The security-development nexus
and its local articulation in Kenya
A field study in the rural village of Baragoi
Master Thesis
Author: Silvia Bornengo and Emma Olofsson
Supervisor: Jonas Ewald
Examiner: Christopher High
Term: Spring Semester 2018
Subject: Peace and Development Work
Level: Master
Course code: 4FU42E
Abstract
The research is a field case study deployed in Samburu County, Kenya in the
villages of Baragoi. The objective is to enrich the debate about peacebuilding and in
particular about the security-development nexus, its articulations and actors at local
level. The theorization of the security-development nexus is part of the debate
regarding the way of implementing effectively peacebuilding policies (Nilsson and
Taylor, 2016). The academic debate has mainly related and investigated the nexus at
its international and national sphere. Moreover, when it comes to local level, only
few field studies have brought up an in depth analysis of its local articulation and
local actors1. Therefore, this study aims at providing new evidences in relation to
three main topics; first to enrich the knowledge of how development and security
are conceived at local level; then, the research intends to understand if there are
actors other than the national government, able to deploy security and development
programs; and finally, study how their relationship is perceived at grassroots level.
By understanding firstly how development and security are conceived on the
ground, observation and interviews are carried out in order to understand the
perception of the security-development nexus and the actors identified as
influencing security and development in Baragoi, Kenya.
The findings show a definition closely related to human development and human
security and especially an overlapping with security and peace. The humanized
definition of security and development allows more actors to be involved and
therefore several non-state actors have been identified as legitimate providers of
development and security in Baragoi where state presence is minimum. Moreover,
their perception of the nexus shows an interdependence where both security and
development are stressing issues that influence each other, however it is also
possible to identify a one-way relationship where security is perceived as vital is
Baragoi and by ensuring security, development will come automatically.
Key words: security-development nexus, Kenya, peacebuilding
1 see for example Nilsson and Taylor, 2016; Orjuela, 2010; Howe and Sims, 2011; Denney, 2011;
Jensen, 2010
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank Linnaeus University and all the teachers of Peace and
Development Work Master Program for everything they taught us during this year;
you have been fundamental not only for our academic education but you will also be
an example for our future professional experiences. Thank you for showing us the
importance of truly believing in ourselves and our dreams. A particular thank to our
supervisor Jonas Ewald, who supported us at any time of the day during our field
work and encouraged us to do our best. And also, thanks to Sida who made this field
study possible by financing us through a minor field study (MFS) scholarship.
We want to dedicate a special thanks to Peter Lengurnet who represented for us a
leader and important friend in Maralal; an important thank to the Caritas Office in
Maralal and Baragoi that enabled us to carry out this field work and gain a deep
knowledge through their experiences: thank you for welcoming us, teaching us how
to work for peace and development and for being our friends.
Thank to Bishop Pante, Fr. Peter Musau, Fr. Nderitu, Fr. Giuliani, Fr. Roberto for
being with us during this period. A special thanks to Joy, Koech, Fr. Kamau and Fr.
Chris for being our family in Maralal and for our Samburu dancing in the evening.
Thanks to all the interviewees that shared with us their stories, experiences and
made this study possible. Thank to Samburu County and all the people that we met
that shared with us a little but important part of our life.
We also want to thank all our families, friends and classmates that encouraged,
supported and listened to us during this period. Thank you for being with us from
Sweden, Italy, France, Germany, USA…
List of Abbreviations
CIDP County Integrated Development Plan
CJPC Catholic Justice and Peace Commission
CPI Children Peace Initiative
ITDG Intermediate Technology Development Group
KPR Kenya Police Reservist (now called NPR)
MCA Members of County Assembly
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
NGOW Non-Governmental Organization Worker
NPR National Police Reservist (previously called KPR)
SCCRR Shalom Centre for Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
VPC Village Peace Committee
Table of contents
1 Introduction 1
1.1 Background and Justification 1
1.2 Pastoral conflicts across East Africa and the case of Samburu County 1
1.2.3 Baragoi and Samburu County, Kenya. 2
1.3 Research Problem 4
1.4 Research Objectives and Research Questions 4
1.5 Relevance of the study 5
1.6 Structure of the thesis 6
2 Literature review 7
3 Analytical framework 10
3.1. RQ1: How are security and development defined by the people living in
Baragoi and/or actively working in these sectors in Baragoi? 11
3.1.1 Human Security. 11
3.1.2 Human Development 12
3.2. RQ2: Which are the different actors identified as influencing security and
development in Baragoi area, Samburu County? 13
3.3. RQ3: Which kind of relationship between security and development is
identified on the ground by them? 13
4 Methodology 14
4.1 Primary sources 14
4.1.1 Semi-structured individual interviews 15
4.1.2 Semi-structured group interviews 15
4.1.3 Unstructured individual interviews 15
4.1.4 Observations 15
4.2 Secondary Sources 16
4.3 Sampling 16
4.4 Reliability and validity 17
4.5 Delimitations and limitations 18
4.6 Ethical considerations 19
5. Findings 20
5.1 How are security and development defined by the people living in Baragoi
and/or actively working in these sectors in Baragoi? 20
5.1.1 Security 20
5.1.2 Development 24
5.2 Which are the different actors identified as influencing security and
development in Baragoi area, Samburu County? 28
5.2.1 Security Actors 28
5.2.2 Development Actors 35
5.3 Which perception of the relationship between security and development is
identified on the ground? 37
5.3.1 Relationship according to NGO workers 37
5.3.2 Relationship according to Samburu/Turkana community members 38
3.3.3 Relationship according to key informants: two religious leaders, two
political leaders, one village administrator, one Police Officer, County
Government 39
6 Analysis 41
6.1 RQ1: How are security and development defined by the people living in
Baragoi and/or actively working in these sectors in Baragoi? 41
6.1.1 Security 41
6.1.2 Development 41
6.2 RQ2: Which are the different actors identified as influencing security and
development in Baragoi area, Samburu County? 42
6.2.1 Security 43
6.2.2 Development 46
6.3 RQ3: Which kind of relationship between security and development is
identified on the ground by them? 48
7 Conclusion 50
References 52
Appendix 1: List of interviews 59
Appendix 2: Interview Guides 60
1
1 Introduction
1.1 Background and Justification
In the academic debate and in world's public opinion, a univocal definition of what peacebuilding
entails and how to implement it effectively has never been reached (Galtung, 1990; Doyle and
Sambanis, 2000:779-801; Lambourne, 2004:3; Dursun-Ozkanca, 2009:4-5; Abdullai and Brovina,
2015:136).
The security-development nexus belongs to the debate regarding peacebuilding policies and
has been enriched by a wide and hectic academic debate since its validity and meanings have been
differently discussed (Stern and Öjendal, 2010). The claim of the Secretary-General of the United
Nations Kofi Annan "We will not enjoy development without security, we will not enjoy security
without development" explains partly what the nexus entails. In fact, it implies the idea that these two
elements are strictly interconnected and interdependent, and therefore must be jointly addressed in
conflict resolution (United Nations General Assembly, 2005; Stern and Öjendal, 2010:6). Research
further argues that underdevelopment can contribute to armed conflicts, but development opportunities
could also be lost due to conflicts that cause low human development and lead to a “conflict trap”
(Buur, Jensen and Stepputat, 2007:9; Collier, 2003).
Although there is a broad academic debate about the nexus, it presents a lack of understanding
of its local dimension (Nilsson and Taylor, 2016; Orjuela, 2010; Tschirgi, Lund and Mancini, 2010;
Denney, 2011:294). It is also also argued that security and development have been conceptualised in
the global north and practiced in the global south with little consultation and attention paid to local
actors (Spear and Williams, 2012:16). Since most of today's conflicts are intra-state (within state)
instead of inter-state (between states) (Chuma and Ojielo, 2012:25; Kaldor, 2006), there is a need to
understand the nexus´ local articulation when it comes to local peacebuilding. Therefore, a field study
has been carried out in Baragoi, a village in Samburu County, Kenya that since many years is affected
by an intra-state, resource-based conflict between the two pastoral communities Samburu and
Turkana.
1.2 Pastoral conflicts across East Africa and the case of Samburu County
Pastoral communities are not only present in Kenya, in fact, they are present in more than 21 countries
in Africa: these nomadic or semi-nomadic communities live in arid or semi-arid areas and their
livelihood depends on livestock (Bevan, 2008:2; Obika and Bibangambah, 2013:141). They are
present mainly in East Africa and conflicts between pastoral groups have been particularly violent in
countries like Kenya, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Uganda, Sudan, Democratic Republic of the Congo and
2
Central African Republic (Bevan, 2008:2). Usually conflicts among pastoral communities have been
described essentially as resource based; in fact, underdevelopment, poverty, competition over natural
resources like water, pasture, grazing land and natural shocks like droughts have been identified as
main triggers for the outbreak of violence (Reda, 2015; Mkutu, 2008; Jabs, 2007; Markakis, 2007).
Since colonial times, pastoralist communities in different countries across Africa have been
socio-economically and politically marginalized because development was conceived as unattainable
in these arid or semi-arid areas (Obika and Bibangambah, 2013:146).
It has been argued that absence of the state apparatus, the exclusion from state-led policies and
“the inconsistent role of the state in assisting or regulating pastoralist livelihoods” exacerbated the
pastoral conflicts in East Africa (Obika and Bibangambah, 2013:142; Vadala, 2003:632). Moreover, in
the last years, the proliferation of modern weapons has been unprecedented among these pastoral
groups in East Africa and it exacerbated the effects of the conflicts. As stated by the United Nations,
the circulation of illegal modern arms “pose a serious threat to peace, reconciliation, safety, security,
stability and sustainable development at the individual, local, national, regional and international
levels” (United Nations, 2001:7)
With high level of illegal arms and underdevelopment, “Governments and international
agencies [...] often frame pastoralism as a thorn in the side of state-led development and violence
reduction policies” (Bevan, 2008:2). This led to a gradual disengagement of the state apparatus from
these areas and further exclusion of the pastoral groups from development and security provision
(Reda, 2015; Mkutu, 2008)
Therefore, when implementing peacebuilding or development policies it is important to take
into account “the distinctive situation of pastoralists and their marginalized position in society” (Obika
and Bibangambah, 2013:153).
1.2.3 Baragoi and Samburu County, Kenya
Northern parts of Kenya, as in other countries in East Africa, are affected by pastoral conflicts. This
area is inhabited by semi-nomadic pastoral groups whose livelihood depends on livestock that
seasonally migrate due to natural shocks, droughts, and compete with other pastoral groups for the
access to the scarce natural resources, grazing land, water and pasture (Njiru, 2012:24; Schilling et al.,
2012:2; Pkalya et al., 2003:14; Adano et al., 2012.:68-69).
The devolution process in 20102 intended to increase downward accountability and minimize
marginalization and conflicts in Kenya (Lind: 2018:139), however, decentralisation of power could
2 The new constitution from 2010 has the ambition to decentralize power to local level where the responsibility of the county
governments have increased to include water sanitation, roads, transport, infrastructure, healthcare, agricultural service,
promoting trade and local markets (Lind, 2018: 139)
3
also increase the risk of social division and intensify ethnic conflicts (Hoehne, 2009:5). In northern
Kenya, the conflict related to sub-national competition over resources and infrastructural
developments has increased and lead to further marginalization (Lind, 2018:146). Adano et al. (2012)
argue that these conflicts could be triggered by inefficient institutions and absence of good
governance. Although scarcity of natural resources has been identified as root causes of the pastoralist
conflicts in northern Kenya, other factors are contributing to the conflict, for example political
competition, marginalization, instability from neighboring war-torn countries that also facilitates an
increased proliferation of illegal and legal arms (Pkalya et al., 2003:23; Mkutu, 2001:13; Okumu et al.,
2017). At recent years, the conflict has escalated and become more violent and destructive (Schilling
et al., 2012:1).
Samburu County in northern Kenya reports one of the lowest development status in Kenya,
with high illiteracy rate, tarmac roads only in few bigger cities, low electricity and telephone coverage
and, in general, Government institutions are not able to reach remote rural areas (Cameron et al.,
2013:4). Moreover, slow development and increased poverty have been identified as important
underlying factors of the ongoing conflict (Pkalya et al., 2003:25). The presence of illegal guns,
corruption and lack of security personnel are also contributing to the escalation of conflict (Okumu et
al., 2017:582; Leff, 2009:193-194). The conflict has a negative impact on the livelihood of these
pastoral communities, and affect especially vulnerable groups as women, children and disabled. These
communities relies on local mechanisms to deal with conflicts where state interventions in terms of
disarmament have proven to work poorly (Leff, 2009:202).
The conflict between Samburu and Turkana became worse in the 1990s when droughts forced
pastoral groups to migrate and relocate from Marsabit County to Samburu County which caused a
further pressure over natural resources and an increase of clashes. The conflict has been protracted due
to an ongoing process of retaliation and the failure, especially from the side of the Government, to
address the conflict (Cox, 2015:101). By contrast, in some cases, Kenyan political leaders have instead
been responsible for providing arms to the different ethnic groups (Obika and Bibangambah,
2013:148). Okumu et al. (2017:503-505) argues that ethnic rivalry over political power has further
fueled the conflict in this area. Ethnic clashes between Samburu and Turkana have been especially
violent in the north sub-county of Samburu, Baragoi, where in November 2012, 42 Police Officers
were massacred while they tried to intervene a clash between Samburu and Turkana. Since then,
Baragoi has been stigmatized as a place with high insecurity threats and, gradually, even more
marginalized. It has documented that in certain villages in Baragoi, all the inhabitants are either
directly or indirectly affected by the conflict where underdevelopment and conflict are worsening each
other (Pkalya et al, 2003:26-25).
4
In the academic debate there are two studies that have been carried out in Baragoi: one is a
Master thesis that investigates the mechanisms that influence conflict resolution in Baragoi; another is
a Doctorate thesis that analyses the different interpretations of violence and which is their impact on
the Turkana and Samburu communities (Lenairoshi, 2014; Okumu, 2016). From both these
dissertations emerges a fragile and unstable environment since conflict might always erupt, socio-
economic marginalization is high and development is needed in order to put the basis for conflict
resolution (Lenairoshi, 2014:60; Okumu, 2016).
