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SOUTHAMPTON SOLENT UNIVERSITY
The technology of protest
MA Media dissertation
Supervised by Carolyn Cummings-Osmond
Researched and written by Dominique Renault
7th September 2011
Abstract:
This is a master‟s level dissertation investigating the connection between technology and protest. The
second chapter builds a foundation for the rest of the dissertation. It explores academic theories and
approaches to protest in order to establish an understanding of terminologies related to protest. It then
explores celebrity protest, in order to determine whether famous faces have an influence on protest.
Prior to this the first chapter sets out the structure of the dissertation and contains the literature reviews
for the key texts. The first chapter also contains the methodology for this academic exploration, which
primarily focuses on case studies, highlighting the Vietnam War, the Tiananmen Square Incident and
the Arab Spring as protest with particular technological connections. In the case of the Vietnam War
the technology is still image photography. The relationship between photography and the end of the
Vietnam War is explored in Chapter 3. The Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989 is also investigated in the
third chapter, creating a nice contrast between war and rights based protests. The technology that is
focused on in relation to Tiananmen Square is moving images, particularly the live images broadcast
globally on news channels. Chapter 4 explores the Arab Spring, and event which is on-going at the
completion of this dissertation. The Arab Spring is included because of its relationship with social media.
The fourth chapter goes on to explore in more depth forms of online protest, and the changing face of
activism. The dissertation concludes that although technology can assist protest, and certainly limits
the restrictions, it is not essential for a successful protest.
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Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction ...................................................................................................... 2
Methodology ........................................................................................................................... 5
Literature review ...................................................................................................................... 6
Chapter 2: Defining protest……………………………………………………….…………….11
Theoretical approaches and definitions ............................................................................ 11
Celebrity protest .................................................................................................................... 21
Chapter 3: Learning from the past................................................................................... 28
Vietnam War .......................................................................................................................... 29
Tiananmen Square ................................................................................................................ 36
Chapter 4:The world and tomorrow…………………………………………………………...41
Defining Social Media ......................................................................................................... 433
Arab Spring ........................................................................................................................... 444
Online protest ....................................................................................................................... 476
Chapter 5: Conclusion ................................................................................................... 566
Appendix 1………………………………………………………………………………………....60
Bibliography .................................................................................................................... 644
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Chapter 1: Introduction
“There may be times when we are powerless to prevent injustice, but there must
never be a time when we fail to protest.” (Wiesel, 1986)
Introduction
This dissertation will examine and explore the topic of protest and the relationship
with technology, especially new or popular technologies. By new or popular
technologies I am referring to those which have been recently released or are
currently viewed by society as trendy. Talking currently this would refer to social
media1, smart phones, tablet computers etcetera.
The chosen topic for this dissertation, protests, is an area that has been explored
previously, as I will demonstrate in my Literature Review. However this study varies
from existing research in its focus on technology and investigation of developments
through recent history. The geography of this dissertation will include movements
and events over a range of countries, giving a global balance, but will also focus on
specific localised events. The time frame for this dissertation will reach back to the
nineteen fifties and analyse developments leading to looking briefly into the future
as it concludes. By having such a wide time frame, I hope to build a clearer
understanding of the relationship between technology and protest and how it has
changed over time.
It can be argued that society, as a whole, has become more reliant on gadgets
and devices. Does this correlate with technology‟s involvement in protests? This is a
question I hope to investigate further through the course of this dissertation.
1 Social media refers to web based services which allow the user to communicate and share content across the
internet. It is not the same as social networking, although this is included under the umbrella of social media.
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To help guide this dissertation I have also developed other research questions.
Primarily the question was, do developments in technology create developments in
protest movements? But this has expanded over the course of my research. Other
questions include, does technology facilitate the spread of protest messages? And
with more online campaigns developing and the ability to gain the strength of a
global audience, is technology the future of protests? By using these core questions
to guide my research, and indeed the structure and content of this dissertation I
hope to construct a strong and persuasive argument with a clear focus.
The subject area of protest has become very contemporaneous over the past
several months, with social movements globally, but particularly in the Middle East
gaining huge momentum. There has been immense media coverage of
demonstrations, with the topic on protest resting constantly on the front page of
news websites. This progress has been credited to the use of new technologies,
specifically web based technologies such as social networking sites. It is these
recent events that have inspired this exploration, and make it an appropriate time
for such a dissertation to be produced. However it also acts as a hindrance of sorts,
as the volume of information and case studies available is overwhelming, and it
would not be possible to cover everything in the limited space of this dissertation.
