The Role of Beliefs in Mother-Adolescent Conflict:An Application of the Theory of Planned Behavior

Tabitha R. Holmes & Lynne A. Bond & Ciara Byrne

Published online: 6 May 2012# Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012

Abstract This mixed method study applies components of the theory of plannedbehavior (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980) to mother-adolescent conflict. We examine ifthree kinds of beliefs—behavioral, control, and normative—predict patterns of familyconflict. Forty mother-adolescent dyads completed an open-ended interview, self-report measures of conflict, and an observational measure of family interaction.Hierarchical multiple regressions revealed that mothers’ and adolescents’ beliefsabout the costs and benefits of conflict significantly predicted how they interactedand perceived conflict within dyads. Sex differences and differences between mothersand adolescents were identified. This work contributes to our understanding of therole of both general and specific beliefs in family conflict.

Keywords Family conflict . Mother-child relations . Planned behavior .

Over the last several decades, cognition has played an important role in manytheoretical explanations of parent-adolescent conflict. This research has taken twodifferent directions. The first emphasizes the global cognitive changes that occurwithin adolescents while the other focuses on how parents and adolescents interpretspecific social interactions that take place within families. In the first tradition,cognitive-developmental models of adolescent development explain increasedparent-adolescent conflict as stemming from changes in how adolescents think aboutthemselves, their parents, and family members’ roles within the family (for example,Selman 1981; Youniss and Smollar 1985). In the second approach, a significant bodyof research suggests that family members’ perceptions and beliefs about familybehaviors are a meaningful way to understand family dynamics and experiences(for example, Campione-Barr and Smetana 2004; Powers et al. 1994). The premise

Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143DOI 10.1007/s12144-012-9138-1

T. R. Holmes (*)Department of Psychology, State University of New York at New Paltz, 600 Hawk Drive, New Paltz,NY 12561, USAe-mail: holmest@newpaltz.edu

L. A. Bond : C. ByrneDepartment of Psychology, University of Vermont, John Dewey Hall, 2 Colchester Avenue,Burlington, VT 05405, USA

of such work is that family members’ beliefs, attributions, and evaluations of familyinteractions inform the affective and behavioral processes that contribute to psycho-social functioning (Bugental and Johnston 2000).

Specific to conflict-related cognitions, most research on parent-adolescent conflicthas focused on beliefs about clearly defined behaviors, exchanges, or situations.Although this has been a fruitful avenue of inquiry, some researchers have suggestedthat individuals’ general, global beliefs about conflict (for example, the costs andbenefits of conflict) are equally important in predicting how people behave duringdisagreements (see Grych and Fincham 1990). These suggestions, however, havelargely remained theoretical rather than empirical. This is somewhat surprisingbecause the relationship between general beliefs and behaviors has been well estab-lished in research based on the Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen and Fishbein1980; Fishbein and Ajzen 1975). In this theoretical framework, three kinds of generalbeliefs—behavioral, normative and control—are thought to be important in predict-ing an individual’s behavior. Accordingly, understanding how these beliefs are relatedto parent-adolescent conflict has the potential to enhance our understanding of familyinteractions, while also providing a framework for understanding the relative impor-tance of different kinds of beliefs.

With this in mind, the purpose of this study was two-fold. First, using inductive,qualitative interviews, we explored the different beliefs that mothers and adolescentshave about interpersonal conflict, focusing on perceived costs and benefits. This fills animportant gap in the literature given a large body of research that suggests thatindividuals often act based upon their expectancy-value beliefs (for example, Borderset al. 2004). As a second step, we examined the degree to which behavioral beliefs,coupled with beliefs about storm and stress (that is, normative beliefs) and beliefsabout the conditions that may affect conflict interactions (that is, control beliefs),predict patterns of mother-adolescent conflict and communication. Given the goals ofthis study, a mixed-methods study was adopted. It allowed us to explore variations inthe construction of what conflict means to adolescents and their mothers, while alsoexamining the predictive value of different types of beliefs.

Conflict and the Theory of Planned Behavior

The Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980; Fishbein and Ajzen1975) begins by recognizing that many social behaviors are the result of a reasoningprocess (Bamberg et al. 2003). When people behave in a particular way, they areassumed to be doing so, at least in part, because they have formulated an intention toperform an action. In this instance, intention refers to a person’s motivation to engagein a specific behavior and the degree of effort he or she is willing to exert in order tocomplete the behavior (Ajzen 2001).Variability in both intention and subsequentbehavioral action is explained by three kinds of beliefs—behavioral, normative,and control. These are thought to produce three related cognitions, including apositive or negative attitude about the behavior, perceived behavioral pressure, andperceived behavioral control (Ajzen 2001). Thus, how individuals think about boththe behavior and the constraints associated with performing a particular behavior is abeginning point for understanding how people behave.

Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143 123

As Ajzen (1991, p. 189) points out, “At the most basic level of explanation, thetheory [of planned behavior] postulates that behavior is a function of salient infor-mation, or beliefs, relevant to the behavior.” In particular, Ajzen described three kindsof beliefs, including: (a) behavioral beliefs, an individual’s beliefs about the likelyconsequences of a particular behavior; (b) normative beliefs, an individual’s beliefsabout how others think about the behavior; and (c) control beliefs, an individual’sbeliefs about the absence or presence of factors that make the behavior easier or moredifficult. These three sets of beliefs provide an explanation for behavioral action—the“why” behind attitudes, perceptions, intention, and action (Ajzen 1991).

A great deal of research has supported the model of planned behavior, most notably inpredicting health related behaviors (for example, Blue 2007; Chan et al. 2010; Wankeland Mummery 1993). To our knowledge, however, the model has not been used as aframework for understanding interpersonal conflict. In part, this may be due to thefact that conflict is not typically construed as a planned, reasoned behavior. In thecontext of mother-adolescent conflict, however, research has found that conflicts typicallyrevolve around conventional and prudential topics involving such everyday issues as choresand curfews (Allison and Schultz 2004; Dekovic 1999). Because these issues tend to berepetitive and predictable, they are likely to fall under the category of purposive,deliberate behavioral actions. This idea is further supported by research on parenttraining and interventions , which has demonstrated how family conflict can be approachedin a deliberate, “pre-meditated” way (Long and Adams 2001; Openshaw et al. 1992).