Baragoi serves as an interesting case due to the fact that previous studies have identified a
relation between security and development in the area: therefore, a more in-depth analysis will further
explore how the nexus is articulated and recognised by local actors. Moreover, being a marginalized
area, both in terms of development and security, with minimal presence of the state apparatus, it
provides the possibility to analyse the local security and development actors. Therefore, the present
research has the aim of enriching the knowledge about the local articulations and actors that contribute
to shape the perception of the security-development nexus at the local level thanks to a field study in
Baragoi, Kenya.
1.3 Research Problem The academic debate leaves open for further analysis and understanding of the local dimension of the
security-development nexus. The debate needs to overcome an analysis of security and development
mainly in terms of national policies and international organizations’ intervention (Orjuela, 2010:100;
Denney, 2011:294). In fact, several studies underline a gap in field research about the strategies for
fostering security and development at the local level, including non-state interventions (see Tschirgi et
al. 2006; Orjuela, 2010; Denney, 2011:294; Nilsson and Taylor, 2016). The importance of enhancing
this debate relies on the fact that, in some countries, national policies are not able to provide services
for the whole population and reach remote areas (Orjuela, 2010:100), as previously described in the
case of Baragoi. Local non-state actors identified as providing security and development therefore
need to be considered in order to understand the context in which the nexus works (Buur et al.,
2007:19; Podder, 2014; Orjuela, 2010). This is especially important in Kenya where peacebuilding and
conflict prevention in remote areas are mainly functioned by local non-state actors (Lind: 2018: 138)
and where previous studies find that conflicts in northern Kenya, in particular Baragoi, are affected
and affects development in the area (see Pkalya et al., 2003; Leff, 2009; Okumu et al., 2017; Adano et
al., 2012; Njiru, 2012; Cameron et al., 2013).
1.4 Research Objectives and Research Questions
It can be argued that, within the peacebuilding debate regarding how to improve security and
development, there is a theorization on how policies and programs should be planned, with a major
5
focus on the role of National Governments and international organizations, and limited field studies on
the ground (see Nilsson and Taylor, 2016; Orjuela, 2010; Howe and Sims, 2011; Denney, 2011;
Jensen, 2010). Moreover, the terms security and development themselves leave open wide
interpretations, especially when it comes to their implications at the local level. Therefore, the first
objective of this field research is to understand how development and security are perceived and
defined on the ground. Secondly, due to the importance of recognizing non-state development and
security actors in remote areas, it aims at investigating which are the various actors that people living
or working in Baragoi identify as influencing development and security. Finally, the research wants to
identify which relationship is attributed to them.
With this purposes, the research aims at finding an answer to these main questions that will
lead the analysis:
1. How are security and development defined by the people living in Baragoi and/or actively
working in these sectors in Baragoi?
2. Which are the different actors identified as influencing security and development in Baragoi
area, Samburu County?
3. Which kind of relationship between security and development is identified on the ground by
them?
1.5 Relevance of the study
As discussed by Lind (2018:135), Shilling, Opiyo and Scheffran (2012:1), the conflicts in northern
Kenya have increased and escalated during the past ten years where several local non-state actors
address the stressing issues of security and development. Meanwhile, in the academic peacebuilding
debate, there has been increased attention to the local context and local ownership in order to achieve
sustainable outcomes of security and development (Lund, 2001; Lederach, 2003; Buur, 2007;
MacGinty, 2010; Richmond, 2011). In this debate, the security-development nexus plays an important
role since the view of the nexus affects policies for security and development, in positive and negative
ways (Tschirgi et al., 2006). It is therefore relevant to deepen the debate about the nexus at local level
to allow a better understanding and implementation of policies in future. Especially in a critical and
marginalized area like Baragoi, both security and development need to be uplifted since inadequate
security provision and underdevelopment represent two important element of division and conflict
between the two ethnic groups (Wepundi, 2010:3-4). Moreover, Baragoi provides a relevant
environment for the analysis of actors working for security and development since the Government’s
difficulty to reach remote areas shift the analysis in favor of local non-governmental and informal
actors. Furthermore, given the complex dynamics of the resource-based conflict and the dramatic
6
impact that it has on people's livelihood, it is relevant to understand how the relationship between
security and development is articulated by actors on the ground.
1.6 Structure of the thesis
The introduction chapter presents a background and justification of the research problem as well as an
overview of the pastoralist conflicts in East Africa and, in particular, northern Kenya, followed by a
presentation of the case Baragoi. The first chapter also contains the research questions, the objective
and relevance of the study. Chapter two presents a literature review of the security-development nexus
debate; chapter three presents the analytical framework that will be used in the study which contains
three theories regarding the security-development narratives by Stern and Öjendal (2010), local state
and non-state actors involved in providing security and development by Buur et al. (2007) and a
categorisation of the relationship between security and development by Spear and Williams (2012).
The fourth chapter presents a description of the methodology used in the study followed by chapter
five that presents the findings according to the research questions. Chapter six analyses the findings
according to the analytical framework and the final chapter conclude the study.
7
2 Literature review
The complexity of conflicts around the world, the difficulty of implementing policies for effective
conflict resolution and the dilemma of achieving a sustainable peace in war torn countries make the
debate about peacebuilding highly relevant both in the academic debate and on the field. One relevant
debate relates to how development and security should be fostered and their relationships have been
widely researched since the end of the Second World War (see, for example, Duffield, 2001, 2007,
2010; Chandler, 2007; Buur, Jensen and Stepputat, 2007; Stern and Öjendal, 2010; Klingebiel et al.,
2006).
In fact, already after the Second World War and in particular during the Cold War, security
and development were perceived as interdependent (Duffield, 2010:54). The process of improving
them was located at the state level since it represented the main actor working for maximizing security
and development within its national borders (Stern and Öjendal, 2010:14-18). However, the end of the
Cold War and the emergence of the so-called "new wars" led the international community, highly
committed in conflict resolution and in post-conflict reconstruction, to implement abroad
peacebuilding policies that aimed at tackling jointly development and security (Duffield, 2014:13-15;
Hettne, 2010:41). It can be argued that during the 1990s, development became embedded into the field
of security and vice versa; in this way the concepts of "securitisation of development" and human
development were shaped: at the root of this idea lies the causal link between underdevelopment,
inequalities, poverty and outbreak of conflict and crime (Duffield, 2014:16; Buur et al., 2007:9). In the
same way, security was associated to the concept of "human security" and became developmentalised
since it was not anymore perceived as aiming at protecting the state from external aggression but as
providing citizens protection and basic human needs (Duffield, 2014: 6; Buur et al., 2007:10). This
new understanding of the nexus became part of the liberal peace agenda and this change was highly
influenced by the UNDP´s Human Development Reports, especially the one published in 1994, that
broadened these concepts towards a people-centred perception (Duffield, 2010; UNDP, 1994).
Later on, scholars criticized the liberal way of interpreting the security-development nexus
because of poor ability of international actors to assess and deal with local needs and priorities
(International Peace Academy, 2004:9). In particular, Chandler (2007:379) criticizes the rhetoric of the
nexus inasmuch as it can be a justification of an inward-looking foreign policy focused mainly on self-
image rather than on the impact of foreign policies in the receiving countries. Moreover, as claimed by
the scholar Tschirgi, Lund and Mancini “despite the new policy discourse, the nature of the interplay
between security and development and its policy implications are far from clear” (2010:2). In fact, the
theorization of the existence of such nexus does not clearly address a particular phase of conflict
resolution and a particular policy making process at a specific level of analysis. Therefore, it can be
argued that the security-development nexus still represents a vague topic whose interdependence is
8
mainly assumed rather than proved (Tschirgi et al., 2010:3). This uncertainty around the implication of
the nexus led to the claim that it cannot be precisely defined since it can be articulated differently
based on the understanding of what security and development entail (Stern and Öjendal, 2010:4).
Attempts have been made framing and mapping different concepts of the nexus; Stern and
Öjendal (2010) sorts the nexus in six categories3 depending on the definition of security and
development. Spear and Williams (2012) categorize the nexus in eight4 different perceptions of the
relationship which can be identified in the way the sectors perceive and handle issues. Tschirgi et al.
(2006) categorizes the nexus with regards to various levels and find a gap between practice and policy,
meaning the research and assessment of security and development policies on the ground, and Tschirgi
argues that current “best practice” and evaluations are not sufficient to assess policies: therefore, this
gap will be addressed in this study.
A lack of studies of local recognition of the nexus has also been identified by Orjuela (2010), Nilsson
and Taylor (2017), Howe and Sims (2011), Jensen (2010) and Denney (2011) who analyse the nexus
on the ground with help of policies and projects implemented to foster security and development.
Orjuela´s (2010) study in a neighborhood in Sri Lanka shows the nexus consisting of a web of
linkages where there is a trade-off between security and development since they could undermine as
much as reinforce each other on the ground. Nilsson and Taylor (2017) applies the nexus on policies
for land restitution in Colombia, Denney´s (2011) study focuses on how United Kingdom's
Department for International Development´s policies work on the ground in Sierra Leone while Jensen
(2010) studies policies in townships in Cape Town.
When it comes to addressing security and development, Howe and Sims (2011:333) who
studies the local articulations of the nexus in Lao People's Democratic Republic suggest a holistic
view to simultaneously address both issues. Moreover, Denney (2011:294) argues that studying local
understandings of the nexus can further clarify the connection between security and development.
Buur et al. (2007:18-19) and Lund (2001:867) highlights the importance of recognizing
local non-state security and development actors to understand the nexus on local level, especially in
marginalized areas. Moreover, Buur et al. (2007) present the nexus in terms of an inclusion/exclusion
approach. This perspective is grounded in the concept of westphalian state, according to which
sovereignty is conceived as the state’s power of including/excluding particular communities perceived
as threats. “In this way, sovereignty can be explored as a set of practices aimed at improving the
people, including the ideologies and techniques of uplifting the poor [...] and turning them into good
citizens worthy and capable of entering the community, the nation or the state” (Buur et al., 2007:15).
Both security and development are analyzed as a product of sovereignty and, therefore, the
3 Explained in section 3.1 4 Explained in section 3.3
9
mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion determine who are part of the political community and who are
excluded and do not receive protection and other basic human services, impacting both security and
also development in these areas (ibid:16; Bernt and Colini, 2013). As further analyzed by Bernt and
Colini (2013:6-7), exclusion and marginalization take place in the periphery of the state, where
development and security provision do not represent a priority of the Central Government. It is the
unwillingness or inability of the Government to reach and exercise sovereign power in periphery areas
of the state that determine exclusion and marginalization: in absence of a state apparatus able to
deliver basic human services, new non-state actors emerge in these areas in order to face the lack of
Government (Buur et al., 2007:18-19). Therefore, other than a primitive governmental apparatus, non-
governmental and private organizations, in periphery area is possible to identify also “ambiguous
institutions” that exercise some kind of sovereign power. Lund (2001) and Buur et al. (2007) define
them as “twilight institutions”. They cope with the marginalization of these peripheral areas and
deploy essential services, often in terms of local provision of security and development (Buur et al.,
2007:19).
Due to the fact that there is no unique framework for studying the nexus at local level
although it is highly relevant in marginalized areas, this study will, with a mix of existing theories,
contribute the academic debate by studying the perception of the nexus and its actors on the ground.
10
3 Analytical framework
This research will make use of Buur, Jensen, Stepputat’s inclusion/exclusion theory of the security-
development nexus as analytical framework (2007). It enables an understanding of the political, social
and economic situation in Samburu County. Moreover, it helps analysing the mechanisms and actors
influencing the deployment of security and development in the area.
In fact, as it has been stated in Paragraph 1.1, Samburu County and especially Baragoi can be
recognized as marginalized areas in Kenya: Samburu County has one of the lowest levels of
development in Kenya and Government institutions and Police Stations are present only in few urban
centers (Wepundi, 2010). This exclusion mechanism triggers the local conflict and marginalization has
been identified as one of the main drivers of the conflict (Wepundi, 2010:2). National Government
security forces are deployed mainly in the aftermath of the attacks, determining the failure of security
forces’ role of preventing violence and protecting civilians. Moreover, there is a minimal investment
in Samburu County in terms of development and improvement of livelihood (Wepundi, 2010).
Already during the colonial time, the pastoralists communities in Northern Kenya and Samburu
County was perceived as “uncivilized” and “unreceptive” to development and therefore, state
resources were not allocated in these areas. In the long term, it created the basis for the ongoing
conflict since, underdevelopment and competition over scarce natural resources in the area along with
limited state security, led to recurring outbreak of violence among pastoralists and to a gradual
proliferation of illegal arms (Okumu et al., 2017). In fact, in front of the incapacity or unwillingness of
the Kenyan Government to provide adequate state security personnel and the total absence of
Government outside the few bigger towns in Samburu County, locals and non-state actors started to
exercise a form of sovereign power, including security (Okumu et al. 2017; Mkutu, 2007).
As highlighted in the research problem, section 1.3, the importance of enhancing the security-
development nexus debate relies on the fact that, in some countries, national policies are not able to
provide services for the whole population and many people remain “at the periphery of official
security and development policies” (Orjuela, 2010:100). Therefore, Buur, Jensen and Steppat’s
(2007:18) theory provides a unique framework of analysis since they present an innovative way of
reflecting on local actors by including the category of “twilight institutions”.
This motivation justifies the use of Buur, Jensen and Steppat’s theory of the security-
development nexus as analytical framework. However, in order to be able to cover all the level of
analysis of the field research, it will be supported by other theories. The “Deepened, Broadened,
Humanized” narrative of the nexus by Stern and Öjendal (2010) with help of the UNDP’s definition of
human security and human development will be used, as well as Spear and Williams’ (2012) theory
11
for conceptualizing the security-development relationships to complete the analytical framework and
allow a comprehensive and structured discussion of the findings.
The analytical framework and the way it will be used for the analysis will therefore be
presented according to each research question.
3.1. RQ1: How are security and development defined by the people living in
Baragoi and/or actively working in these sectors in Baragoi?
The framework by Buur et al. (2007) defines development as “a set of governance practices for
enhancing the well-being of populations, in particular in poor countries”. However, it does not provide
a way of structuring the analysis of how development and security can be defined at the local level by
people living in Baragoi. Therefore, in order to be able to analyze the data gathered, in this research,
findings are discussed in terms of “Deepened, Broadened, Humanized Security-Development Nexus”
as explained by Stern and Öjendal (2010:18-19). Generally, their framework identifies six main
understanding of the nexus that reveal different interpretation of both security and development5.