It is important to highlight the limitations of this dissertation and I would like to clearly
set out the areas that will not be covered, either at all, or in any great detail. The
work will not be exploring terrorism, although this forms a significant element in the
discussion about protest, and where the boundary is or whether terrorism is just a
propaganda word used to discredit the opposition. However to pursue this in the
content of this dissertation would be to lose focus. The subject of protestors‟
motivation will be explored, however this is not a psychology essay, and I do not wish
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to distract from the focus of technology‟s influence on protest, so this exploration will
be limited. As previously mentioned I will be focusing on key areas, so as to give the
best quality and detail in contextual analysis.
During the course of this dissertation three primary case studies will be explored.
These are; the Vietnam War and the influence of photography, the Tiananmen
Square incident of 1989 and the television coverage, and the Arab Spring of 2011
focusing of the use of web-based technologies. The case studies will be presented
and analysed in chronological order so that the development of technology is
followed, making more logical sense for the progression of the dissertation, allowing
a climax that explores possible directions for the future. The reason I have chosen
these particular case studies is because the technologies within them are all related
to communication. Social media is the easiest to understand in this respect as its
main function is communication and interaction. Television is also fairly obvious in this
attribute, as the use of visual and audio materials are used to communicate
entertainment, messages and events. Photography is perhaps a less explicit form of
communication, but it does allow the photographer to capture an account of real
events to later share with others.
Not only is photography a communication technology but it is also a very easily
interpreted, manipulated and narrative technology. The colloquial expression, „a
picture says a thousand words‟ will be tested in this dissertation. Although web
based technologies often involve words, they also involve the sharing and
distribution of both still and moving images. These primary case studies will also be
supported and challenged by several outlier case studies I have gathered.
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Methodology
For this dissertation the primary methodology used shall be that of case studies. This is
a technique often used for social science based research (Soy,1997), an area of
study this dissertation falls under. Because of the focus on human activities and
methods of communicating a message (which is what protest is centrally about) this
study links to areas of sociology, anthropology, psychology and communicology.
Therefore this dissertation is a cross disciplinary study, as it will incorporate the
theoretical approaches of a number of academic disciplines. It will also draw from a
range of research and study skills and techniques.
As with all methodologies there are both advantages and disadvantages to the use
of case studies as a methodology. One of the advantages is that it allows detailed
contextual analysis. This means that each study can be explored in depth, creating
qualitative data. Within social science and humanity based research it could be
argued the qualitative is preferable to quantitative data, as the involvement of
humanity can cause great variations from case to case, and any quantitative data
could be skewed by a minority of results. Case studies also allow comparisons
between real events, meaning that academic writings are not based purely on
hypothetical scenarios and what „might‟ occur. Also by using comparisons of real
events it may be possible to see some of the possible variations to consider for future
studies.
However, from a disadvantage point of view, case studies can be considered
unreliable, because any conclusions drawn are based on a small sample of
information. It can also be argued that the use of case studies creates bias, as any
data gained will be influenced by the source recounting the events or individual
perspectives on the event. It can also prove a limited methodology, as it is not
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possible to make generalisations, although it could be argued that one should never
make generalisations, as this is poor academic practice. Each circumstance should
be considered on its individual merits, especially within the field of social science, as
there are so many varying factors to consider when investigating at anything
connected to the activities and motivations of human beings.
Both academic readings of theoretical texts and textual analysis will be used in this
study. The academic readings will form a foundation of understanding and criticism
of currently used approaches and conclusions on protests and technology. The
textual analysis will cover still photographic images, news articles, video footage and
web based communication methods. The particular text will vary from case study to
case study, as some will be more relevant at certain points in the dissertation.
Literature review
For this dissertation I will use a number of academic texts to support the theoretical
and critical content of this study. The theoretical frameworks will also provide focus
to the research and exploration of this dissertation. For the purposes of this literature
review I will highlight texts for the three core chapters.
The second chapter, after the introduction, establishes key terms and outlines
understandings about protest. For this The Art of Moral Protest by James M Jasper
has been very useful because it provides a sociological approach to protest
movements. The text offers academic theories on wide variety of forms of protest;
including types of protest action and ways of classifying protests.