A review of research conceptually related to the three beliefs described in theory ofplanned behavior (behavioral, control, and normative beliefs) suggests why thisframework might be a useful way to understand family conflict and interactions.Researchers interested in the cognitive-contextual antecedents of conflict (for exam-ple, Fincham and Bradbury 1987; Grych and Fincham 1990), for example, havetheorized about the importance of individuals’ general, global beliefs about conflict.These beliefs are conceptually similar to behavioral beliefs, defined as how familymembers think about the consequences of a particular behavior. This work assumes that,for both children and adults, previous experiences with conflict contribute to individuals’general expectations regarding new disagreements. This includes beliefs about whetheror not disagreements can be solved and what effect conflicts will have in the long andshort term. These beliefs, in turn, should be associated with conflict behaviors. AsShapiro and Watson (2000) point out, understanding individuals’ expectancy-valueprocessing is a useful way of understanding how disagreements evolve.

Although most of the work in this area has remained largely theoretical, a recentstudy found a relationship between general conflict perceptions and interpersonalconflict during adolescence (Ben-Ari and Hirshberg 2009). Specifically, positivebeliefs about conflict were associated with increased compromising and integratingstrategies of conflict resolution. Negative beliefs were associated with greater en-dorsement of conflict avoidance. To our knowledge there have been no studies thatexplicitly examine family members’ beliefs about the consequences of conflict.

Control beliefs, defined as “the factors which increase or reduce the perceived difficultyof performing the behavior in question” (Ajzen 1991, p. 196), are also likely to play arole in how family members approach conflict. One such set of beliefs involves howfamily members perceive the “dispositions” and behavior patterns of one another, andhow these beliefs influence how conflict is approached within a dyad. Robin and

124 Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143

Foster (1989) introduced a behavioral family-systems model that depicted familybelief systems as one of three dimensions related to family functioning. In thisframework, expectations and attributions contribute to conflict by influencing emotionaland problem-solving responses. Individuals who have unrealistic expectations and negativebeliefs about others’ behavior, for example, have greater difficulty utilizing constructivecommunication and conflict resolution strategies (Robin et al. 1990). Empirical studieswith parents and adolescents have generally supported this idea, demonstrating a linkbetween an individual’s beliefs and conflict behavior (Fincham et al. 1998; Grace etal. 1993), communication (Reed and Dubow 1997), and conflict resolution (Hamamci2007). In fact, family beliefs about interpersonal interactions differentiate betweenclinical and high-functioning populations (Reed and Dubow 1997; Robin and Foster1989; Robin et al. 1990) with direct implications for family therapy (Weston et al. 1998).

Importantly, the theory of planned behavior posits that control beliefs are associ-ated with perceived behavioral control, a concept similar to self-efficacy. Both areposited to play a role in patterns of behavior. In a model of the cognitive processesunderlying conflict, Doherty (1981) proposed that efficacy expectations are importantin determining how individuals approach conflict resolution. He suggested that thedegree to which an individual believes a dyad can effectively engage in problem-solving behaviors plays a role in whether or not a constructive resolution to conflict isattempted. Fincham and Bradbury (1987) added to this work by positing that efficacyexpectations should extend to individuals’ beliefs about their own ability to problemsolve. In support of these theoretical predictions, Makoul and Roloff (1998) foundthat individuals’ outcome and efficacy expectations predicted the likelihood of aconfrontation between partners. This work suggests partial support for the plannedbehavior model as a way to understand conflict. Thus, a more detailed exploration ofthe planned behavior framework is a logical next step.

Finally, in the theory of planned behavior, normative beliefs refer to the perceivedbehavioral expectations of relevant others about the behavior in question. In a recentmeta-analysis that examined norms as direct predictors of behavior, Manning (2009)found that descriptive norms are most strongly associated with behavior. Descriptivenorms refer to “social pressures based on observed or inferred behaviors of others” (p.651). One way to think about this in the context of family conflict is to focus onparents’ stereotypical beliefs about adolescents. As mentioned previously, youngpeople are often depicted as argumentative and difficult. Thus, the degree to whichparents expect teenagers to experience “storm and stress” (defined as increasedconflict, mood fluctuations, and risk-taking; see Arnett 1999) should influence howparents approach and handle conflict with their sons and daughters. Research sup-ports this idea. In general, the more parents believe that adolescence is a difficultdevelopmental time, the more likely they are to parent in controlling, demandingways (Grolnick et al. 1996; Hines and Paulson 2006).

The Current Study

The first goal of this study was to document mothers’ and adolescents’ behavioralbeliefs about the consequences of conflict. Given that adolescents are most likely to

Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143 125

have conflict with their mothers (Furman and Buhrmester 1992; Laursen and Koplas1995) and more likely to spend significant time with their mothers (Grolnick et al.1996), we focused on the mother-adolescent relationship. This relationship is animportant context in which family members develop beliefs about conflict.Given this unchartered territory, we identified an inductive, qualitative approachas most appropriate to encourage family members to identify the manner inwhich they assign meaning to conflict experiences. As Marshall (1985) suggests,qualitative methods are especially appropriate when attempting to gain a deeperunderstanding of the processes and complexities that explain interactions and phe-nomena. Furthermore, Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) argue that an open-ended approachis an ideal way to understand the salient beliefs that contribute to planned andreasoned behavior.

As a second goal, we used the theory of planned behavior to make severalhypotheses about the relationship between beliefs and conflict behaviors. Weexpected that mothers’ and adolescents’ behavioral beliefs, normative beliefs, andcontrol beliefs would all independently predict mothers’ and adolescents’ reportsabout conflict behavior and conflict intensity. We also expected beliefs to predictmothers’ and adolescents’ communication during an interaction task. Based onprevious reports that did not find relationships between amount of conflict and theperceived impact of conflict (Laursen 1993; Perry et al. 1992), we did not predictdifferences in conflict frequency between family members who describe differentconflict beliefs.

As a third goal, we were interested in the degree to which mothers’ beliefsabout conflict were related to their adolescents’ beliefs about conflict. Althoughtheories of modeling (for example, Bandura 1973, 1977) predict that childrenlearn how to behave during conflicts by watching their parents, research has yet toexamine whether children also learn beliefs about conflict from their parents. At aminimum, mothers’ general perceptions of conflict should contribute to thecontext in which family conflict unfolds. For example, a parent who believesthat conflict is a waste of time is likely to create and maintain a context thatreinforces the idea that conflict is futile and useless. Conversely, parents whoperceive conflict as beneficial and useful will presumably provide opportunitiesfor their children to see that conflict can be positive and adaptive. Suchcontexts should influence how children subsequently perceive conflict as ageneral interactive process. Thus, family members’ beliefs about conflict arelikely to influence each other’s beliefs through the promotion and sharedexperience of certain family contexts (Bond et al. 1996; Parke and O’Neil1996). With this in mind, we predicted that members of mother–adolescent dyadswould describe similar conflict beliefs.