The “Deepened, Broadened, Humanized” approach differs from the traditional interpretation
of development and security, that is mainly state-centric, and focuses on poor people and grass roots
level. Therefore, it addresses the concepts of human security and human development. In these terms,
the present interpretation of the nexus allows an in depth analysis of “localized experiences (fears,
desires, needs, etc…) of vulnerable peoples”(Stern and Öjendal, 2010:18). Since one research
objective is to understand the local definition of development and security, this approach appears
coherent and relevant for the analysis of the findings.
3.1.1 Human Security.
Through the field study and interviews, a predefined meaning to development and security has not
been conferred. However, to structure a better analysis of the findings, the definition of the United
Nations will be helpful, as explained in in “Human Security in Theory and in Practice: Application of
the Human Security Concept and the United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security” (2009).
Human security can be defined as status of being free from fears, threats and of being secure.
This concept therefore moves away from the traditional idea of security ensured by the state in order to
defend the nation from external aggression and it broadens to five main characteristics. It is people-
centered, multi-sectoral and comprehensive since it takes into account several threats that human
beings can encounter and that are not only related to physical violence. Moreover, it stresses the “need
5 The map describes the security development nexus as: “Modern Narrative”; “Deepened, Broadened, Humanized”;
“Impasse/Impossible”; “Post-Security-Development”; “Security-Development as Technique of Governmentality”;
“Globalized Security-Development” (Stern and Öjendal, 2010).
12
for cooperative and multi-sectoral responses that bring together the agendas of those dealing with
security, development and human rights” (ibid:7-8). Human security is also conceived to be highly
dependent on the local context and to be prevention-oriented (that implies the attempt of improving
resilience) (ibid.:8). Human security include in its definitions the following seven categories presented
in the table.
Type of Security Examples of Main Threats
Economic security Persistent poverty, unemployment
Food security Hunger, famine
Health security Deadly infectious diseases, unsafe food, malnutrition, lack of access to basic health care
Environmental security Environmental degradation, resource depletion, natural disasters, pollution
Personal security Physical violence, crime, terrorism, domestic violence, child labor
Community security Inter-ethnic, religious and other identity based tensions
Political security Political repression, human rights abuses
(FIG.1 from “Human Security in Theory and in Practice: Application of the Human Security Concept and the United Nations Trust Fund for
Human Security”, p. 14-15)
3.1.2 Human Development
Human development is about enlarging people's freedom by acquiring more capabilities and enjoying
more opportunities (UNDP, 2015:2, 2016:25). “Human development is development of the people
through the building of human resources, for the people through the translation of development
benefits in their lives and by the people through active participation in the processes that influence and
shape their lives. Income is a means to human development but not an end in itself” (UNDP, 2016:25).
“The human development approach shifted the development discourse from pursuing material
opulence to enhancing human well-being, from maximizing income to expanding capabilities, from
optimizing growth to enlarging freedoms. It focused on the richness of human lives rather than on
simply the richness of economies, and doing so changed the lens for viewing development results”
(UNDP, 2016:2).
The dimensions of human development presented in the Human Development Report 2015
will be used to analyze the findings; this because it covers the concept in terms of elements that
directly and indirectly affects human development. The category of elements that directly enhancing
human capabilities contains: long and healthy lives, knowledge and decent standards of living. The
other category presents elements that create conditions for human development, such as: participation
in political and community life, environmental sustainability, human security and rights, promoting
equality and social justice (UNDP, 2015).
13
3.2. RQ2: Which are the different actors identified as influencing security and
development in Baragoi area, Samburu County?
With the aim of understanding which local actors are working for security and development, findings
will be analyzed thanks to Buur, Jensen and Steppat’s (2007) analysis of development/security beyond
the state, the theory identifies governmental, non-governmental, private organizations and “twilight
institutions”. This last category emerges from the difficulty of the state to enforce development and
security policies in remote areas. This process leads to the creation of new informal institutions that
address this lack of intervention and exercise forms of sovereign power (Buur et al., 2007:19). Since
the aim of the research is to enlarge the security-development nexus debate with focus on local actors,
this classification shows a useful and unique point of view (Buur et al., 2007:18).
3.3. RQ3: Which kind of relationship between security and development is
identified on the ground by them?
Since Buur, Jensen and Stepputat’s (2007) framework does not provide “a systematic account of the
possible ways of conceptualizing the security-development relationship”, the research makes use of
the framework elaborated by Spear and Williams (2012:21). In “Security and Development in Global
Politics: A Critical Comparison”, eight different ways of interpreting the relationship between security
and development are explained. As “Zero Sum”, the nexus implies that the implementation of either
security or development hinder each other; as “Positive-sum”, security and development mutually
reinforce and foster each other; the “Distinct” interpretation of the nexus implies that the
implementation of development and security can be achieved through different methods; a further
interpretation implies that development and security are understood as “Synonymous” of each other
since the fields overlap; when it comes to the “Sequential” nexus, development and security are meant
as preconditions and perfectly dependent on each other; the nexus is perceived as “Hierarchical” when
security is perceived as priorities and therefore development becomes means for the implementation of
security and stability; “Selectively co-constitutive” nexus entails that security and development are
interconnected but in complex and different ways that do not allow a unique definition; finally, the
“Sui Generis” interpretation supports the concept that both security and development are completely
context specific and therefore it is not possible to identify a generalization about their relationship
(Spear and Williams, 2012:21). By analyzing the findings and the answers of the interviews in relation
to their perception of the nexus, this classification will be used in order to structure the analysis. This
material provides a way to draw out the relationship between security and development in a variety of
contexts. Spear and Williams (2012) analyses the nexus on different levels: global, national and local,
although not all categories can be applicable at local level, the framework will still be useful to
interpret the perceptions of the relationships.
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4 Methodology
A qualitative approach with a case study design was conducted to understand the local perception of
the relation between security and development and the actors that influence them. As Orjuela
(2010:100), Lund (2001:867), Buur, Jensen and Steppat (2007:18-19) argue, it is vital to study the
nexus and the local actors in the periphery where official security and development policies do not
reach remote area. With regards to this, Baragoi in northern Kenya serves as a critical case for
analysis. A critical case is characterized with critical elements for the theory (Yin, 2018:49). In this
case, Baragoi has the characteristics of being marginalized, with a lack of state presence and
development with ongoing intra-state conflict which makes it an interesting case for the security-
development nexus.
The method identified allows collecting data in the field of interest while having direct contact
with participants whose meaning and interpretation of security and development are the major
concerns (Creswell, 2009:175). Moreover, deploying a case study in Kenya has the potential of giving
new validity to the conceptualization of the nexus and it has the potential of identifying new
hypothesis and variables that are highly valuable at the local level but that have not been analyzed
before (Creswell, 2009:19-20). In fact, focusing on a specific case allows carrying an in-depth analysis
of the phenomena and perhaps to identify new causal mechanisms (Creswell, 2009:21). The research
takes on a hermeneutic approach which means it rather tries to interpret and understand instead of
explaining (Bryman, 2016:28), the study tries to understand the local perception of security,
development and its relation. This philosophical assumption relates to social constructivism which,
according to Creswell (2009:8), means to understand the world and its context where the research
relies on the participants´ view of the situation, therefore the interview questions are broad and open-
ended. The researchers want to understand the context and the setting and therefore a field study is
preferable where a constructivist approach wishes to highlight the meaning of the security-
development nexus from the participants´ perspective (Yin, 2018: 16).
This is adopted with an abductive approach which, according to Bryman (2016:401), is a mix
of inductive and deductive where the theoretical understanding is grounded in people’ perspective: in
this case, the theories are used to understand and structure the findings which represents the view from
the participants.
4.1 Primary sources
The primary sources are retrieved from 18 semi-structured individual interviews, two semi-structured
group interviews, four unstructured interviews and direct observation. These methods will be
explained further in the next paragraphs.
15
All interviews took place in Baragoi and Maralal, Kenya between the 1st of April 2018 and
22nd of May 2018, both researchers were present during all interviews with one exception when only
one of the researchers spoke the interviewee´s language. Having both researchers present during the
interviews allowed for discussion about observations and different interpretations of the interviews.
4.1.1 Semi-structured individual interviews
Semi-structured interviews allow the researchers to be flexible and adapt the interview questions along
the way depending on what is said (Bryman, 2016:471). In this case, the researchers felt free to ask
any follow up questions and allowed flexibility about adding question to the following interviews
when something interesting came up. An interview guide was used but the interviews did not always
follow the same structure: it depends on who is being interviewed and how that person answers the
questions. The interview guide was adjusted depending on the category of interviewee: NGO workers,
Samburu/Turkana community members and other key informants, the same interview guide were also
used for the two group interviews.
4.1.2 Semi-structured group interviews
Semi-structured group interviews serve as a complement tool in this study, it was useful to gain
information from a large number of participants in a shorter time (O´Reilly, 2009:138) and more
convenient, as in one case where a group of women in a savings group had a meeting which the
researchers could access. There are both advantages and disadvantages with conducting group
interviews, the group has the possibility to share ideas and going into new relevant topics, but it could
also be more difficult to get the interviewees to go deeper into a topic (O´Reilly, 2009:132) which was
experienced in this study.
4.1.3 Unstructured individual interviews
Unstructured interviews are similar to a conversation where the researchers have topics of interest that
the interviewee discuss with the opportunity to change topic (Bryman, 2016:471; O´Reilly, 2009:120).
This method was useful when conducting some of the key informant interviews since these
respondents had experience and knowledge in the research topic. Therefore, specific questions where
unnecessarily and a conversation, where the researchers directed the conversation to desirable topics,
were more natural and allowed the interviewee to share additional information.
4.1.4 Observations
Participant observation was used to gain further information about the situation and perception of
security and development in Baragoi. As a participant observer, the researchers observe and take notes
while participating within a group (O´Reilly, 2009:97): both researchers were participating while
doing a short internship within an organization that works with development and conflict management
16
in Baragoi and could therefore ask questions as they occur and observe how these issues are dealt with
in the area. Participant observation is helpful in order to understand the participants perspective,
however, the method comes with challenges in terms of dealing with possible biases (Yin, 2018:124).
In this case the bias comes due to the fact that the researchers were also conducting interviews while
doing the internship and during interviews with beneficiaries it tended to be too much focus on the
beneficiaries relation with the organization instead of other actors.
4.2 Secondary Sources
Other, existing sources were used in the study, this includes: the Samburu County Integrated
Development Plan 2013-2017 and the Second County Integrated Development Plan 2018-2022. It is
important to point out that the latter (Second County Integrated Development Plan 2022) is, at the time
of writing, only a draft which means that changes can still be made. However, it will be valid to use
for this study since it still represents the current view from the County Government when it comes to
security and development. Moreover, in order to understand the context and conflict in the area,
several documents were collected from NGO workers and political leaders. They included a conflict
analysis made by Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG), context assessment by the
Diocese of Maralal, research finding on the Turkana-Samburu conflict by the Shalom Centre for
Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation (SCCRR).
4.3 Sampling
Purposive sampling was made by first identifying an area that serve as an example where security and
development are stressing and complex issues; then identifying the roles of actors who could be
affecting and/or are affected by the levels of (in)security and development in Baragoi. This means that
the participants were not chosen randomly but with a purpose to be diverse and representative of a
specific criteria and therefore the result cannot be generalized (Bryman, 2016:418; O´Reilly, 2009:44).
Snowball sampling was made when the initial group of respondents proposed other respondents with
experiences important for the study (Bryman, 2016:424; O´Reilly, 2009:44). In practice, this meant
that the researchers got, with help from the NGO Caritas, an overview of the security and development
actors in the area and potential participants, who in turned helped identifying and getting in contact
with more respondents and actors of importance.
In total, 24 interviews were conducted with 34 respondents. Mikkelsen (2005:172-173)
categorize qualitative interviews in four categories: individual, key informant, group, and focus group
interviews. In this study key informant, individual and group interviews were used. 16 individual
interviews were conducted with NGO workers and Samburu/Turkana community members who have
different opinions and relation to security and development in Baragoi. It is important to differentiate
the individual interviews to get different views on the topic (Mikkelsen, 2005:172) therefore, this
17
sample had a mix of different ethnic groups, ages, gender and roles in society, e.g. members of
religious groups, village peace committee, village chief, Kenya Police Reservist etc. When it comes to
the NGO workers, six of them work in the same organization, Caritas, and one in Child Fund, these
are the only NGOs who have offices in Baragoi. The researchers could not get in touch with other
NGOs implementing projects in Baragoi. Six key informant interviews were conducted, which are
individuals with special insight in the topic of study who can be helpful with creating contacts with
other respondents (Bryman, 2016:439; Mikkelsen 2005:89). In this case, key informants consist of the
Catholic Bishop of Maralal Diocese, Catholic Priest, Village Administrator, Administrative Police and
a County Government Coordinator: they all have special knowledge when it comes to conflict and
development in Baragoi. In addition, two group interviews were conducted, one with a group of three
elders, one local chief and one VPC member, and another with a group of seven women in a savings
program. Due to the language barrier encountered, especially during the group interviews, individual
and key informant interviews were more useful and achievable during this study and therefore serve as
the main method for interviewing. The sample size was decided through theoretical saturation, which
means that the researchers stopped collecting data when no new relevant information occurred during
interviews (Bryman, 2016:421).
4.4 Reliability and validity
Reliability is related to consistency in measuring and can be divided in external reliability: the
possibility to replicate the study, and internal reliability: consistency among the researchers in terms of
interpretation (Bryman, 2016:390). External reliability is difficult to reach when conducting a case
study since the purpose is to get results valid for this specific case without making generalizations;
however a certain internal reliability was achieved by checking mistakes in the transcription,
discussing interpretation of the interviews among the researchers and cross checking codes to make
sure both researchers are using the coding in the same way, all in accordance to Gibbs´ (2007)
suggestions in Creswell (2009:190-191).
Validity refers to an attempt to measure the quality of a research and it can be explained in
different ways: it can be argued that the field research has a good internal validity, that means a good
match between findings and theoretical ideas, since the researchers have spent a prolonged time on the
field (Bryman, 2016:390). However, in terms of external validity, that implies generalization across
different social setting, it can be argued it is difficult to reach when conducting a case study (ibid),
however, internal validity is one of the strengths when conducting this type of qualitative research
(Creswell:191). In this study several methods of triangulation have been used: data triangulation by
using different sources of data; information gathered from members of both Samburu and Turkana
communities, NGO workers and other key informants with knowledge of the area and topic.
