlements situ- ated at the mouths of key mountain passes. This pattern of core expansion is different from situations where satellite administrative centers were under direct Wari control (An- ders 1986; Schreiber 1992) or where Tiwanaku influence spread through vertical colonies (Stanish 1992; Goldstein 1993).

Besides secure access to exchange routes, however, it is unclear what type of economic leverage Recuay groups held. Late Recuay pottery certainly did not cross foreign boundaries frequently. Recent studies point to agricultural and herding products, such as camelid meat and processed fiber (Lau 2001); more research is needed to identify oth- er potential commodities, such as metalwork or textiles. Transactions of fine textiles, for example, would lend sup- port to the hypothesis that Recuay tapestries were an in- spiration for Wari weaving technology (Oakland Rodman and Fernandez 2000: 126).

Despite its limited distribution, Wari culture apparently had appeal for commoners as well as elites in the Callej6n de Huaylas. The evidence from Chinchawas indicates that Wari imported goods were not beyond the means or purview of small-scale rural communities. Indeed, Wari and Wari-affiliated pottery was found in common residen- tial contexts and midden refuse by Chinchawasi phase 2. This new evidence reinforces the argument that Wari cul- ture, in addition to its role in exchange, carried important cultural or religious overtones that had wide appeal (Men- zel 1964, 1977). Wari ideology was not restricted to elite use, but also found acceptance among groups of different economic standing. It seems that Wari precepts may have circulated at different levels of Andean society by the mid- dle part of the Middle Horizon.

The new data from the Ancash highlands also indicate that Wari influence exhibited different manifestations di- achronically. For example, the initial period of influence at Chinchawas (end of Chinchawasi 1 through Chinchawasi 2) contains local pottery that still maintained strong conti- nuities to Recuay traditions and technology. Later Wari in- fluence appears stronger--as the local decorated pottery becomes completely replaced by a style (Warmi Ware A) that bears most resemblance to derived, secular Central Highland styles (Lau 2001). Recent settlement and archi- tectural studies across the Central Andes appear to support earlier stylistic seriations finding at least two primary peri- ods of Wari influence (Isbell and McEwan 1991; Schreiber 1992; Castillo 2000; Williams 2001).

During the Middle Horizon, fundamental cultural changes occurred on a wide pan-Andean scale (Willey 1948; Menzel 1964; Schaedel 1966; Lanning 1967; Lum-

198 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

breras 1974a; Isbell and McEwan 1991). Despite the

strong regional variability in expression and intensity (Schaedel 1993), not since the terminal Early Horizon were cultural developments of such apparent affinity and

contemporaneity so dispersed across the Central Andes. In addition to the widespread distribution of Wari-style pot- tery and architecture, critical economic changes were tak-

ing hold. Central Highland Quispisisa obsidian was traded

throughout the Central Andes in unprecedented levels. New patterns of distribution characterized the Middle Horizon in general (Burger and Asaro 1977; Shady 1988; T. Topic 1991; Burger and Glascock 2000). In addition, it seems an innovative and coherent religious program may have formed during Wari expansion (Menzel 1964, 1977; Isbell 1983). Major changes in burial practices also oc- curred in different regions (e.g., Donnan and Mackey 1978; Mackey 1982; Castillo 2000) and the Recuay heart- land was not immune (Isbell 1997; Lau 2000, 2001). The data for highland Ancash reiterate that broad cultural and economic patterns of the Middle Horizon were funda-

mentally different than the regional developments of the

Early Intermediate Period.

Conclusion

The updated radiocarbon chronology presented here al- lows us to evaluate the history of cultural transformations in the North-Central Highlands and its relationships to

better known sequences in the Central Andes during the 1st millennium A.D. The working reconstruction shows the

Recuay cultural tradition emerging after the collapse of

Chavin at the onset of the Christian era and lasting until

about A.D. 800. Huaras culture was an early component of

the Recuay tradition, although the identification and dis-

tribution of all post-Chavin white-on-red cultures in high- land Ancash require additional clarification. "Classic" Re-

cuay, or those cultures represented by typical Recuay style

funerary pottery, appears to last from A.D. 250 to 650. Fi-

nally, later derived Recuay styles earmark the decline of Re-

cuay culture in highland Ancash, and anticipate the strong transformations ascribed to Wari expansion and cultural in-

fluence between A.D. 750 and 900. Subsequent develop- ments witness the re-emergence of local rustic styles (e.g.,

Aquillpo) associated broadly with the Late Intermediate

Period, followed by the widespread appearance of intrusive

Inka culture during the last phase of prehistory. Drawing Recuay culture back into the orbit of Central

Andean prehistory improves our current understanding of

changing socio-political complexity during the Early Inter-

mediate Period and Middle Horizon. The new evidence

presented here is instrumental in moving away from nor-

mative models of Recuay culture towards an assessment of

its variability in time, space, and interregional relation-

ships. Future settlement survey, excavation, and additional radiometric determinations should refine, by phase, the current understanding of northern Peruvian prehistory af- ter the fall of Chavmn civilization.

Acknowledgments Permission for archaeological investigations at Chin-

chawas was provided by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Peru under Resoluci6n Directoral Nacional 419-96/INC; I owe many thanks to the staff at the Lima and Huaraz of- fices who graciously provided research facilities, supervi- sion, and permission to export radiocarbon samples. I would like to thank the National Science Foundation and Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research for enabling the Chinchawas investigations and radiocar- bon assays, under grants SBR-9612574 and No. 6066, re-

spectively. Richard L. Burger, Steve Wegner, and Jeffrey Quilter offered insightful comments on previous drafts of this manuscript and Recuay prehistory in general. From their work in the Callej6n de Huaylas, Joan M. Gero and Victor Ponte Rosalino provided generous access to un-

published radiocarbon dates and associations that

strengthen the revised chronology.

George Lau (Ph.D. Yale University, 2001) is a Lecturer at the

University of EastAnglia and has worked in the Recuay re-

gion since 1995. His interests include the emergence of social

inequality, rural communities in complex societies, South American visual culture, and coast-highland interaction in the Andes. Mailing address: Sainsbury Research Unit, Uni-

versity of EastAnglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ, United Kingdom. E-mail: george.lau@aya.yale.edu

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