In summary, the purpose of this study was to extend the theory of plannedbehavior to mother-adolescent conflict. To do this, we utilized both inductiveand deductive methodologies across multiple reporters. Our goal was to betterunderstand the relationship between conflict-related beliefs (behavioral, norma-tive, and control) and conflict behaviors measured by self-report and observa-tional data. We also examined belief concordance within mother-adolescentdyads.

126 Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143

Method

Participants

Forty mother-adolescent dyads were recruited from two youth programs located inthe Northeastern U.S. These programs target adolescents identified as disadvantagedbased on their family’s income and/or education level. Mothers ranged in age from 32to 59 years (M043.9, SD05.5). Approximately half self-identified as White orCaucasian, 25 percent as Black or African American, and 10 percent as Hispanic orLatino. Two mothers had not completed high school, 30 percent completed highschool only, and 20 percent completed a four-year college degree. Although mostmothers (80 percent) were employed, there was a range of reported family incomes:23 percent reported an income below $20,000 and 14 percent reported over $60,000.The remainder fell between these two categories. Mothers had from one to ninechildren; 12 percent had one and 39 percent had two children. Another 15 mothers(25 percent) had three children and 15 (25 percent) had four or more children.Adolescent participants ranged in age from 12 to 17 years (M015.0, SD01.2).Thirty percent were first-born or an only child. Adolescents were disproportionatelyfemale (60 percent), reflecting the proportion of females active in the programs whererecruitment took place.

Procedure

This study was part of a larger project examining the cognitive belief systems ofmothers with adolescents. Families were initially invited to participate during eventssponsored by the youth programs and/or by mail. Participation involved completingan in-depth, semi-structured interview and a set of questionnaires. Participants alsocompleted a family interaction task. After mothers and adolescents gave informedconsent and assent, respectively, each participant’s interview was completed sepa-rately at a time and place convenient to the family (participants’ homes, local cafés,libraries, and the college campus hosting the youth program). The sites were struc-tured to assure privacy, focus, and comfort for the interviewee. All interviews wereaudio-taped and transcribed verbatim. Questionnaires were completed at the time ofthe interview or were returned to the primary investigator by mail. As compensationfor their time, mothers received $30 and adolescents received $15. Participants werealso provided with a summary of the study’s results at the conclusion of the project.

Measures

Mothers’ and Adolescents’ Behavioral Beliefs Given the absence of research exam-ining family members’ behavioral beliefs about conflict, we utilized an open-endedinterview. Questions asked mothers and adolescents to describe, in their own words,their beliefs about the consequences of conflict by answering the following: “Somepeople find conflict interesting and stimulating while others see it as frustrating anddifficult. How do you feel about conflict? Why do you feel that way?” Participantswere encouraged to give anecdotes and examples to illustrate their points. All motherand adolescent responses were audiotaped and transcribed verbatim.

Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143 127

Mothers’ Control Beliefs To measure how mothers’ perceptions of their adolescentscould potentially serve as a barrier to constructive problem solving and conflictresolution, we utilized two scales from the Stress Index for Parents of Adolescents(SIPA; Sheras et al. 1998). The SIPA is a screening and diagnostic instrumentdesigned to measure parenting stress in parents of adolescents. For the purpose ofthis study, we used two dimensions from the adolescent domain: Moodiness/Emotional Liability (for example, “My child is grouchy and irritable”) andDelinquency/Antisocial (for example, “My child has become physically violent”).Mothers rated their adolescents on a five-point scale from one (strongly disagree) tofive (strongly agree), with higher scores representing more perceptions of adolescentmoodiness and antisocial behavior. The SIPA has been shown to be highly reliablewith internal consistency for the two subscales exceeding 0.80 (see Sheras et al.1998). In our study, Cronbach’s alpha was 0.90.

Adolescents’ Control Beliefs To measure a parental characteristic that could potentiallyserve as a barrier to constructive problem solving, adolescents’ beliefs about theirmothers’ communication style was measured using a modified version of the Parent-Adolescent Communication Inventory (PACI; adapted fromNoller and Bagi 1985). Theinstrument asks adolescents to rate, on a scale from one (rarely) to six (almostalways), how much mothers dominate discussions. High scores represent perceptionsof more mother domination. Six content areas were measured, three general (that is,current social issues, politics, relations) and three personal to adolescents (that is,adolescents’ interests, problems in his or her life, and plans for the future). Thesewere summed for a total score. In this study, Cronbach’s alpha for this scale was 0.94.

Mothers’ Normative Beliefs Mothers’ beliefs about how adolescents typically actwere measured using the Storm and Stress Scale (Holmbeck and Hill 1988). Thisscale measures the extent to which respondents endorse a negative view of adoles-cence, defining it as a time of turbulence and difficulty. Mothers were asked torespond to a series of nine general statements about adolescents (for example,“Adolescents have identity crises,” “Adolescents are rebellious”). Questions askedmothers to indicate how true they believe each statement is on a scale of one (never oralmost or almost never true) to seven (always or almost always true). Responses weresummed for a total score, with high scores representing a stronger view of adoles-cence as a period of “storm and stress.” In this study, Cronbach’s alpha was 0.78 formothers. Adolescents did not complete this measure.

Conflict Behavior Conflict behavior was measured using a modified version of theParent and Adolescent Conflict Behavior Questionnaire (CBQ-20; Robin and Foster1989). Each mother and adolescent rated 20 statements on a scale of one (stronglydisagree) to five (strongly agree). Summed scores ranged from a possible 20 to 100,with high scores representing more negative perceptions of mother-adolescent con-flict and communication. The CBQ-20 is the short version of the Conflict BehaviorQuestionnaire (CBQ; Printz et al. 1979), a measure with high internal consistency(alpha00.90) and discriminative/criterion-related validity. The CBQ-20 is highlycorrelated with the long scale (r00.96). In this study, Cronbach’s alpha was 0.81for mothers and 0.92 for adolescents.

128 Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143

Conflict Frequency and Intensity The frequency and intensity of adolescent-parentconflict was measured using the Issues Checklist (Printz et al. 1979; Robin and Foster1989). Mothers and adolescents were presented with 44 areas of day-to-day decision-making (for example, how to spend free time) and asked to indicate the frequencywith which they disagreed over each issue during the last month on a scale of one(never) to three (often). If respondents indicated that they had disagreed over an issue,they were asked to rate the intensity of the disagreement on a scale ranging from one(calm) to five (angry). High scores indicate more conflict and more intense conflicts.The Conflict Checklist is a widely used measure of family conflict (see Robin andFoster 1989, for an extensive description of reliability and validity).