18
Triangulation was also used by combining different methods for collecting data: observations and
informal meetings, individual and group interviews, and analyzing documents from the County
Government. There were also multiple observers collecting data which also increase validity since
there is more than one interpretation of the findings (Mikkelsen: 2005:96; Bryman, 2016:392): the fact
that the researchers have different nationalities and backgrounds makes different interpretations likely.
This was experienced during the field study and allowed for a broader discussion regarding the
findings.
4.5 Delimitations and limitations
The study is delimited to Baragoi village, Samburu County in northern Kenya, because of the recurrent
conflicts in the area. It is important to recognize that the result is only representative for this area and
cannot be generalized; however it serve as an example of how the security development nexus is
perceived by actors on the ground. The study is based on the perception of locals and workers
involved in security and development in the area and therefore reflect their perception. Due to time
limits it was not possible to get a representative sample for the population in Baragoi: the focus is
instead to get perceptions of the nexus mainly from actors working within the field of security and
development, for triangulation, other locals and key informants were also interviewed. The field study
took place during a limited period of eight weeks when the area, usually characterized by droughts,
experienced massive rainfalls; it is possible that the perception of development and security differs
during rainy season and droughts. However, the respondents shared experiences from different seasons
and observed a difference in security and development during rainfalls and droughts.
One identified limitation is the language barrier, therefore a translator was needed for some
interviews: sometimes the interviews had to be translated in two steps; from Kisamburu/Kiturkana to
Kiswahili to English which mean that information received may not be as deep as desirable, this was
noticeable and limited the possibility to conduct focus groups and group interviews. Moreover, there is
an unequal gender balance of the interviewees because many of the targeted positions were held by
men (political- and religious leader, chiefs, village administrators, police officer, district officers etc.),
this mean the results are mainly from males´ perspective. As mentioned before, the views from the
NGO workers are also unbalanced since the majority of the interviewees work within the same
organization which mean that the perceptions of the NGO workers mainly represent Caritas including
the Catholic Justice and Peace Commission Office, and the perceptions might be different from other
NGOs implementing projects in Baragoi. Moreover, the beneficiaries from that organization tend to
focus more on Caritas then other actors. Since these beneficiaries stand for just a small proportion of
the total sample it should not affect the result significantly. Another limitation is that the key informant
interviews were mainly unstructured and are therefore difficult to compare with the semi-structured
19
interviews. However, the researchers found it more useful to use unstructured interviews with some of
the key informants to get additional information. Limitations also comes when trying to get sensitive
information, although, during this study the majority of the interviewees were willing to share their
views about the situation. The fact that the researchers are foreigners and have limited contextual
knowledge is another limitation, it was therefore useful to be able to enter the area through an
organization with many years of experience in Baragoi. Moreover, there is no unique framework to
study the nexus and actors on the ground, therefore a mix of theories were used to answer the research
questions which come with challenges since the theories are not meant to be mixed. This was dealt
with by carefully choosing theories with similar epistemological and ontological positions grounded in
the idea that social phenomena are constructed by actors, and the framework is used to understand
people's perception.
4.6 Ethical considerations
Since the research was conducted through a field study the importance of recognizing local norms was
considered by studying the culture. When interviewing and collecting data, respect of people's
integrity is vital and therefore no names are presented in the paper. Questions regarding uncomfortable
topic are addressed carefully by having local workers look through the interview guide to identify
uncomfortable questions. The participants are well informed about the study as well as their
anonymity and opportunity to read the final thesis. This was carefully explained before starting the
interviews; they were also informed about the possibility to withdraw from the study. Since most of
the respondents were personally affected by the violent conflict, it was necessary to be careful and not
doing harm by asking about personal experiences when the respondent was not comfortable.
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5. Findings
The chapter presents the findings of the research which represent the perceptions and thoughts of the
interviewees. They have been organized according to the research questions presented in section 1.4.
Each RQ is divided in three subsections that correspond with the main groups of interviewees in order
to facilitate the understanding of the data. The material is based on 24 interviews, including seven
NGO workers (NGOW), six key informants (two religious leaders, two local political leaders, one
village administrator and one Police officer), nine Samburu/Turkana community members living in
Baragoi and two group interviews. The details of the interviews and the codes are presented in
Appendix 1.
5.1 How are security and development defined by the people living in Baragoi
and/or actively working in these sectors in Baragoi?
5.1.1 Security
Security according to NGO workers
According to the seven interviewees, security is mainly associated with physical security and absence
of fear to be hurt; moreover, it relates to the capability to access basic services, food, water without
being afraid of being attacked (NGOW 1, 3). Security also occurs when different ethnic groups coexist
pacifically in the same place.
Baragoi is described either as mainly insecure (NGOW 5, 6) or insecurity is perceived as
something unstable that can occur anytime (NGOW 1, 3, 4, 7). The NGO workers identified an
improvement in security during the last two years and it is pointed out as important aspect for the
deployment of development projects implemented by their organizations; however the reasons that led
to this change have not been deeply explained and are presented as mainly related to the activities of
the NGOs in Baragoi (NGOW 1, 2, 3 and 7).
When explaining the security threats in Baragoi, the respondents reported that attacks, cattle
rustling, raiding and killings happen between the two main ethnic groups, Samburu and Turkana, who
fight for access to resources like water, land and pasture. In fact, both these ethnic groups try to
“expand their grazing land and capture more water points” (NGOW 4). In fact, people’s livelihood
depends on livestock and access to water points and land: due to poverty and lack of alternative
sources of livelihood, people fight for the resources available on the area. However, the interviewees
report that the conflict has been strongly politicized by local political leaders due to the fact that the
major ethnic group is Samburu and therefore the Turkana ethnic group is less represented within the
political leadership (NGOW 1, 2, 4, 5, 7). It leads to their marginalization in terms of resources, as one
interviewee describes:
21
“Samburu feel that it is their right to occupy all, to have more resources, in terms of
employment, education and such. So they feel it’s their County, they are entitled to everything.
So they are pushing the Turkanas” (NGOW 2)
Moreover, it is recognized that political leaders try to favor the ethnic group they belong to by giving
them guns and ammunitions, “Politicians use these communities against each other to actually favor
themselves” (NGOW 1). This situation created what is called negative ethnicity that enhances and
justifies violence and attacks among the two ethnic groups (NGOW 4).
“Negative ethnicity is built on foundation of stereotypes, ethnic stereotypes and prejudices
among the local warring communities [...]. Because during political campaigns is when we all
have negative ethnicity. Because ethnicity is okay, diversity is okay. But what is bad is
negative ethnicity, when you use the target ethnicity to, to, to say this is A and this is B”
(NGOW4).
Inability/unwillingness of the Government to provide security also exacerbated the conflict (NGOW 1,
4, 5, 6, 7). “Most of these conflicts arise because of limited access to some of the villages by the
County authorities or the National Government authorities” (NGOW 7). In fact, poor infrastructures
(roads, mobile phone coverage…) make difficult for the Government to have access to Baragoi
villages which enhances the marginalization of the area since both development and security provision
result difficult. “The Government is unable to protect the insecurity happening between the
pastoralists, they don’t have interest in cutting the insecurity” (NGOW 5). Moreover, the majority of
the respondents report unwillingness of the Government to intervene in order to provide justice, “the
Government seems to just look at it and do nothing. [...] even when it involves deaths, [...] there is no
action” (NGOW 6). This led to high presence of illegal arms in Baragoi and, in general, the northern
part of Samburu County that increase insecurity (NGOW 4, 5, 6, 7). According to one interviewee,
low security in the area is also due to high illiteracy rate among the pastoral communities, “Because if
you are illiterate, you will participate in highway banditry that is a source of income” (NGOW 3).
Security according to Samburu/Turkana community members
The interviewees associate security mainly as coexistence and absence of hatred among ethnic
communities. In fact, feeling secure implies the absence of threat of being attacked or killed. Security
is associated to peace ”He is saying that generally he understands security to be peace” (Turkana
VPC and NPR 1)
22
When talking about insecurity in Baragoi, the majority of the respondents reported that in
Baragoi “everybody has at least been affected one way or another” (Samburu member 2) and security
is perceived as something unstable “Security in Baragoi is like a ball because is just rolling. Today we
have peace, tomorrow there is no peace” (Group interview 2). Among all interviewees, there is a high
level of fear of attacks, killings or to walk outside in the night. Differently from the NGO workers, few
respondents have identified an improvement of security in the area in the last couple of years.
Insecurity occurs mainly due to inter-ethnic violence between Samburu and Turkana who fight for
access to natural resources as explained by one interviewee:
”As long as those still have those cows and still have those other cattle resources like water
points and pasture and people have guns, you cannot say it’s safe”(Samburu member 2)
Proliferation of illegal arms is widely identified as main source of insecurity in the area by the local
respondents; the shared idea is that “if you don’t have a gun, then you feel insecure. […] you got to
have a gun, they you feel secure” (Interfaith Group member). However, this idea of self-providing
security is seen as worsening the general level of security in the area:
“Because we have a lot of illegal guns in the hands (of people) that don’t deserve to have it.
[...] A lot of illegal guns that is making security very bad.”(Interfaith Group member).
“When they are hungry and he has a gun so he goes and he looks himself for food” (Group
interview 2).
Security according to key informants: two religious leaders, two political leaders, one village
administrator, one Police Officer, County Government
According to the interviewed key informants, security is associated with absence of physical violence
and a state of peace. What creates this state of harmony is coexistence of different ethnic groups that
allows doing things6.
It is recognized that security in Baragoi is unstable and high level of tension, especially in bordering
communities, causes fear to move freely in the area and the killing of resourceful people like kids and
women7. According to one interviewee, security became worse in Samburu County and Baragoi:
6 Police Officer, Local political leader 1, Village Administrator 7 Local political leader 1, Village Administrator, Religious leader 2
23
“You can see lot of progress, lot of structures; I mean Kenya is going on very fast. But in our
area many things have remained like before, even worse, because of this modern technology,
these modern weapons whatever it is.” (Religious leader 1).
What create insecurity and conflict in Baragoi are cattle rustling and struggles to access water, grazing
land and pasture between the two ethnic groups, Samburu and Turkana. Moreover, the conflict is made
worse by politics since the political leaders create even more division among the tribes in order to gain
political support8 as explained:
“So sometimes even the leaders themselves, in order to be popular with the young men, they
give them weapons to defend themselves. And of course, they don’t use them only for
defending themselves, they use them to go and steal, to raid the neighbor”(Religious leader 1).
Marginalization is another issue that politics bring in the area: it is widely agreed that Turkana are
perceived as invaders in Samburu County9. “You (Turkana) don’t belong to our land, so you should be
excluded. You have your animals. You come to our land to occupy. We steal from you.” (Local
political leader 1). Baragoi is also perceived as excluded by the Government in terms of security
provision: according to the respondents, there is lack of commitment from the side of the Government
in addressing the violence and make justice (Religious leader 1, 2). Due to this inability/unwillingness
of the Government to protect civilians "People say - oh there's no Government protecting us, let each
one protect himself" (Religious leader 1). This situation led to the gradual proliferation of illegal
weapons in the area in order for each person to protect himself and his properties; however, this has
exacerbated insecurity in the area, especially due to the fact that civilians nowadays are better armed
than the Police10.
In the Samburu County Integrated Development Plan (CIDP) 2013-2017, the County
Government identifies challenges related to insecurity: cattle rustling between the communities caused
by economic and cultural factors, community conflict over pasture and water, especially during dry
season, and highway banditry on the road that leads to Baragoi (Samburu County Government, 2013:
38). To deal with the insecurity issues, the County Government strategy is to “strengthening
community policing, providing additional police reservists, improving the capacity of anti-stock theft,
setting up more police posts and improving communication infrastructure for rapid response by the
security agencies.” (Samburu County Government, 2013: 38). However, in the new CIDP 2018-2022,
8 Village Administrator, Religious leader 1 and 2, Local political leader 2 9 Village Administrator, Religious leader 1 and 2, Local political leader 2 10 Police Officer, Village Administrator, Religious leader 1 and 2
24
there is no section for insecurity and how to address it, insecurity is however mentioned as a challenge
for the implementation of the development plan but also as one of the consequences of resource-based
conflicts affected by climate change (Samburu County Government, 2018). Moreover, security is
mentioned as one of the possible outcomes of the development plan in terms of reduced conflicts
(ibid.).
Summary
All the interviewees have identified Baragoi as insecure where violence often takes place. Insecurity is
related to physical threats, fear to move freely in the area and inter-ethnic violence. Coexistence
between Turkana and Samburu is therefore perceived as determining the level of security in Baragoi.
Cattle rustling are a common practice among the pastoral groups because people’s livelihood depends
on cattle. Especially during droughts, there is competition over access to water, grazing land and
pasture. A high level of marginalization of the area is recognized in terms of both security and
development: the intervention of the National Government is perceived as minimal and led to the
concept of self-proving security which contributes to the proliferation of illegal weapons that makes
security even more unstable.
5.1.2 Development
Development according to the NGO workers
According to the interviewed NGO workers, development is associated with having access to basic
services in terms of water, food, healthcare and education. Moreover, development is described as
capabilities, being able to provide for yourself and interact with other communities (NGOW 1, 2, 4).
Peace and security are also important aspects of development (NGOW 3, 5) together with
infrastructure, poverty eradication (NGOW 7) and absence of gender issues. Especially in Samburu
context, wealth in terms of livestock is perceived as an element of development (NGOW 6).
In Baragoi, insufficient infrastructure in terms of roads are identified as a major challenge for
development because it creates difficulties for NGOs and business to access and for the Government to
reach out (NGOW 1, 2), it also creates marginalization, as one interviewee describes;
"With poor infrastructure, there is limited contact between the chiefs, the administrators and
the grassroot people, so in a way, they feel detached." (NGOW 7)
Insufficient development budget for Samburu County is also identified (NGOW 3). Marginalization is
also perceived to exist within the County, with a disproportion of resources among the Turkana and
Samburu since the Turkana are not getting enough leadership opportunities (NGOW 4). High
25
prevalence of corruption is further hampering development in the County and Kenya in general
(NGOW 3). Moreover, war and insecurity creates trauma, hinders business and organizations to invest
in the area and people fear to visit the other community (NGOW 1, 2, 3), "people don’t want to go and
interact with people from Baragoi because they know you might be shot on the road on your way to
Baragoi" (NGOW 1).