Mother-Adolescent Interaction Task Mothers and adolescents were asked to completea joint planning task in which dyads planned a family vacation (adapted fromGrotevant and Cooper 1985). Pilot testing revealed that, for this particular sample,asking participants to plan a “family vacation” often caused confusion becausemothers and adolescents were unsure about what family members should be includedin a family vacation. As such, the directions were modified to incorporate thisdecision into the planning activity. Dyads were given a vacation planning worksheetand one writing utensil and told to plan a fictional two-week family vacation in whichthey had unlimited money. They were given 15 minutes to complete the task.

Coding of the interactions was based on a modified version of the global-inferential Interaction Behavior Code (IBC; Prinz and Kent 1978; Robin and Foster1989). Three trained coders evaluated interactions, coding for the presence of fivepositive behaviors (for example, making suggestions, offering a compromise) andnine negative behaviors (for example, disregarding other’s points, giving quick,negative judgments). This coding scheme assesses diversity of behaviors observedrather than the frequency of behaviors. Each category of behavior that occurs duringthe interaction is rated a “yes” and given a one-point value. A composite total isseparately computed for positive and negative behaviors by summing all one-pointvalues. Mean scores of the three raters’ positive and negative composite scores werecalculated and used as a dependent measure in regression analyses. The reliability ofthese scores was assessed using the Spearman-Brown formula that uses correlationsamong all possible pairs to estimate the stability of themean (Hartmann 1977; Robin andFoster 1989). Similar to past reliability estimates of the IBC (for example, Prinz andKent 1978; Miller and Drotar 1997), inter-rater reliability was acceptable (r00.83).

Results

Behavioral Beliefs about the Costs and Benefits of Conflict

To examine the ways in which individuals think about the costs and benefits ofconflict, we used an inductive analysis that allowed us to recognize how individualsconstruct and make sense of their own conflict experiences. At the first phase ofcoding, general themes or “data bits” were identified that represent distinct ideas andconstructs (Glesne 1999). Coders then compared and discussed their coding schemes

Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143 129

until an exhaustive, mutually exclusive list of themes was agreed upon. Allinterviews were coded into the identified themes by two secondary coders.Percent agreement across coders was calculated. Inter-rater reliability was 91percent for mothers’ data and 93 percent for adolescents’ data. In instances inwhich there were disagreements, consensus was achieved through discussionand reexamination of the interview transcripts. At all stages of coding, aminimum of two researchers independently coded all material. All interviewmaterial was coded. If a participant described multiple costs and benefits, all ofthe themes were coded and analyzed.

A total of seven meta-themes were identified that comprised two maincategories: beneficial and detrimental. Almost all mothers (97 percent) andadolescents (92 percent) identified some positive aspects of conflict. As shownin Table 1, beneficial themes highlighted four main areas: Learning/CognitiveBenefits, Relationship Enhancement, Personal Development, and Problem-SolvingBenefits. In addition, 50 percent of adolescents and 60 percent of mothers describedways in which conflict can be harmful. Beliefs about detrimental aspects of conflictfocused on three main areas: Personal Distress, Detriments to Relationships, andWaste of Time.

A series of 2×2 Fisher Exact tests were used to examine the similarity within dyadsof mothers’ and adolescents’ conflict beliefs. Analyses were conducted separately forsons and daughters. Each qualitatively derived category of costs and benefits ofconflict was transformed into a dichotomous variable and each participant was codedas either endorsing or not endorsing that category. A series of 2 (mother or adoles-cent) X 2 (endorsed or not endorsed) Fisher’s Exact Test analyses was computed foreach of the costs and benefits to investigate if mothers and their own adolescentsendorsed similar beliefs. This tested the likelihood of a mother-adolescent “match” inendorsement greater than expected by chance. As illustrated in Table 1, Analysesrevealed that, when a mother endorsed a particular positive or negative belief herdaughter was also likely to endorse that same belief. Concordance was found for allpositive and negative beliefs. Mothers and sons endorsed similar beliefs aboutproblem solving and personal development. There was no significant concordancebetween mother’s and sons’ beliefs regarding relationship enhancement, cognitive/learning benefits, and the costs of conflict.

Given our interest in examining the degree to which beliefs predict conflict-relatedbehavior and self-reports, we coded participants’ descriptions of the costs andbenefits of conflict into a global score based on a scale of one (conflict perceivedas primarily negative) to three (conflict perceived as primarily positive). Inter-rateragreement for this quantitative measure of behavioral beliefs exceeded 95 percent forboth mother and adolescent data. This code was used in quantitative analysesreported below.

Correlations Between Demographic, Belief, and Behavioral Measures

We computed a series of correlations between continuous demographic variables andmajor predictor and dependent variables. Preliminary analyses indicated significantdifferences in results of male versus female adolescents. Therefore, correlations wereconducted separately for the two groups (see Table 2). For mothers of daughters,

130 Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143

Tab

le1

Mothers’andadolescents’

behavioral

beliefs

abou

tconsequences

ofconflict

Theme

Example

Mother

(N040)

Daughter

(N024)

Son

(N016)

Concordance

across

Mother-Daughter

Dyads

pvalue

Concordance

across

Mother-Son

Dyads

pvalue

1.RelationshipEnhancing

Emphasizes

how

conflictim

proves

relatio

nships

throughincreasedunderstandingof

others’

perspectives

andfeelings;developm

entof

trust

andrespect;andincreasedfeelings

ofcloseness

“Ithinkourdisagreementsmake[the

relatio

nship]

stronger

becausethen

westop

andrealizewho

was

rightandwho

was

wrong

andthat

weboth

weren’t....

It’sthesameopinion,

butdifferentpointsof

view

,which

build

strong

relatio

nships”(A

dolescent).

54%

63%

31%

0.001

n.s

2.Learning/Cognitiv

eBenefits

Emphasizes

how

anindividual’sthinking

changes

asaresultof

conflict.Thisincludes

learning

new

ideasandopinions;learning

how

toeffectively

addressconflict;andlearning

insightsabout

ownbehavior.

“Mostof

thetim

eit’sinform

ation.

You

alwayslearn

something

from

it.Wewill

argueaboutthat

andthen

youstop

andthink.

Well,yeah

maybe

Ishouldn’t

have

gotthat

ride

becausethat

person

couldhave

been

drunkor

somebodyelse

couldhave

been

drunkandIcouldhave

gotkilled.”(A

dolescent)

55%

59%

39%

0.001

n.s

3.PersonalDevelopment

Emphasizes

how

conflictleadsto

empowerment

andconfidence

asconflictisaplatform

for

self-expressionandindividuality.

“Ibelieve

conflictteachesaperson

tohold

firm

towhatthey

believe

istrue....Itteachesthem

how

tobuild

character,andcharacterisn’talwaysbeingright.

It’staking

responsibilitywhenyou’re

wrong,andyou

learnthat

throughsomekind

ofconflict....Sothat

build

syour

characterto

say,“O

h,Iknow

how

tosay

whenI’m

wrong

”(M

other).

31%

33%

31%

0.001

0.02

4.Problem

-Solving

Focuses

onpractical

aspectsof

conflict;conflict

solves

problemsandpreventssimilar

disagreementsfrom

occurringin

thefuture

“Ifthey’rehandledwell,they

canbe

problem-solving.

Ifyou’re

careful,youactually

accomplishalotwith

adisagreementifyou’re

respectful.Ithinkthat

it’s

thechaos/resolutio

nthing....it’sonly

throughchaos

that

youcancometo

your

resolutio

n.So,

Ithink

they’ revery

productiv

eifyou’re

careful”

(Mother).

38%

19%

15%

0.001

0.02

Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143 131

Tab

le1

(contin

ued)

Theme

Example

Mother

(N040)

Daughter

(N024)

Son

(N016)

Concordance

across

Mother-Daughter

Dyads

pvalue

Concordance

across

Mother-Son

Dyads

pvalue

5.Detrimentalto

Relationships

Emphasizes

that

conflictdamages

relatio

nships

asitleadsto

angerat

each

other,im

poverished

communication,

andgeneralproblemsin

getting

alongafterdisagreements.

“She

also

haswalkedaw

ayfrom

meandhassaid

toherfather,“M

omdoesn’tcare,”so

Ihaven’tshow

nheras

much,

even

though

I’ve

said,“I’m

sorry,I

don’twantto

hurtyou,”I’ve

said

thosewords,she

still

does

feel

that

sometim

es....”(M

other)

23%

26%

15%

0.003

n.s

6.PersonalDistress

Focuses

ontheem

otionalcostof

conflictas

itcontributesto

feelings

ofanger,sadness,

resentment,anddiminishedself-esteem.

“Ifeel

very

guilty....IfIfeel

likeIhave

mademymom

upsetor

angryIwill

goapologize‘cause

Ifeel

bad.

WhenIsw

earat

him

andthen

Ikick

myselffor

doingitor

give

him

aninsulting

remark…

”(M

other).

55%

41%

39%

0.013

n.s

7.Waste

ofTim

e

Seesconflictas

futileandwastefulbecause

itneversolves

anything.

“Argum

entsgetyounowhere.Theyareacomplete

waste

oftim

e”(M

other)

17%

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

Fisher’sExact

testswereperformed

totestwith

indyad

concordanceof

beliefs.Allresults

arebasedon

2-sidedtests

132 Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143

Tab

le2

Inter-correlations

betweenmotherandadolescent

demographic,belief,andoutcom

evariablesas

afunctio

nof

sex

12

34

56

78

910

1112

1314

1516

1718

1Mothers’age

–0.56**

0.09

0.11

0.39

−0.37

0.19

−0.26

0.59**

0.37

−0.13

−0.08

−0.26

−0.05

0.21

−0.07

0.08

0.07

2Mothers’education

0.35

–−0

.14

0.19

0.36

0.53**

0.08

−0.13

0.54**

0.24

−0.39

−0.14

−0.41*

−0.18

0.10

−0.22

−0.28

−0.14

3Adolescents’age

0.28

0.17

–0.08

−0.07

0.15

0.14

−0.21

−0.01

0.19

0.10

−0.01

0.39

−0.18

0.07

−0.05

0.24

−0.27

4Behavioralbeliefs

(M)

−0.34

0.19

−0.18

–0.58**

0.34

0.47*

−0.25

0.30

0.01

−0.36

−0.34

−0.48*

−0.44*

−0.36

−0.42*

0.20

0.18

5Behavioralbeliefs

(A)

0.16

−0.04

−0.05

0.13

–−0

.34

0.15

0.02

0.40

0.10

−0.36

−0.30

−0.56**

−0.47*

−0.18

−0.35

0.25

0.43

6Cont rol

beliefs

(M)

−0.22

−0.30

−0.04

0.19

−0.46

–−0

.19

0.39

−0.46*

−0.19

0.67**

0.52*

0.67**

0.28

0.37

0.40

0.49*

0.41

7Control

beliefs

(A)

−0.05

0.11

−0.07

−0.15

−0.03

−0.01

–−0

.17

0.11

0.06

−0.01

−0.29

−0.19

−0.32

−0.17

−0.25

−0.01

−0.19

8Normativebeliefs

(M)

0.25

0.47*

0.12

−0.53*

0.05

−0.01

−0.22

–−0

.02

−0.03

−0.03

0.08

0.12

−0.32

0.07

0.04

−0.03

−0.20

9Positive

behaviors(M

)0.22

0.32

−0.05

0.70**

−0.13

0.33

−0.37

−0.06

–0.49*

−0.67**

−0.28

−0.37

−0.35

−0.13

−0.13

−0.29

−0.13

10Positive

behaviors(A

)0.04

−0.16

−0.42

0.02

−0.01

0.36

−0.09

0.05

0.23

–−0

.23

−0.35

−0.16

0.02

−0.08

−0.02

−0.24

−0.21

11Negativebehaviors(M

)0.09

−0.14

0.24

−0.66*

−0.29

0.12

−0.48

0.37

−0.10

0.01

–0.50*

0.45*

0.42*

0.26

0.20

0.45*

0.23

12Negativebehaviors(A

)−0

.20

−0.39

0.29

−0.36

−0.36

0.38

−0.46

0.03

−0.12

0.01

0.72**

–−0

.46*

0.52*

0.46*

0.42*

0.01

0.56**

13CBQ

(M)

−0.03

−0.24

−0.16

−0.10

−0.10

0.77**

−0.13

0.09

0.17

0.60*

0.36

0.31

–0.46*

0.34

0.45*

0.58**

0.37

14CBQ

(A)

0.02

−0.30

0.20

−0.20

−0.20

0.37

−0.21

0.02

−0.34

0.05

0.44

0.68**

0.34

–0.25

0.49*

0.13

0.35

15ConflictIntensity

(M)

−0.20

0.38

0.02

0.05

0.05

0.40

−0.09

0.67**

0.09

−0.10

0.05

0.12

0.12

0.24

–0.73**

0.37

0.37

16ConflictIntensity

(A)

−0.27

−0.25

−0.04

−0.08

−0.08

0.60**

−0.41

−0.04

0.01

0.18

0.50*

0.90**

0.54*

0.61**

0.41

–0.40

0.45*

17ConflictFrequency

(M)

−0.37

−0.47*

−0.14

−0.15

−0.15

0.70**

−0.14

−0.04

0.03

0.22

0.36

0.38

0.56*

0.20

0.15

0.50*

–0.15

18ConflictFrequency

(A)

0.34

−0.21

−0.25

0.19

0.19

0.26

−0.45*

−0.17

0.01

0.39

0.24

0.20

0.39

0.35

0.04

0.40

0.46*

1.0

MMother;AAdo

lescent;CBQ

ConflictBehaviorQuestionnaire.