Furthermore, droughts are contributing to underdevelopment; the time it takes to search for
water could be spent on other economic activities, it also causes migration and contributes to
malnutrition (NGOW 2, 3, 5). Challenges in terms of education has been identified; lack of classrooms
and the fact that the schools are in remote areas which contribute to illiteracy and lack of exposure
(NGOW 3, 7), early forced marriages further contribute to low enrollment and attendance in schools
(NGOW 3).
Development according to the Samburu/Turkana community members
From the majority of the interviewed community members, development is best described as peace
and security11. They also associate access to basic services like food, water, markets for trade,
healthcare and education as development12. Emphasis is also on wealth and improved lifestyle in terms
of properties and livestock13, as described;
“When you have all the requirement you need first from the basic needs to extended needs.
Possession of properties, can lead you also to development, because there is no way that you
can have development if you have nothing.“ (Turkana member 1)
Moreover, decent infrastructure, urbanization and growth of small towns are associated with
development. When it comes to challenges for development, almost all interviewed community
members identify the same;
“If people are insecure, then there is no development. So many areas in Baragoi is lacking
behind because there is no peace.” (Interfaith Group member)
The quote describes the main identified challenge, which is the ongoing conflict and insecurity,
because the conflict consumes resources, people migrate and hospitals, schools and businesses close
down14. Also famines create migration;
11 Samburu member 1, Interfaith Group member, Turkana member 1, Turkana VPC and NPR 1 and 2 12 Samburu member 1 and 2, Turkana VPC member, Turkana member 2, group interview 1 13 Turkana member 1, Turkana VPC member, Samburu member 2, group interview 1 and 2 14 Samburu member 1, Interfaith Group member, Turkana member 1, group interview 1 and 2
26
“Also when there famine, during famine [...] the people migrated very far places, from the
town, the business it brokes. “ (Group interview 1)
The interviewed community members further identify lack of funds as a major challenge for
development (Interfaith Group member, Turkana VPC and KPR 2, Group Interview 1), they would be
able to ensure development if they had access funds to invest in business etc., writing proposals is a
challenge when the illiteracy levels are high (Samburu member 1, Turkana member 1). Being able to
do business could be vital since people who are dependent on livestock are very vulnerable (Turkana
VPC and KPR 2), however, doing business is not in the culture of pastoralism (Turkana member 1). In
addition, the community members have identified bad infrastructure and marginalization of Turkana as
elements affecting development in Baragoi.
Development according to key informants: two religious leaders, two political leaders, one
village administrator, one Police Officer, the County Government
In pastoral communities development is seen as having many animals (Local political leader 1), key
informants also identify access to water, healthcare, education and infrastructure in terms of roads as
important elements for development. One interviewee argues that, when it comes to livestock, one
problem is the focus on quantity instead of quality (Religious leader 2). Insecurity and conflict also
affects development since it is not attractive for either business or labor like teachers and doctors to
come to Baragoi (Village administrator, local political leader 1 and 2). Moreover, lack of infrastructure
hampers development since Baragoi is difficult to reach without proper roads and public transport
(Religious leader 1, local political leaders 1 and 2), as explained;
“Down the Suguta Valley I was telling you, there is no road and for 100 km there’s no school,
no houses, no hospital, no Police Station, no borehole. It’s a big area where the Government
does not put the nose there. It’s not Kenya. It’s no man area.” (Religious leader 1)
Three interviewees identify development being dependent on political elements: the leadership
positions are mainly taken by Samburu who reside with its tribe which leads to marginalization of
Turkana (Police Officer, religious leader 1, local political leader 2), as described;
“if there is somebody from Samburu side, if he´s, although he is a politician for the whole
area or the whole constituency, but he feels like he belongs more to the Samburu community”
(Police Officer)
27
“Because at the end of the day, a politician [...] will reside with its people and it comes
emotionally” (Local political leader 2)
In Samburu County Integrated Development Plan 2013-2017 (CIDP) the County Government
acknowledge the human development approach and identifies several challenges for development; low
agricultural production, inadequate water, absence of clear land rights, environmental degradation,
poor infrastructure, human wildlife conflicts, insecurity, climate change and retrogressive cultural
practices like female genital mutilation (Samburu County Government, 2013: 22, 36-38).
Summary
The interviewees agree that having access to basic services is an important part of development along
with security and peace. In terms of challenges, the interviewees identify different elements: the
community members identify lack of available funds to start business which is not identified by NGO
workers or other key informants; more emphasis on conflict and insecurity are found by the
community members, where some see peace as the only challenge for development in Baragoi.
Marginalization of Turkana within Samburu County is another recurrent topic, the NGO workers also
identify marginalization of the County in general. Moreover, the County Government mentions in the
CIDP the issue of land rights which in turn leads to unsustainable land use practices, this issues is not
directly identified by the interviewees but instead, one NGO worker identifies the land issue being
related to insecurity where the Samburu and Turkana both are trying to expand their territory. Another
issue found in the CIDP is human wildlife conflicts which is mainly an issue in Lonjorin and Ngare
Narok in the very north and south of the County (Samburu County Government, 2013) and may not
affect Baragoi which explains why this challenges is not identified by any of the interviewees.
Interesting about the findings is that the definition of development does not contain many economic
factors which is usually the traditional way of measuring development.
28
5.2 Which are the different actors identified as influencing security and
development in Baragoi area, Samburu County?
Also in this section, findings are organized according to the main groups of interviewees: therefore,
the actors identified as influencing security and development in Baragoi will be presented according to
findings from NGO workers, thereafter, Samburu/Turkana community members and finally key
informants.
5.2.1 Security Actors
Identified by NGO workers
All the interviewed NGO workers reported that the National Government is the one in charge of
providing security in Kenya. In Baragoi, the interviewees have pointed out that the Kenya Police, the
Kenyan Army and the Administration Police are the national providers of security. In terms of
conflict, the Police have the duty to proceed with the recovery of stolen animals, arrest and prosecute
the cattle rustlers. However, there is a general consent that they fail in solving the local issues (NGOW
1, 4, 5, 6, 7) as explained:
“Because these guys who fight in Baragoi are even better armed then the Police, they are well
armed and they know the area” (NGOW 1).
Therefore often the Police do not intervene during the clashes which created high distrust among the
locals (NGOW 1, 5, 6). In some cases, the Police have been suspected of fueling the conflict by selling
bullets to the cattle rustlers (NGOW 4).
At local level, there is another controversial actor, the National Police Reservist (NPR). This
Corp is composed by locals and not by Police Officers. Since the Government is not able to provide
security in some areas, it trains and gives them guns in order to provide security in the villages
(NGOW 5, 6, 7). However, their role in the conflict is uncertain and, according to interviewees, they
also contribute to insecurity and conflict in Baragoi:
“These guns are provided by the Government. They are legal but they still use the guns to do
illegal attacks. As much as they are there looking as for the Government (?) to pursue security
and protect community, themselves they use the same guns to go and steal” (NGOW 5).
The role of the County Government is marginal in terms of security provision (NGOW 1, 2).
However, the Conservancy Rangers, under the supervision of the County Government, are playing a
role in securing the area. They are under the County Government and their main duty is the protection
29
of wild animals and nature. However, “since the devolution, the Government gave them power in
order to try to secure the communities” (NGOW 6, 7). They do patrols in remote areas and intervene
during conflicts, more than the Police. Moreover, they are able to provide information and to report
incidences of clashes (NGOW 7). According to the interviews they are strongly trusted by the local
communities and by the non-governmental organizations working in Baragoi.
The majority of the NGO workers assert that political leaders have a negative effect on
security in the area. They are perceived as fueling inter-ethnic division;
“The political leaders especially they have been using the community [...] for their political
games… making them to fight so that they can divide and rule” (NGOW 7)
“Politicians use these communities against each other to actually favour themselves,
politically” (NGOW 1).
“Like the politician can come and say; you see this community? They want to take our land,
you see these people they are planning X.. So they can even given wrong information. But they
trust on politician because they cannot read on social media, there is no place they get the
news. There is only the politician to give them wrong information or wrong perception about a
certain community” (NGOW 5)
In this way, the level of insecurity and violence increases: this view is also shared by a local political
leader and a village administrator as will be explained in the key informant section. However, NGO
worker two describes a special unit where the elected political leaders, the Members of County
Assembly (MCA) talk to their community and make sure they live peacefully. The NGO workers
identify different non-governmental organizations instrumental in the area to improve security:
Caritas, Child Fund CPI (Children Peace Initiative), World Vision and Acted. Child Fund and Caritas
has offices in Baragoi where Caritas implements both development and peacebuilding projects. In fact,
in each of Caritas´ projects there is a peace component: the aim is “creation of peace structures
through development projects. The idea is to use development in order to bring people together and
provide security” (NGOW 7). The Catholic Justice and Peace Commission (CJPC) - that is Caritas’
Office dealing with peacebuilding projects - facilitate intercommunity meetings, mediation in conflict,
support to animal recovery (NGOW 1, 2, 3, 4, 7).
Some local mechanisms have been pointed out as owning a relevant role in security
provision. At first, villages’ elders have the traditional role of solving community issues. They
establish laws for the community and have a strong moral power: in fact, the warriors need to have the
30
permission of the elders to go and raid. Therefore, they also have the power to stop them or not to
cleansing them when they come back. For this reason, they are recognized as essential roles for the
improvement of security in Baragoi (NGOW 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7).
The interviewees have identified the Village Peace Committees (VPC) as another important
role in providing security at village level in Baragoi: they are composed by groups of elders, women
and youths. According to interviewees, they have been established locally with the support of non-
governmental organizations in the last three years (NGOW 1, 2, 3, 4, 7). The VPCs are community-
driven structures for conflict management that mix traditional and modern conflict resolution
mechanism: it is argued that they emerged in Wajir in north east Kenya in the 1990s and then
developed around Kenya, including Baragoi (Adan and Pkalya, 2006: vi). The VPCs collaborate with
each other and work in close collaboration with CJPC (NGOW 1, 2, 3, 7). The VPCs represent the
grass roots level of decision making in each village and they have been co-opted now within the
overall security information system (NGOW 7). They report to other VPCs, to the CJPC and to the
Police when raiders are leaving the villages for attacks and when violence erupts: in this sense, they
represent an important early warning mechanism that is helping to intervene promptly when clashes
occur (NGOW 1, 4, 7).
Identified by Samburu/Turkana community members
All nine interviewees and the two group interviews identify the National Government as main official
security provider in Baragoi through deployment of Police Forces. With the exception of one
respondent, all of them have expressed that there is no trust in the Police15, “We used to go to the
Police, but now we don’t” (Turkana member 1). There are many reasons, ”They are not very
aggressive in terms of intervention” (Samburu member 2), “They only patrol maybe from 6 to 9 in the
evening” (Turkana member 2). Moreover, “Even the Government takes side sometimes” (Turkana
leader) and, according to some of them, the Police provides security and justice especially to the
Samburu ethnic group, discriminating the Turkana ethnic group (Turkana VPC and NPR 1). For this
reason, Police is not an efficient security actor in Baragoi, ”Security that Police bring is not
sustainable, is only for that day” (Samburu member 1).
The role of the NPR is controversial: some respondents reported high trust in them as they
patrol the areas and immediately intervene when a conflict erupts16. According to them, within each
village, security is very dependent on NPR who sometimes are the only security providers. However,
15 Samburu member 1 and 2, Interfaith Group member, Turkana member 1 and 2, Turkana VPC member, Turkana VPC and
NPR 1, Turkana leader, Group Interview 1 and 2) 16 Turkana member 2, Turkana VPC and NPR 1 and 2, Group Interview 1
31
some interviewees also recognize that they have been involved in the conflict “Sometimes even KPR
they are also… sometimes they are going to steal with the Government guns…”(Group interview 2).
When it comes to the County Government, it is agreed that it cannot have a major role in
security provision since, after the devolution; they are mainly in charge of development policies17. The
Conservancy Rangers are identified by three respondents as instrumental in security operations18,
while one person reports that “They only take care of the wild animals” (Turkana member 2).
It is argued that political leaders have an important role in influencing security in Baragoi,
“Political leaders here are the main actors that can actually determine whether there will be, there
will be peace in this place or no” (Turkana VPC member). In particular, during group interview 2, it
was explained that political leaders have been fueling the conflict in the area:
“For example if you are a leader from Samburu and a Samburu attack a Turkana, the
politicians of the Samburu defend the Samburu and the politicians of the Turkana defend the
Turkanas” (Group interview 2)
However, a Turkana VPC member explain that the Village Peace Committees try to cooperate with the
political leaders in order to give specific information about the conditions in the villages; therefore,
when they are responsive to the local needs, they potentially have an important role for enhancing both
inclusion and security. However, there is a low level of trust in the local political leaders that are
described as biased and responsive only to their personal needs (Turkana VPC member).
Also non-governmental organizations are identified as influent for security in the area: Caritas, Acted,
Amref and Red Cross. They bring peace in terms of development and put the basis for the
improvement of security in the area19. They do not provide civilian protection but they improve
security by implementing development projects and peacebuilding activities.
In terms of local mechanisms for improving security, the interviewees mentioned the
role of the VPC and village elders20. The VPC are well recognized by the communities and by the
Government: their role is to mediate during disputes between different communities, organize dialogue
meetings with youth, identify the culprits that perpetrate cattle rustling, punish the raiders and
cooperate with the Government and non-governmental organizations on matters of peace. Some of the
members of the VPC are also part of the elders group present in each village: according to the
respondents, the elders are “Those who collaborate with the Government, churches… mainly
17 Samburu member 1 and 2, Interfaith Group member 18 Turkana VPC and NPR 1 and 2, Group Interview 1 19 Samburu member 1 and 2, Turkana VPC member, Turkana VPC and NPR 1, Group Interview 2 20 Turkana community member 1, Turkana VPC member, Turkana VPC and NPR 1 and 2
32
Government to bring peace, and NGOs” (Samburu member 1). They cooperate with the DC, Chiefs,
DO and NPR, they represent the connection between the Government and the villages and have
additional knowledge in the local context. Elders have a strong moral power within the villages and
therefore they can stop morans from go raiding: in fact, the warriors need the blessing of the elders
before going to raid and their cleanse once they come back from the attacks to be able to enter the
community again. For this reason, according to the respondents, they have the power to improve
security by forbidding them to go raiding. Beside these actors, the community members mentioned the
Catholic Church and the Interfaith group as playing an important role for security in Baragoi21, since
they both preach peace and facilitate dialogues between the two ethnic groups.