*p<0.05.**p<0.01.Daughters’data

aredisplayedabovethediagon

al;sons’data

arebelow

thediagon

al.

Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143 133

mothers’ education positively correlated with both mothers’ control beliefs (r00.53,p<0.009) and mothers’ positive behaviors (r00.54, p<0.007). Mothers’ educationwas negatively associated with mothers’ self reported conflict behavior scores(r0−0.41, p<0.05). In other words, greater maternal education was associated withmore positive views of adolescents’ personal characteristics (that is, controlbeliefs), positive behaviors during the interaction task, and positive perceptionsof mother-adolescent conflict and communication. In addition, among mothersof daughters, mothers’ age was positively associated with mothers’ positivebehaviors during the interaction task (r00.59, p<0.005). There were no relation-ships between sons’ and daughters’ age and mothers’ or adolescents’ belief oroutcome measures.

We identified several moderate to strong relationships between belief andoutcome variables. Mothers’ and daughters’ behavioral beliefs were negativelyassociated with their self-reported conflict behavior scores (r0−0.48, p<0.02 andr0−0.47, p<. 04, respectively). In other words, positive beliefs about conflict wereassociated with less negative self-reports of conflict behavior for mothers and daugh-ters. For mothers of sons, behavioral beliefs were negatively associated with mothers’negative behaviors (r0−0.66, p<0.01) and positively associated with mothers’ pos-itive behaviors (r00.70, p<0.005). Thus, mothers of sons who described conflict aslargely beneficial were more likely to engage in positive behaviors and less likely toengage in negative behaviors during the problem-solving task. Mothers’ controlbeliefs were positively associated with mothers’ reports of conflict frequency andconflict behavior among mothers with daughters (r00.49, p<0.02; r00.76, p<0.001)and sons (r00.70, p<0.005; r00.67, p<0.008). Mothers who reported that their teenshave positive characteristics reported less conflict and less negative conflict behavior.For behavioral measures, however, there was only an association between mothers’control beliefs and mothers’ positive (r0−0.46, p<0.05) and negative behaviors (r00.67, p<0.01) during interactions with daughters. Mothers’ negative beliefs abouttheir daughters were related to less positive and more negative problem-solvingbehaviors. For mothers with sons, normative beliefs were associated with mothers’reports of conflict intensity (r00.67, p<0.007). Mothers with strong perceptions ofadolescence as a time of storm and stress reported more intense conflicts with theirsons, but not with their daughters.

To examine reciprocity in conflict beliefs, perceptions, and behaviors, weexamined the relationship between mothers’ and adolescents’ belief and out-come measures. There was a strong positive relationship between mothers’ andsons’ negative behavior during the interaction task (r00.73, p<0.001) and be-tween their self-reported conflict behavior scores (r00.68, p<0.004). There were nosignificant relationships between mothers’ and sons’ positive behaviors duringthe interaction, or between their reports of conflict frequency, intensity, orperceived conflict behavior. There were significant positive relationships be-tween mothers’ and daughters’ positive behaviors (r00.49, p<0.01) and betweentheir negative (r00.50, p<0.01) behaviors during the interaction task. There was alsoconcordance between mothers’ and daughters’ CBQ (r00.46, p<0.03) and conflictintensity (r00.73, p<0.001) scores. Behavioral beliefs were significantly related formothers and daughters (r00.58, p<0.007), but not for mothers and sons (r00.03,n.s.).

134 Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143

Role of Behavioral, Control and Normative Beliefs in Predicting Problem-SolvingBehaviors

We predicted that behavioral, control, and normative beliefs would explain a signif-icant portion of the variance in mothers’ and adolescents’ behavior during aninteraction task. Four hierarchical regressions were conducted to examine predictorsof observed behaviors (mothers’ positive and negative behaviors and adolescents’positive and negative behaviors). Given the significant associations reported above,we statistically controlled for adolescents’ sex and mothers’ education (Step One).Based on the strong associations between the behaviors of dyadic partners during theinteraction task, we also controlled for the behavior of the interaction partner bycreating a combined score of interaction behaviors in Step Two. Negative scores weresubtracted from positive scores for a cumulative score. The third step included thebehavioral, normative, and control beliefs for mothers and behavioral and controlbeliefs for adolescents (normative beliefs were not measured for adolescents).

Table 3 shows the results for predicting mothers’ and adolescents’ positive andnegative behavior during the problem-solving task. Negative behavior, for both

Table 3 Hierarchical regression for equations predicting problem-solving behaviors

β R2 F β R2 F

Mother Positive Behavior Mother Negative Behavior

Step 1 0.24* 4.90 0.06 0.95

Mothers’ Education 0.42* −0.01Adolescent Sexa −0.08 −0.09Step 2 0.33** 4.96 0.33** 4.84

Adolescent Behavior 0.28 −0.38*Step 3 0.45 3.72 0.47** 3.95

Behavioral Beliefs 0.31* −0.36*Control Beliefs 0.19 0.20

Normative Beliefs −0.08 −0.02

Adolescent Positive Behavior Adolescent Negative Behavior

Step 1 0.03 0.89 0.02 0.56

Adolescent Sexa −0.36 −0.04Step 2 0.07 1.26 0.26** 5.76

Mother behavior 0.08 . −0.43**Step 3 0.09 0.72 0.39** 4.90

Behavioral Beliefs −0.01 −0.18Control Beliefs −0.02 −0.30*

Maternal and adolescent behaviors in the second step of entry represent a composite score of both positiveand negative behaviors. F is the F at the step of entry. Betas are taken from the final regression equation.a Sex was coded so that females are represented by a lower number. *p<0.05. **p<0.01

Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143 135

mothers and adolescents, was not significantly predicted by adolescent sex or moth-ers’ education. Negative behaviors were, however, significantly predicted by dyadicpartner’s behavior (27 percent and 18 percent of the variance for mothers andadolescents, respectively) and conflict-related beliefs (14 percent and 12 percent ofthe variance, for mothers and adolescents, respectively). Specifically, mothers’ neg-ative behavior was predicted by mothers’ behavioral beliefs, β0−0.36, t(38)0−2.29,p<0.03 after controlling for demographic and dyadic partner’s behavior. Mothers whodescribed conflict as largely positive engaged in less negative behaviors during theinteraction task than those who viewed the consequences of conflict as largely negative.

Adolescents’ negative behavior was significantly predicted by control beliefs aftercontrolling for demographic and dyadic partner’s behavior, β0−0.30, t(38)0−2.08, p<0.05. Teens who viewed their mothers as having a dominating communication styletended to engage in more negative behaviors during the interaction task. For mothers’positive behaviors, demographic variables accounted for 24 percent of the variance, asignificant proportion. Mothers with higher education tended to engage in morepositive behaviors. In addition, adolescents’ behavior accounted for 11 percent ofthe variance of mothers’ behaviors. When beliefs were added into the equation, anadditional eight percent of the variance in mothers’ behaviors was explained. Thisincrease approached statistical significance, β00.31, t(38)02.0, p<0.06. There wereno significant predictors of adolescents’ positive behaviors.

Role of Behavioral, Control, and Normative Beliefs in Predicting Perceived ConflictBehavior, Conflict Intensity, and Conflict Frequency

Weexpected thatmothers’ and adolescents’ beliefswould predictmothers’ and adolescents’self-reports of conflict behavior, conflict intensity, and conflict frequency. Six separatehierarchical regressions were conducted. Based on previous analyses, in Step One we con-trolled for adolescent sex in all regression analyses and mothers’ education in analyses thatincludedmother data. Behavioral, control, and normative beliefs were entered in Step Two.

As shown in Table 4, self-reported conflict behavior was significantly predicted bymothers’ and adolescents’ beliefs, accounting for 48 percent and 21 percent of thevariance, respectively, after demographic variables were controlled. Mothers’ andadolescents’ self-reports of conflict behavior were significantly predicted by behav-ioral beliefs, β0−0.34, t(38)0−2.67, p<0.01 and β0−0.35, t(38)0−2.32, respective-ly. Those who believe that conflict results in mostly positive consequences were morelikely to report more positive conflict behaviors. In addition, mothers who believetheir adolescents have positive characteristics were more likely to report morepositive conflict behavior, β00.69, t(38)04.89, p<0.001. Conflict intensity waspredicted by beliefs for both mothers and adolescents, accounting for 36 percentand 21 percent of the variance, respectively. Control beliefs significantly predictedconflict intensity for mothers, β00.51, t(38)02.76, p<0.01, and behavioral beliefssignificantly predicted conflict intensity for adolescents, β0−0.35, t(38), −2.19, p<0.04, after controlling for demographic variables. In other words, mothers whobelieve their adolescents have negative characteristics are more likely to reportintense conflicts. In addition, adolescents who view conflict as largely resulting innegative consequences tended to report more intense conflicts. There was a statisti-cally significant increment in the explained variance when beliefs were added to the

136 Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143

equation predicting mothers’ reports of conflict frequency. However, control beliefswere the only significant predictor, β00.51, t(38), 0 2.90, p<0.007. For adolescents,conflict frequency was not predicted by beliefs.

Discussion

The main purpose of this research was to use components of the model of plannedbehavior (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980; Fishbein and Ajzen 1975) to understand howmothers and teens experience conflict and interact with each other during disagreements.As a first step, we inductively examined family members’ beliefs about the general costsand benefits of conflict (that is, their behavioral beliefs). We then explored the degree towhich mothers’ and adolescents’ behavioral, control, and normative beliefs predict howmothers and adolescents communicate during an interaction task and how they perceiveconflict with each other. As hypothesized, family members’ behavioral and control beliefspredicted a variety of behaviors (both self-reported and observed) for both mother andadolescents. Normative beliefs, that is, beliefs about the degree to which adolescence isviewed as a turbulent developmental stage, did not appear to be related to most measuresof family conflict. Our findings support the idea that the Model of Planned Behavior maybe a useful framework for understanding how cognitions play a role in family conflict.

Family Members’ Beliefs about the Costs and Benefits to Family Conflict

Examination of participants’ behavioral beliefs (as expressed in open-ended inter-views) about the general costs and benefits of conflict revealed that mothers and

Table 4 Hierarchical regression for equations predicting self-report measures of conflict behavior andconflict intensity

β R2 F β R2 F

Mother CBQ Mother Conflict Intensity

Step 1 0.12 2.13 0.04 0.57

Mothers’ Education 0.02 0.46*

Adolescent Sexa 0.10 −0.02Step 2 0.60** 8.25 0.30* 2.41

Behavioral Beliefs −0.34* −0.24Control Beliefs 0.69** 0.51**

Normative Beliefs −0.16 −0.07Adolescent CBQ Adolescent Conflict Intensity

Step 1 0.05 1.64 0.01 0.004

Adolescent Sexa 0.20 −0.01Step 2 0.26* 3.80 0.22** 2.92*

Behavioral Beliefs −0.35** −0.35*Control Beliefs −0.27* −0.28*

F is the F at the step of entry. Betas are taken from the final regression equation. a Sex was coded so thatfemales are represented by a lower number. *p<0.05. **p<0.01

Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143 137

adolescents have multiple, complex, sophisticated ways of interpreting typical con-sequences of conflict. Family members, for example, were able to identify a variety ofways in which family conflict can be positive and beneficial. This contradicts popularimages of family conflict as largely negative and supports research that views conflictas an important and potentially positive aspect of psychosocial and cognitive devel-opment (for example, Laursen and Collins 2004). Importantly, many of the benefitsthat our study participants identified have not been examined systematically in theliterature. For example, nearly half of the mothers and one third of the adolescentsindicated that conflict positively contributes to personal development. Disagreementsare thought to provide a platform for developing and defending one’s ideas and mind.Thus, one strength of this study is that it expands upon researchers’ traditionaldefinitions of the outcome of family conflict.

As predicted, there was concordance within mother-daughter dyads in beliefsabout the costs and benefits of conflict. However, mothers’ and sons’ beliefs werenot interrelated across most categories. For daughters, similarities in beliefs was aparticularly robust finding given our use of an inductive, qualitative methodology inwhich coders of mothers’ interviews were blind to the coding of adolescents’ inter-views. Recall that participants were asked a series of open-ended questions abouttheir beliefs. We did not provide a checklist or inquire about specific cognitions.Accordingly, it is striking that mothers and their daughters described similar beliefsabout the costs and benefits of conflict (for example, personal distress, personaldevelopment) across all categories. On the other hand, sons and mothers endorsedsimilar problem solving and personal development beliefs. However, there was noconcordance in their detrimental beliefs. This adds to the research that proposes thatchildren are more likely to be socialized by the conflict behaviors and emotions ofsame-sex parents (Crockenberg and Forgays 1996; Grych and Fincham 1990). Ourwork suggests that mothers may also socialize their daughter to think differentlyabout disagreements than their sons.