Identified by key informants: two religious leaders, two political leaders, one village
administrator, one Police Officer
The interviewees reported that the National Government is in charge of providing security in Kenya.
Within the National Government there is the Administration Department composed by the District
Commissioner Office, D.O. and Chiefs. The Police Department is instead composed by the Kenya
Police and Administration Police. The National Police Reservists are instead locals that the
Government engage in the security provision in remote areas but they are not part of the official
National Security Sector. In Baragoi there is also the Kenya Defense Force (Kenyan Army) and the
General Service Unit22.
The respondents agree that the intervention from the Government is inefficient: the security
forces are not able to respond as required; sometimes they do not intervene because it is dangerous
also for the Police to try to stop conflicts. According to some of the interviewees, since the accident in
2012 when many Police officers were killed by local warriors, “They have the order of not
intervening” (Religious leader 2), “You Police, if you go there, you are going to be killed as happened
in November 2012” (Religious leader 1). In fact, some of the respondents reported that the
Government is afraid of its own people. Several elements are identified as challenges for the Police´s
provision of security: at first, the language barrier because many Police Officers come from other parts
of Kenya and are therefore not able to talk the local dialect; then, accessing some villages in Baragoi is
very hard because there are not roads; finally, there is a high proliferation of illegal weapons among
locals that make the Police not strong enough for intervening in conflicts among the two ethnic
groups23. When it comes to the Army, according to one respondent
21 Samburu member 1, Interfaith Group member, Turkana member 1 and 2, Turkana VPC member 22 Police Officer, Local political leader 1, Village Administrator, Religious leader 1 23 Police Officer, Local political leader 1, Religious leader 1
33
“They just stay there in their camps and look around and if there is some stealing [...] they
don’t intervene. They cannot intervene because - We are the Army!- the Army is to protect the
country from the foreign enemies not from the internal, internal issues…”(Religious leader 1).
Another problem is that the intervention is often too late:
”Sometimes [...] you will see the rustlers going with livestock [...] and in that moment it is the
best moment for the Police to come and recover those animals there. But they can even see
and they cannot bother until they get the directive from the superiors. It can take one day, two
days…” (Village Administrator)
In front of this inability of the Government to provide security in remote areas, the NPR are identified
by all the interviewees as key security actors at village level. They are assisted and trained by the
Government that provides them with guns. Moreover, they are trusted within their villages because
they are directly elected by them. However, their role is controversial since the majority of the
respondents agreed that there is not enough control over those guns from the side of the Government:
therefore, the weapons provided by the Government are not only used to maintain security in the
villages but also exploited for attacks (Religious leader 1, 2).
Local political leaders are perceived as a threat to security because they sometimes provide
weapons to the warriors in order to gain political support (Religious leader 2) and one interviewee
describe:
You find that some politicians, when they come to your community, maybe your tribe, your
community tribe, you tell them when you give me, when you… you elect me I’m going to do
this, I’m going to chase this other tribe from here, maybe I’m going to add you a lot of
ammunitions that is guns (Village Administrator).
Moreover, politicians are identified as responsible for the emergence of negative ethnicity within the
County, especially during the electoral campaign, and for favoring an ethnic group based on personal
belonging:
“[...] we are a department within the Government and we are also serving the, our main
bosses are also the politicians. So, sometimes you find my politician, the boss, my boss may
not like Turkana, or may not like Pokot because he´s a Samburu [...]. Maybe for my bosses
34
might not like that and say - No, if they come we hit them, or I sponsor maybe some of my
people- So these issues are challenges that we have“ (Local political leader 2)
Moreover, half of the respondents mentioned non-governmental organizations like Caritas, Acted and
Gravy Zebra as security actors in Baragoi: their intervention is related to peacebuilding activities that,
in the long run, enhance security in Baragoi24. Village elders have been identified as local mechanism
for security provision by some of the key informants interviewed25.
“The vultures will not come down where there are the elders sitting down and discussing”
(Religious leader 1).
The quote is a Samburu proverb reported by one of the interviewee: it explains the elders traditional
role of keeping peace because they can both stop the warriors to go raiding and they have the role to
negotiate with other community elders.
Summary
All the interviewees mentioned the National Government as a security actor in Baragoi; however the
effectiveness of its intervention is questioned. The County Government is not perceived as a central
actor since it is mainly implementing development in the area: however, it is interesting that the
Conservancy Rangers under the supervision of the County Government in terms of protection of
wildlife are seen as important local actors able to intervene during clashes. Similar is the role of NPR,
locals trained and armed by the National Government to protect remote areas: however, their role is
questioned as well and, sometimes they have been identified as perpetrators of violence. According to
the majority of the respondents, politics and political leaders have been fueling the conflict since many
years, by increasing ethnic division and negative ethnicity. However, it is also mentioned by a NGO
worker that elected leaders such as the MCA could be helpful in bringing peace. When it comes to
NGOs, many respondents argued that they provide security in terms of creation of alternative sources
of livelihood, facilitation of inter-ethnic relationship, creation of structure that can facilitate access to
water. Therefore, they do not have a role in the physical protection of civilians but in the broader
aspects of human security. In terms of local mechanisms, elders and VPCs have been perceived as
essential in promoting peace and security and representing the link of remote villages with NGOs and
the Government.
24 Village Administrator, Religious leader 1, Local political leader 25 Religious leader 1 and 2, Local political leader
35
5.2.2 Development Actors
Identified by NGO workers
The National Government has been identified as a development actor in terms of supporting livestock
markets and delivering relief food. When it comes to the issue of marginalization, the County itself
does not attain enough development but when it comes to marginalization of Turkana, the National
Government has been able to create a balance in distribution of resources (NGOW 3, 4, 7). The
County Government instead has not been able to distribute resources equally between Samburu and
Turkana. However, NGOW 2 mentions that the NGO are working with local political leaders in terms
of MCA when it comes to development and make sure the community members are heard through
their elected leaders, the MCA.
Other than the public providers, several non-governmental organizations have been
identified as development actors in Baragoi; Caritas, Children Peace Initiative, World Food
Programme, World Vision, Acted, Child fund, Amref, and International Medical Cops that used to
work in Baragoi. However, the perception is that not many NGO work in Baragoi compared to the rest
of the County because organizations fear to go there (NGOW 3). Besides these, the Catholic Church
has been identified as an actor working to develop Baragoi (NGOW 1). Local mechanisms like the
Village Peace Committees and elders can help in terms of development because when the NGOs want
to implement development projects they enter the villages through the VPC and elders (NGOW 1), the
village elders also meet and establish rules for the community (NGOW 6), as described;
“The village elders, we often work with them who are those very outspoken in the community
who can actually talk to people and try to discuss things [...] so you target those focal people
in the community [...] that person who can actually be listened to in the communities, who is
actually speaking.” (NGOW 1)
There has also been a strategy from NGOs to target the actors directly involved in conflict to prevent
them from going to war and raids:
“we were involving the morans so we were trying to train them to, things to do with farming
and greenhouse technology and the point was to try and transform morans and to divert their
attention from highway banditry and killing [...] and inter-ethnic violence to development. So
[...] in terms of peace building most people are engaging them in development initiatives”
(NGOW 3)
36
Identified by Samburu/Turkana community members
Two of the interviewed community members see the national and County Government as a provider of
development through schools and funds to empower people, especially youths and women (Samburu
member 1; Interfaith Group member). Moreover, the County Government is a provider of water
although one interviewee mentioned that their work in terms of water has been insufficient (Samburu
member 2). In addition to the non-governmental organizations identified by NGO workers, the
community members also identify Grave Zebra, the Red Cross and Aphia two who help children with
parents suffering from HIV and AIDS. Although the community members can identify non-
governmental organizations in Baragoi, they point out that some of them leave when there is a conflict
and many of the interviewees are not sure which organizations work there at the moment;
“They are very sensitive when it comes to security. When they hear that there is a conflict,
they will leave very fast, so it hindrance the development. Because these NGOs bring a lot of
support to the community, and health and nutrition, education sometimes. But you see when
they are not secure, they cannot stay around here. " (Samburu member 2)
One interviewee mention that the Catholic Church bring development, mainly through Caritas
(Samburu member 1). Local mechanism for development are also identified in terms of the Village
Peace Committees and village elders who have a key role in developing linkages between the National
Government, NGOs, and the community (Samburu member 1; Turkana VPC and NPR 1). Also the
interfaith group - which is composed by churches, such as muslim, catholic, anglican, full gospel -
deals with conflict and recognizes the importance of development as facilitator of peace (Interfaith
Group member). One community member also identified private actors pushing development, in
particular Kentraco, who installs wind-power in the north of the County (Turkana member 2) and
traders from other communities who comes to do business like Kikuyo, Somalis and Merus (Turkana
member 1).
Identified by key informants: two religious leaders, two political leaders, one village
administrator, one Police Officer
The national and County Government has also been identified as development actors by the
interviewed key informants as providers of health and education (Police Officer, local political leader
1 and 2). However, one interviewee believes that the National Government should not get involved in
either development or security in Samburu County (Religious leader 2). The District Commissioner
coordinates functions and make sure resources reach people as intended (Local political leader 1).
Moreover, the Catholic Church brings development in terms of farming, roads, access to water and
dispensaries (Police Officer, religious leader 2, local political leader 2). Also the key informants
37
identify the NGOs working in Baragoi as boosting development although some challenges constrain
their work:
“We have the agencies, we have Acted, Caritas, we have the Red Cross [...] and Gravy Zebra.
Sometimes I do like their work: these humanitarian organizations that they actually are
looking for peace. [...] They don't get support from political leaders, so you find [...] that they
become discouraged.” (Village administrator)
Another development actor are the conservancy rangers who works for development in terms of
tourism and preserving wild animals (Local political leader 2).
“Conservancy rangers we say they will help us, their primary duties to promote truism, [...]
they will come and they will support the department of tourism and trade. [...] They will
protect our environment, [...] they will work hand in hand with Kenya forest department, [...]
they will ensure livestock are not, the wild life are not killed there.” (Local political leader 2)
Summary
From all three categories of interviewees, the National and County Government have been identified
as development actors, however, the perception regarding if they are helping or hampering
development differs. Several NGOs and local mechanisms have been identified. What differs is that
only the community members could identify private actors influencing development, furthermore, only
one key informant identifies the conservancy rangers as a development actor, when in fact the other
interviewees only see them as a security actor.
5.3 Which perception of the relationship between security and development is
identified on the ground?
5.3.1 Relationship according to NGO workers
According to the perception of the interviewed NGO workers, security and development are perfectly
interdependent. The idea is that it is important to use development to promote peace and security; on
the other hand, it is indispensable to promote security and coexistence in order to foster development
(NGOW 1, 2, 3). Security is generally identified as essential due to the fact that it is not possible to
develop when insecurity exists; however development is defined as precondition for peace and
security (NGOW 1, 2 ,3)
38
"Without security, I don’t think you are able to do any development. Without peace, you can’t
implement those projects because maybe what making contributing fight or conflict is maybe
poverty. and how do you reduce that poverty unless you have development? if people got
enough water, they don't fight for water. if they have enough food, they don't fight... so you
see, development and security interrelate very well" (NGOW 5).
“Because if you concentrate on peace alone [...], you help these people to live together
peacefully… but then they don’t have the resources to actually live a normal life… so they
look for other alternatives to livelihood… and then it might be stealing from the other ones”
(NGOW 1)
“We cannot operate in the field without peace. But also on the other side, we also need
development [...].You have to have activities that will drive them from that violence to like the
activities that we are doing now like the village saving and loan activities… [...] you know
Morans are the key guys who are involved in conflict. Most of them now are saving in the
villages [...] now they have money, they don’t see the reason to go and steal the other person’s
animals” (NGOW 4)
“Without security, I don’t think you are able to do any development. That is why Caritas is
trying to streamline any other project who has a peace component. [...] (When a) donor come
to work with us, maybe specifically with water projects or agriculture and you don’t have
fundings for peace, we talk with you so that you put component of peace. Because we cannot
work for water project in Turkana, Pokot or Samburu without peace” (NGOW 5)
However, there are two interviewees whose views differ from the majority of the respondents.
According to NGOW 6, security comes first: in fact, without peace you cannot develop because you
are too concerned about securing yourself, once there is peace and security, development comes along
automatically. On the other hand, according to NGOW 7, development and security are interdependent
but, when it comes to their implementation, development needs to be used in order to improve security
and promote peace, “Peace through development. Infrastructure, health, range management is really
important, those are the peace dividends we need to keep..” (NGOW 7).
5.3.2 Relationship according to Samburu/Turkana community members
The interviewed Turkana and Samburu community members in Baragoi perceive security as a
precondition for development: Baragoi needs to be secured before development can prosper, otherwise
39
production is affected as well as access to markets, people cannot sell their products and kids cannot
go to school (Turkana VPC member, Samburu community member 2).
“Peace is everywhere; even in hospitals you must have peace and security. In schools you
must have security… in town, trading, you must…” (Samburu member 1)
"Insecurity is the enemy of development. If insecurity exists, there is no way that you are going
to do development” (Turkana member 1)
3.3.3 Relationship according to key informants: two religious leaders, two political
leaders, one village administrator, one Police Officer, County Government
The answers gathered by the key informants are more heterogeneous compared to the previous two
categories of interviewees. In fact, according to the Police Officer and Local political leader 1, security
comes first. The justification is that “Development needs security [...] to succeed”. Moreover;
First the Government assure security [...] and people develop that confidence now start
building maybe new homes and maybe expanding their businesses. [...] At the same time, with
security it also demands that things like road networks are improved [...]” (Local political
leader 1)
One interviewee states that it is necessary to only focus on ensuring security since it will automatically
push development in the area, "We need to have security then development will be automatic" (Village
Administrator). Another respondent reports that security and development are interdependent but the
only way to enhance security in Baragoi is to educate people and disarm their minds before their
hands: according to this idea, development and education put the basis for peace and security in the
area (Religious leader 1). According to Local political leader 2, security and development are closely
linked to each other and they need to be implemented simultaneously.
In the Samburu County Integrated Development plan (CIDP) 2013-2017, the County
Government explain insecurity as one of the issues that affects development, and include several
conflict resolution activities in the development plan. This shows that also the County Government
perceives security and development as interdependent. However, in the new CIDP 2018-2022,
insecurity is not addressed with specific activities but it it still possible to identify a relationship since
it is mentioned as a factor that affects and is affected by development. Security is also explained as one
of the outcomes of the development plan in terms of reduced conflicts. It should also be mentioned
40
that, even if the CIDP represent the County Government, it is elaborated with citizens participation
through meetings and forums (TISA, 2013).