Family Members’ Behavioral, Control, and Normative Beliefs

Despite the fact that adolescents and mothers described equally complex beliefs aboutthe costs and benefits of conflict, these beliefs differed in the degree to which theypredicted mother-adolescent interaction patterns during the problem-solving task.Thus, behavioral beliefs predicted mothers’ positive and negative behavior andself-reports of conflict behavior. However, they only predicted adolescents’ self-reports of conflict, not their behavior during the problem-solving task.

This discrepancy in our findings may suggest that the relationship between behavioralbeliefs and behavior may be developmental in nature. This is line with recent work incognitive neuroscience that points to the differing speeds at which cognitive and affectiveneural systems mature (Casey et al. 2008). As several researchers have suggested,adolescents and adults are relatively similar in their ability to deliberatively processinformation (for example, using all relevant information). However, these abilitiesdiverge under conditions of emotional arousal (Figner et al. 2009; Steinberg and Scott2003). In our study, teens were able to describe complex conflict beliefs during aninterview, a task that requires processing abilities such as abstract thought andgeneralization. It is possible, however, that they may not have accessed and utilized

138 Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143

behavioral beliefs during the emotion-arousing interaction. Mothers, on the otherhand, may have been able to access cognitions that extended beyond the features ofthe immediate interaction (for example, general benefits of disagreeing with someone),even under conditions of emotional arousal. Clearly, this speculative suggestion requiresfurther exploration that, among other things, moves beyond correlational data.

Control beliefs—beliefs about the characteristics of one’s dyadic partner that mayimpede or encourage constructive conflict interactions—predicted mothers’ andadolescents’ perceived conflict behavior, conflict intensity, and adolescents’ negativebehaviors. These findings are consistent with research that predicts parent-adolescentcommunication and conflict patterns from how individuals perceive the behavior andcharacteristics of their conflict partners (Fincham et al. 1998; Grace et al. 1993;Hamamci 2007; Reed and Dubow 1997).

In the context of the Theory of Planned Behavior, these findings regarding controlbeliefs suggest that beliefs about others may be important predictors of behaviorbecause they influence how much power individuals believe they have to influence aconflict exchange and outcome. Thus, it is important to consider how individualsperceive the environmental characteristics that are not under their volitional control(see Ajzen 2002). Our data found, for example, that teens who view their mothers ashaving a dominating communication style engaged in more negative interactionbehaviors. These included giving short, unhelpful responses and infrequently partic-ipating in idea/solution generation. Although we are unable to examine why theseteens acted in such a way, it may be that teens with “dominant” mothers are reluctantto voice an opinion given the perceived futility of such an action. This, in turn, mayinfluence how much effort these teens are willing to put into resolving a conflict.

Unlike behavioral and control beliefs, normative beliefs did not significantlypredict our behavioral and self-report measures for mothers or adolescents. Thismay illustrate a measurement error rather than a problem in theory application. AsAjzen (1991) points out, beliefs need to be salient to the behaviors in question. In ourstudy, we chose to use a measure of storm and stress—a diffuse, multifacetedconstruct—as a measure of normative beliefs. This construct may not be salient toconflict-related behaviors. Storm and stress beliefs, for example, address the degree towhich mothers believe adolescence is a difficult developmental period. These beliefsdo not specifically address norms around how mother-adolescent conflict is handled.A better choice would have been to explore the beliefs that family members haveabout how other mother-adolescent dyads address and think about conflict. This is animportant next step in this research.

Limitations, Future Directions, Implications

Our findings should be interpreted in light of several limitations. First, given themodest sample size, we were unable to explore predictive interactions between sexand beliefs. This is an important limitation given the sex differences we reported inour descriptive data. In addition, recent research highlights the importance of con-sidering sex when interpreting conflict patterns (for example, Cicognani and Zani2010; Noakes and Rinaldi 2006; Walton et al. 2009). Moreover, we did not addressthe role of culture in beliefs. This is a limitation given research that suggests thatadolescents in minority groups in the United States may view the costs and benefits of

Curr Psychol (2012) 31:122–143 139

conflict differently than Euro-American teens (Phinney et al. 2005). Future workneeds to examine these background characteristics as possible moderators.

In addition to the future directions already discussed, it is important to recognizethat the Theory of Planned Behavior encompasses many components that we did notexplore in this study. Although examination of the behavioral, control, and normativebeliefs associated with family conflict addresses why people behave differently(Ajzen 1991), future work needs to explore how these beliefs are related to behavioralintention. For example, an important question involves whether or not individualsinform intentions about how to handle conflict and, if so, how these intentions may berelated to different kinds of beliefs.

Despite these limitations, the current study can be used to identify several principlesthat might be useful to families and mental health care providers. First, parents should beeducated about the important function of conflict in family life as well as the benefits ofconflict perceived by adolescents. This includes conflict as a means of strengtheningrelationships, solving problems, and contributing to personal and cognitive develop-ment. Secondly, our findings suggest that clinical interventions would benefit bytargeting unhelpful beliefs about conflict. Typical programs that aim to improveparent-adolescent communication help family members develop and strengthen avariety of social skills, such as negotiation and problem-solving strategies (forexample, Adolescent Social Skills Effectiveness Training; Openshaw et al. 1992).

Although such programs have been somewhat effective, the impact on parent-adolescent relationships has been limited. Programs could benefit by going beyondskill-building to include a cognitive unit that encourages parents and adolescents toconsider more nuanced and balanced beliefs about the functions of conflict in familylife. Given the interdependence of conflict behaviors and beliefs, family memberswho develop more positive views about potential consequences of conflict (alongwith skills for more effectively managing conflicts) may be more likely to engage inconstructive conflict. In line with some previous research, we did not find that thefrequency of conflict is associated with negative outcomes. Thus, family interventionprograms should decrease their emphasis upon eliminating conflict and instead focuson how family members communicate during arguments. That said, the current studydid not involve a clinical sample. It is possible that frequent conflict, particularly incertain populations, can be harmful to the parent-adolescent relationship.

In sum, this study provides a beginning point for understanding how differentkinds of beliefs relate to family conflict. Although it may appear obvious that conflictcan have detrimental, destructive effects on families, our work suggests that conflictis also experienced and recognized by family members as a constructive exchangethat has positive consequences. Future work needs to untangle the bidirectionalinfluences of beliefs and behaviors in family conflict and involve more diverseracial/ethnic groups and cultural communities in order to develop a more nuancedunderstanding of these potentially complex and varied relationships.

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