The findings show a broad definition of both security and development which, since received from the
perception of individuals, point to a humanized definition. This definition allows for other non-state
actors to be influential which is shown when the interviewees identify a variety of security and
development actors in Baragoi. The perception of the relationship between security and development
further explain the definition and what should be prioritized in Baragoi, it also shows the complexity
of the nexus and how the relationship cannot be categorized in one unique way.
41
6 Analysis
In this chapter, the findings will be analyzed according to the research questions with help of the
framework explained in chapter two.
6.1 RQ1: How are security and development defined by the people living
in Baragoi and/or actively working in these sectors in Baragoi?
There has been a shift in policies for both security and development from state-centric to a human
approach, shown in the Human Development Report 1994. This focus also change the assumption of
responsibility where not only the state is the legitimate actor for providing security and development
for its citizens (Hettne, 2010:34; Spear and Williams, 2012:12-13; Jacob, 2014:403). For this reason,
the analysis will use the deepened, broadened, humanized narrative of the nexus presented by Stern
and Öjendal (2010:18), which includes the concepts of human security and human development. To
structure the definitions found by local actors, the UNDP's dimensions of human security and human
development will be discussed in relation to the findings (United Nations, 2009; UNDP, 2016).
6.1.1 Security
All the interviewees understand security mainly as community security, personal security and political
security in Baragoi. In fact the present conflict is causing community insecurity and violence between
the Turkana and Samburu ethnic groups that threaten human life and worsen physical security.
Moreover, it is fueled by the local leadership, representing a source of political insecurity and negative
ethnicity between Turkana and Samburu. However it is important to point out that the NGO workers’
definition of security is broader and covers almost all aspects of human security as described by the
UNDP (2009). They also include economic insecurity due to the few source of livelihood that the
people in Baragoi have that, in turn, create food insecurity. Food insecurity is also worsened by
recurrent droughts that represent a source of environmental insecurity. The last category of human
security is health security and it can be argued that access to healthcare is only mentioned by the
interviewees when explaining development in Baragoi and therefore not included in their definition of
security in Baragoi.
6.1.2 Development
Human development is defined by UNDP as enlarging people's freedom by acquiring more
capabilities and enjoying more opportunities (UNDP, 2015: 2, 2016: 25), this definition is also found
by some of the NGO workers who explain development as enhancing local capabilities. In the human
development report 2015, elements that directly enhance or create opportunities for human
development are found. Direct elements are long and healthy lives, knowledge and decent standards of
42
living. Indirect elements are participation in political and community life, environmental
sustainability, human security and rights, promoting equality and social justice (UNDP, 2015).
When it comes to direct elements, the findings show that the interviewees perceive that health,
knowledge and decent standards of living all describe development. The interviewees, especially the
community members, see human security and human rights as an element that directly affect
development, this because security is a stressing issue in the area which have a major impact on
development. When it comes to the other indirect factors, participation in political and community life
is identified as a challenge for the Turkana who does not get the same opportunities as the Samburus
when it comes to leadership positions, which in turn have an impact on development in Baragoi.
Environmental sustainability is not described as an important element, except for one NGO worker
who mentions that large amount of cattle in the area where nobody is planting trees creates soil
erosion, which in turn has negative long-term effects on development; other NGO workers also
identify the effect of extreme weather conditions where drought is hampering development.
Challenges in terms of equality and social justice are also identified in terms of marginalization of
Turkana. One NGO worker also mentioned that women face cultural issues which affect development,
this issue is also identified by the County Government in their development plan.
The dimensions of human development presented in UNDP (2015) can be used to describe the
definitions found by the interviewees, however the stressing issues of human security becomes an
element that directly and not just indirectly affects development, as the interviewees describe; the
conflict direct hinder their freedom and possibilities to access basic services. There is however
different perceptions whether environmental sustainability is an important element for development in
the area, it is identified by some of the NGO workers and key informants, but not by the community
members. The fact that less emphasis is on economic factors brings the definition from interviewees
closer to the definition of human development. Moreover, the human development approach can also
be found in Samburu County Integrated Development Plans from 2013 and 2018 (Samburu County
Government, 2013; 2018) where the County recognises measurement for human capabilities in terms
of education, health and income.
6.2 RQ2: Which are the different actors identified as influencing security and
development in Baragoi area, Samburu County?
As some interviewees describe, security and development should be provided by public actors,
however, when it comes to Baragoi, the perception is that the state has failed to deliver an adequate
level of security and development. Moreover, from the previous section emerges a shift from a state
centric view of security and development to a human perspective: therefore it emphasizes the need to
consider local actors and their perception of challenges.
43
As Lund (2001:867), Buur, Jensen and Steppat (2007:18-19) argue, there is a need to consider
local mechanism and organizations to understand the local context. In fact, these actors may have a
stronger influence than public actors when it comes to providing security and development (Hoehne,
2008:5). This is especially important in marginalized areas where the state has a lack of interest or
where these functions have been outsourced to local authorities. It is also possible that local actors
challenge the state when it comes to provide services in these areas (Buur et al., 2007:19, Podder,
2014:1617). In the case of Kenya, the approach to local peacebuilding and conflict prevention has
been to cede this responsibility to local non-state actors (Lind, 2018:138). These non-state actors have
additional knowledge about the local context and can play a significant role in creating a linkage
between the state and the citizens (Podder, 2014:1618). The identified actors will therefore be
categorized and discussed according to Buur et al. (2007:18-19) as: national actors, non-governmental
actors, private actors and twilight institutions that either work in opposition to the state or take on the
same characteristics as state institutions.
6.2.1 Security
National actors
According to a narrow definition of what security entails, the National Government is the one entitled
of providing security in its country (DCAF, 2015). However, it is agreed among the interviewees that
the National Government is unable or unwilling to secure its citizens. The national security actors
identified are the Kenya Police, Kenyan Army, Administration Police and the Administration
Department that includes the District Officer, District Commissioner and the local Chiefs. What
emerges among all the respondents is that there is a low level of trust on the state's ability to provide
security: there is a common perception of exclusion of Samburu County and especially Baragoi. The
reason identified is that the area is seen at the national level as insecure: especially Baragoi has been
stigmatized when 42 Police Officers were killed by locals in 2012. This is just one example of how the
Police has lost its legitimacy and it has been argued that the Kenyan Police has failed to follow
democratic policing practices of transparency, accountability, serving the citizens and protecting
human rights (Skilling, 2016:88-89). Moreover, another level of marginalization is identified within
the County due to politicization of the ethnic division: therefore, the Turkana ethnic group is even
more excluded from the state intervention in terms of security.
As Lund (2001:865) describes, the state is traditionally seen as in control and separated from
the local arena but this is questioned when looking into local actions. In the case of Baragoi and
Kenya, the National Government has provided citizens with guns to secure their area, the National
Police Reservist. These actors are officially working for the state but they are, at the same time, local
actors with their own interest who sometimes use their power for personal or community interests. The
44
NPR officially exercises a form of sovereign power in these periphery areas: as previously mentioned,
the respondents recognize the importance of the NPR that emerge as one of the main mechanism for
security provision in the area. The NPR can be recognized as a kind of twilight institution that the
National Government cede part of its sovereign power to and outsource security provision to a local
informal actor. The control the Government has over the legally distributed guns in the area is
controversial and it is questioned which are the substantial effects of this informal policing strategy.
The interviewees state that, in some cases, they legitimately provide security; on the other hand, in
other situations they increase the level of insecurity in the area and perpetuate violence with the
weapons that they legally receive from the Government.
Non-governmental organizations
According to the definition of security given in the previous section, security is not only understood in
its narrow way therefore, besides physical security, it includes also community security, political
security, food security and environmental security. With this more comprehensive definition, it is
possible to identify non-state actors that can influence security within a country (DCAF, 2015). The
role of NGOs in peacebuilding and human security is widely debated (Richmond, 2003; Autesserre,
2014; Paffenholz, 2010; Richmond, 2003; Monshipouri, 2003).
There is a general consent among the interviewees that the NGOs play an important role in
terms of security in Baragoi. Their role is not described in terms of civilian protection and, in this
sense; NGOs are not exercising any part of the sovereign power that is usually attributed to the
national security provision. However, they have been pointed out as actors influential in terms of
security in the area. When explaining how they provide security, the focus of the interviewees shifted
to the activities of peacebuilding: their role is related to violence prevention by supporting non-violent
means for solving disputes (negotiations, mediations, early warnings, inter-ethnic dialogues) and by
supporting development in the area in terms of alternative sources of livelihood that can divert people
from the resource-based conflict. This role is important because of NGOs’ ability to mitigate the
effects of violence and conflict among the most vulnerable and marginalized people (Goodhand,
1999:79).
Private actors
In terms of security no one of the interviewees mentioned any private actor that is influential in terms
of security provision in the area.
45
Twilight institutions
With twilight institutions, Buur et al. (2007) refer to “groups that organize themselves around local,
non-state forms of judicial enforcement”(p.19). The interviewees identified this special role to both the
village elders and to the established informal institution of the Village Peace Committees. Informal
institutions have been defined as structures that influence and organize the behavior of a group and
that is beyond the formal institutional organization (Burnell et al, 2014:51). According to new
institutionalism theory, these informal institutions have a core importance especially in developing
countries. Four main relationships have been recognized between formal and informal institutions and
they can be instrumental when analyzing twilight institutions in Baragoi: competing, substitutive,
accommodative and complementary (Burnell et al., 2014:51)26. As Lind (2018:138) argues, in the case
of village elders and VPCs, these traditional authorities are not necessarily in competition with the
state but rather execute security functions in remote areas by negotiating tensions. Elders have, among
the pastoral communities, authority over decision making in the villages; moreover, their way of
providing security is related to inter-communities dialogue that are essential for improving capacities
for peace. However, it has been recognized that the role of traditional elders is diminishing and they
have gradually less power on communities (Wepundi, 2010; Cameron, 2012:26).
In the case of Baragoi, these actors are recognized as highly trusted both by the Government
and by the local villages and, for this reason, as stated by some interviewees, there is the attempt from
the Government side to gradually embed the VPCs within the institutional apparatus of the state. In
this case, they would represent substitutive informal institutions that might gradually become
complementary ones. They are an important facilitator for recovering stolen animals and prevent
cycles of retaliation. This local institution emerged from the need to address insecurity, especially in
terms of violence risk reduction and prevention of conflict outbreaks (Cox, 2015:93). However, the
VPCs are a relative new local mechanism and they are still completely an informal institution: for this
reason, there is the need to increase further knowledge about their role both in the academic debate
and in the field.
Religious leaders, especially the Catholic Church, are identified as security actors as well
since they provide support to the local peacebuilding process through workshops, inter-ethnic
meetings and preaching. Therefore, their way of influencing security in the area is not related to direct
civilian protection but to improve deterrence and resilience to inter-ethnic violence. In the academic
debate, the role of religious leaders in peacebuilding is widely debated (Appleby, 2000; Coward and
26 Informal institutions can be competitive, with different and contrasting goals that undermine the formal power;
accommodative, with different goals but without being in contrast with the formal institutions; substitutive, informal
institutions carry out the functions of the weak formal institutions; complementary, formal and informal institutions have
compatible goals and reinforce each other (Burnell et al., 2014:51).
46
Smith, 2004; Gopin, 2000). In the case of Baragoi, the role of the Christian Catholic Church is
relevant to the process of peacebuilding and there is a wide academic knowledge about role of the
Church in conflict resolution and peacebuilding. In some cases, it has been documented that
historically Christianity represented a threat to the peacebuilding process, especially when too close to
the secular power (Bartoli, 2004). However, on the other hand, in other situations, the Christian
Church has been recognized as instrumental in promoting human rights and peace through the support
of non-violent resolution mechanisms to address conflict and violence (Bartoli, 2004). The last
explained is the role of the Catholic Church that the interviewees identified that led them to mention
the Church as an actor working for security in the area.
6.2.2 Development
National actors
The interviewees identify national development actors which include the National Government and the
County Government. Moreover, the District Commissioner coordinates functions to make sure
resources for development reach the people intended. The public providers (national and County) are
not trusted in the area due to its failure to deliver development in terms of infrastructure, access to
water, business and job opportunities for everyone. There are different opinions whether the National
Government should be involved in development in Baragoi or not, however, the majority perceives
that it should do more when it comes to development to gain legitimacy in the area. It is also shown
that political imbalance within the County Government leads to marginalization: in this matter, the
National Government is not perceived as favoring either of the competing communities and would
therefore be seen as a better development provider when it comes to investments within the County.
The perceived lack of service delivery from both national and County Government could be explained
by an imbalance of accountability between different levels of government where still, after the
devolution process, major decision making functions and resource management remain at central level
which makes it difficult for County Governments do deliver services (Ochieng, 2018:10-11). It is also
argued that the problems within the Central Government can, after the devolution, also be found
within County Governments, such as misallocation of funds and favoritism of certain ethnic groups
(Cornell and D´Arcy, 2016:5).
A similar situation as the NPR, who are employed by the National Government but possess
characteristics of local actors, are the Conservancy Rangers employed by the County Government as
development actor to ensure wildlife conservation. These actors are both development and security
actors since they also provide security for the citizens in Baragoi. It is relevant to point out that the
community members identify them only as security providers and not development actors. This is an
47
example of how local Governments can, through development actors, provide security in a way that is
usually entirely the National Government's responsibility.
Non-governmental organizations
As Podder (2014:1629) argues, non-state actors earn their legitimacy through their ability to provide
outcomes that benefit the community. According to the interviews, non-governmental organizations
are the group of development actors that seem to have most legitimacy in Baragoi. Faith based
organizations are usually preferred in developing countries compared to secular NGOs (Heist and
Cnaan, 2016:9) and they are usually the most effective NGOs in African countries (Olarinmoye,
2012:1). In fact, in the case of Baragoi many of the trusted NGOs are connected to churches. Clarke
(2006:845) argues that faith based organizations usually have a large network, are less dependent on
donors and serve as an important development actor with great ability to mobilize. In Baragoi, the
faith based NGOs have been able to improve development though livelihood- and peacebuilding
projects. The NGOs, both faith based and secular, are trusted in Baragoi as development actors,
however, the findings show that the NGOs are not as active in Baragoi compared to other areas in the
County. These organizations have limited resources and face challenges in reaching remote areas and
may therefore be unknown to a large amount of the population. Moreover, these organizations are very
sensitive to conflicts which hinder their ability to work in Baragoi.
Private actors
Only one interviewee identifies a private company influencing development which is an investor for
wind-power north of Baragoi. Another community member mentions traders and businessmen coming
to Baragoi. However, the findings show that there is a lack of private investors in Baragoi due to
insecurity and insufficient infrastructure which explain why they are not identified as development
actors. It is also interesting that only community members identified private actors as development
actors: this could be related to different perceptions of development where some community members
identify the trade- and job opportunities that comes with private actors; while the interviewed NGO
workers, religious- and political leaders tend to relate development more with capabilities, health and
education.
Twilight institutions
Traditional authorities are a form of twilight institutions that gain legitimacy in absence of the state
(Podder, 2014:1623). As previously explained when examining the twilight institutions within the
security sector, informal institutions can play important different roles. These groups include religious
leaders, village elders and local mechanism such as the village peace committees. In Baragoi, in
particular, the elders and the VPCs act as a link between the non-governmental organizations, the state
48
and the community when it comes to accessing the villages for development projects. In fact,
according to several interviewees, the VPCs will become recognized by the state and therefore gain
bottom-up legitimacy. In this case, they complement the role of the formal institutions. When it comes
to religious leaders, the interfaith group is another actor that promotes development; however it has
not gain legitimacy as a development actor the same way the churches have separately. The church, in
this case the Catholic Church, has gained its legitimacy and reached the communities by bringing
development through roads, water, dispensaries and schools. Especially in Africa, the Church has
historically been an important provider of development (Heist and Cnaan, 2016:11). The role of
religion instead can both strengthen development through education, networking and by promoting
voluntary organizations and democracy, or weaken development by contributing to social conflict
(Offutt Probasco and Vaidyanathan, 2016:211). However, in this study the church is seen as a
legitimate development actor in Baragoi where the Catholic Church brings development through
organizations like Caritas. These traditional authorities are trusted by the community and can be both
an opportunity, as complementary informal institutions, and a challenge, as competing informal
institutions, for national actors who might have to choose between competing local actors (Podder,
2014:1625; Burnell et al, 2014:51). In this case, these mechanisms exist within both the competing
communities and implementing development projects become very sensitive due to rivalry between
these groups.
6.3 RQ3: Which kind of relationship between security and development is
identified on the ground by them?
In this section the classification from Spear and Williams (2012:21) of the possible relationships
between security and development will be used. The relationship identified from the interviewed NGO
workers can be categorized into what Spear and Williams (2012:21) call a sequential relationship,
which means there is a strong acknowledgement of the interdependence between security and
development and therefore the need to improve both. The findings show both examples of where
security is dependent on development and development on security: in particular, all the NGO workers
stress the importance of allocating resources to both security and development in Baragoi.
What can be noticed is that there is a mechanism that is not captured by Spear and William’s
framework that emerged by the community members living in Baragoi. In fact, on one hand some
interviewees state that security and development are interdependent; on the other hand, they argue that
security is a priority where Baragoi needs security first to be able to have development. The perception
is that once Baragoi is secured, it is possible to focus on development. This relationship could be
perceived as sequential one-way where development is dependent on security but not necessarily the
other way around.
49
Only according to a few interviewees, the nexus is seen as positive sum: it implicates that
security and development are mutually reinforcing, implementing one will also contribute to the other
element. However, this relationship is only found one-way and identified by two key informants; one
village administrator and a police officer. According to this view, security needs to be enhanced and
then development will be automatic, which means all resources should be allocated to ensure security.
The other key informants have a more sequential view of the relationship where security can be
ensured through development and where security is needed to improve development. The fact that the
County Government include conflict resolution activities and explain insecurity as one issue affecting
development can also indicate a sequential relationship where both security and development needs
attention and resources. However, this is only addressed in the previous CIDP 2013-2017, but not in
the new plan, 2018-2022, where instead insecurity is presented as a factor that both affects and is
affected by underdevelopment and as a challenge for the development plan. Security is also explained
as one of the possible outcomes of the development plan which could instead point to a positive sum
relationship where investing in development automatically improves security.
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7 Conclusion
The purpose of this study is to enrich the knowledge about peacebuilding practices focusing on the
debate regarding the policies aimed at improving security and development. In fact the relationship
between them is widely debated and further research can give new insights to particular aspects of the
already existing wide debate. Therefore, the objectives of this field research in relation to the security-
development nexus touches two aspects of this broad concept: at first, the goal is to provide new
knowledge about the local articulations of the security-development nexus; secondly, it aims to
understand better which are the actors that can influence security and development in a place where
state presence is minimum (Nilsson and Taylor, 2016; Orjuela, 2010; Tschirgi, Lund and Mancini,
2010; Denney, 2011:294). As explained before, Baragoi is a useful case study characterized by a
conflict that affects both security and development with minimum engagement of the National
Government (Okumu et al. 2017; Leff, 2009; Pkalya et al., 2003). Therefore, by analyzing the
interviewees’ perception, it is possible to provide new insights to the ways the security-development
nexus is conceived at the local level and the actors identified as influencing the deployment of security
and development in the area.
The field study shows in the paragraph 6.1 and 6.3 that on the ground, people describe
development and security in terms of human development and human security: the impact of this
finding is relevant for both the two main objectives of the research. In fact, human development and
human security are closely interrelated and it leads to the evidence that they are conceived as
interdependent. The fact that peace and human security are seen as important factors that directly
affects development, and vice versa, allows the field to move closer to each other. Using Spear and
Williams´ (2012) framework for the analysis of the relationship between security and development
shows that the majority of the interviewees share the perception that the relationship is sequential or,
according to some key informants, positive-sum. However, the framework does not consider the one-
way relationship found in the perception from key informants and Samburu/Turkana community
members. The one-way relationship explained in the framework is the hierarchical relationship that,
according to Spear and Williams (2012:20-21), implies that security priorities decide the development
projects deployed on the ground and, generally, development projects are meant to support security in
the global north. This relationship is not applicable on a local case study, and there seems to be
another type of hierarchical relationship: community members and key informants argue that, although
development and security are both essential in peacebuilding, insecurity is the most stressing issue in
Baragoi that needs to be prioritized. The study gives empirical evidence about the complexity of the
nexus and the fact that the existing framework for analyzing the relationship by Spear and Williams
51
(2012) is not comprehensive at local level where the dynamics of security and development has
different characteristics compared to national and international level.
Furthermore, overcoming the formal definition of development and security, as directly
depending only on state-led policies, allows the raise and identification of new non-state legitimate
local actors that have the power of directly influencing both security and development, as presented in
paragraph 6.2 (Human Development Report, 2004; Hettne, 2010; Spear and Williams, 2012). A shift
to a “humanized” version of the security-development nexus allows more actors to be able to influence
the way they are deployed, especially when the intervention of the state is low (Stern and Öjendal,
2010). In fact, the field study leads to the identification of different actors that came into being in order
to face the unwillingness or inability of the state to reach remote areas. In Baragoi, the legitimate
security and development actors are usually non-state actors like NGOs and other local mechanisms
that Lund (2001) and Buur et al. (2007) call “twilight institutions”. For this reason, it is important to
consider not only state led policy but also how local mechanisms and NGOs work in relation to the
security-development nexus.
Other than the findings based on the objectives of the field research, the study led to the
identification of other evidences. In fact, the research, based on semi-structured interviews, led to a
more flexible explanation of the interviewees’ perception of the topic. From the majority of the
interviews an overlapping between security and peace is identified: often security is associated with
peace and used as synonyms for each other. There can be different reasons for it and it is not possible
to identify only one determinant: it could be due to language barriers or language difference; it could
be that there has been a lack from the side of the field researchers in explaining how the academic
debate describes and differentiates peace and security. Another reason could be that the concept of
human security gradually shifts towards the one of sustainable peace, as explained by Galtung (1969).
In fact, the concept of sustainable peace implies the attainment of the absence of direct physical and
psychological violence (called negative peace) and also the eradication of structural and cultural
violence, that are social norms that maintain an unequal power distribution within societies and justify
direct violence (Galtung, 1969). Structural and cultural violence could be associated with some of the
categories of human security like community insecurity, political insecurity and economic insecurity
(United Nations, 2009); in these terms, it can be understood why human security and peace might have
been associated on the ground. Therefore, especially in a place where the intervention of the state is
minimal, overcoming the formal interpretation of security towards the one of human security allows
other actors to get involved in the improvement of security/peace and development. For this reason, it
will be interesting to deploy further research around this mechanism in order to understand if, in some
cases, it is more a case of peace-development nexus rather than security-development nexus.
52
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59
Appendix 1: List of interviews
Gender Ethnic group Place Code
Male Female Samburu Turkana Other
Interview 1 X X Maralal NGOW 1
Interview 2 X X Maralal NGOW 2
Interview 3 X X Maralal NGOW 3
Interview 4 X X Maralal Samburu community member 1
Interview 5 X X Baragoi Member of Interfaith Group
Interview 6 X X Baragoi Turkana community member 1
Interview 7 X X Baragoi NGOW 4
Interview 8 X X Baragoi NGOW 5
Interview 9 X X Baragoi Turkana VPC member
Interview 10 X X Baragoi Samburu community member 2
Interview 11 X X Baragoi NGOW 6
Interview 12 X X Baragoi Turkana community member 2
Interview 13 X X Baragoi Turkana VPC and KPR 1
Interview 14 X X Baragoi Turkana VPC and KPR 2
Interview 15 X X Baragoi Police Officer
Interview 16 X X Baragoi Local political leader 1
Interview 17 X X Baragoi Turkana Community leader
Interview 18 X X Baragoi Village Administrator
Interview 19 X X Maralal NGOW 7
Interview 20 X X Maralal Religious leader 1
Interview 21 X X Maralal Religious leader 2
Interview 22 X X Maralal Local political leader 2
Interview 23 X X Baragoi Group interview 1
Interview 24 X X Baragoi Group interview 2
60
Appendix 2: Interview Guides
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR COMMUNITY MEMBERS
Introduction questions:
Tell me about yourself
Gender
Education level and type
County
Sub County
Village
Religion
Ethnic group
What are the sources of your income?
How many years have you lived in Baragoi?
- Are you originally from here?
Main questions:
Security
1. How do you define the term security/peace?
2. Do you perceive your place as secure? (Explain)
3. What do you do when something happens and you feel insecure?
4. Have you ever experienced conflicts in your area?
o When? What happened? What was it about? How did it start? By who?
o Who was involved?
o How did it affect you?
o Who did you ask for help?
o How was it managed?
o Do you think something similar will happen again?
§ What could be done to prevent it?
§ By whom?
5. Do you feel insecure in your everyday life?
o Which are the main threats?
o Are there armed groups in your area?
6. How would you address conflict in the future?
7. Are there any specific places in your area where you feel insecure?
8. What are the security threats in your community?
9. Are there any community mechanisms to deal with insecurity? What are the roles of elders,
morans and women?
10. Which are the security actors working in Baragoi?
o In which ways?
o What type of security issues do they address?
§ How do they address them?
§ Do you think they make an impact?
§ Can you identify any intervention by these actors that had an impact on
your security?
61
Development
11. How do you define development?
(Depending on what answer, we continue to ask further questions in order to be able to understand
which are the elements they identify as important for development; usually following the topics; access
to food, income, education, health, access to resources)
Based on the previous answer:
12. What are the main challenges when it comes to development in Baragoi?
13. Which are the actors implementing projects for development in Baragoi?
- Which activities do they deploy?
- Do you think that they affect security in Baragoi?
Nexus
14. Do you perceive any connection between your security and your development? Explain why
and how, give examples.
62
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR NGO WORKERS
General questions
Can you please tell me about yourself?
Age
Gender
Education level
County
Sub County
Village
Education level
Field of study
Religion
Ethnic Group
For how many years have you worked in Samburu County?
Questions about the Project implemented:
1. What is the name of the project?
2. In which place is the project implemented?
3. When did the implementation of the project start?
4. Which issues does the project address?
5. What are the objectives of the project?
- In which way do you think the project is working to achieve the objectives?
6. Who are the beneficiaries?
7. Are you collaborating with other actors?
- If yes, which are the partners? In which ways?
8. Is your project completed or still ongoing?
- If yes, what was the result?
Main questions
Security
9. How do you define the term security?
10. What are the main security issues in Baragoi?
11. Which are the actors working on implementing security in your area?
- In which ways?
12. Are there any other mechanisms to deal with security in Baragoi?
- What type of security issues do they address?
- How do they address them?
- Do you think they affect in any ways development in the area?
13. What is the role of Elders, Morans and women in terms of Baragoi security?
Development
14. How do you define development?
15. What are the main challenges when it comes to development in Baragoi?
16. Which are the actors implementing projects for development in Baragoi?
- Which activities do they deploy?
- Do you think that they affect security in Baragoi?
Nexus
19. From your point of view and your experience in Baragoi which is the relation between
development and security?
20. How was this relation considered when planning/implementing the project?
63
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR KEY INFORMANTS: Religious leaders,
political leaders, Police Officer, Village Administrator
General questions
Can you please tell me about yourself?
Gender:
County:
Sub County:
Village:
Education level:
Field of study:
Religion:
Ethnic Group:
What does your work entail?
For how many years have you worked in Samburu County?
Specific questions
Security
1. How do you define security?
2. What are the main insecurity issues in Baragoi?
3. Which are the actors working on implementing security in Baragoi?
- What type of insecurity issues do they address?
- How do they address them?
- Do you think they affect in any ways development in the area?
4. Are there any community-based mechanisms to deal with insecurity in Baragoi? (Elders,
Morans, women)
- What type of security issues do they address?
- How do they address them?
- Do you think they affect in any ways development in the area?
Development
5. How do you define development?
6. What are the main challenges when it comes to development in Baragoi?
Other Actors
7. Which development actors do you identify working in Baragoi?
- Name them
- Which activities do they deploy?
- Do you think that they affect security in Baragoi?
Role
8. Do you think your role is more related to security, development or both? Explain how?
9. Can you explain your intervention in the area? (targeted people, addressed issues, objectives
and impact)
10. Are you collaborating with other actors?
- If yes, which are the partners? In which ways?
Nexus
11. From your point of view and your experience in Baragoi which is the relation between
development and security?
12. How is this relation considered when intervening in the area?
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