From animal rights activists to whistle blowers, referencing from case studies
spanning the nineteenth century to the twentieth century when the book was
published. This book has a focus on emotions and influences of protestors. At times
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this makes Jasper‟s arguments seem less academically robust and more a personal
interpretation. However his arguments often counter act this, laying strong
foundations for any statements made about emotions. He also pays particular
attention to the goals of protestors, intrigued by their intentions. Although this could
be criticised as some may be less concerned with why they do it and more with the
results, I believe it forms a good grounding to explore other areas of protest. Jasper is
a sociologist, and so his human oriented approach is not surprising. This has benefits
for my purposes as it requires case study based research and offers interesting
counter arguments to my own opinions.
Jasper argues that when considering social movements all factors should be
considered. “Cultural sensibilities and processes help define the most “objective”
factors as well as subjective ones, but the continual presence of culture need not
make it invisible.” (Jasper, 1997, p. xi) However objectivity is questionable because it
could be difficult, if not impossible, to come to any academically sound overall
conclusions. Conclusions can only be reached on findings from individual cases if
you are using subjective and cultural considerations, and you cannot achieve a
general understanding. Although it could be counter argued that when considering
anything influenced by human thought or action it is unwise to make generalisations
as individual interpretation and wider social circumstances of the event could affect
the conclusion that is made. Notions of achieving objectivity through other means
may therefore be a fallacy, as some degree of bias will always be present. This is
because our subjective opinions and interpretations are always present, and
influenced by the events throughout our existence. It is nearly impossible to
completely remove ourselves from this subjectivity in order to achieve true
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objectivity. Therefore acknowledging subjectivity may be an adequate substitution
for the ability to achieve objectivity.
Two authors have been particularly relevant in highlighting some key points in
relation to my third chapter, centred on my case studies of the Vietnam War and
Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989. Marita Sturken‟s, Tangled Memories, explores at
the Vietnam War, especially the way that events can be changed over time. This
particularly references the portrayal of events in the media, which eventually
becomes society‟s main reference point (even though it may not accurately reflect
the true events).
The chapter entitled „Camera Images and National Meanings‟ is where Sturken
(1997, pp. 19-20) explores how photography can replace our memories. “The
camera image is a technology of memory, a mechanism through which one can
construct the past and situate it in the present.” Tangled Memories supports my
exploration of older case studies, including the Vietnam War, as it highlights how
time can add new meanings to images, and the objective truth of the image can
be lost. However the book highlights that my understanding and interpretation for
certain aspects of the dissertation will be interfered with by photographs and the
media constructed „truth‟ about certain events. By this I mean that my knowledge of
the Vietnam War is primarily based on news reports and contemporary portrayals in
film and television, many of which may not be an accurate account of events.
As mentioned earlier, the second core chapter focuses on two primary case studies,
the Vietnam War and Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989. China Since Tiananmen:
The Politics of Transition by Joseph Fewsmith has proven to be an insightful text. The
complete approach in this text makes it highly useful to this study. Fewsmith includes
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tables of facts and a chronology of the events of Tiananmen and an analysis of the
after effects. This book not only reviews the event itself, but also the build-up and the
fall out. A well respected and published scholar, Fewsmith is very active in the study
of China, and has a lot of academic credentials in this area. However his focus on
China could mean he lacks a wider perspective, and Western perspectives must
also be considered as an alternative.
Chapter 4 explores the Arab Spring and online protest; it is the most
contemporaneous. This means that some of the texts used for this section may be a
little bit out of date as they refer to technology in 2003 and developments happen
so quickly. However these theoretical principles may still be applicable.
Cyberactivism: Online Activism in Theory and Practice offers many theoretical
frameworks as well as case studies. Chapter contributions are made by a number of
authors but the text is edited by Martha McCaughey and Michael D. Ayers. The
chapter by Laura J. Gurak and John Logie entitled Internet Protests, from Text to
Web is particularly interesting. It explores a variety of aspects of online protest from
networking to online petitions. However it is by no means complete as it does not
include accounts of the use of videos, nor does it mention social networking
websites. However this is because it was written in 2003, when social networking had
not become popular in the way it has now. Some of the most popular and influential
sites were not even created. Internet videos and live streaming has also not become
as popular an important as they currently are as internet speeds were unable to
deliver content in any amounts of quality.
Overall the texts I have selected to assist the development of this dissertation are by
no means a complete guide.
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Chapter 2: Defining protest
“The excitement and optimism of the roaring 1960s may be long gone, but social
and political events over the last four decades have hardly rendered the
investigation of grassroots activism any less relevant or urgent” (Della Porta, 2006,
p.1)
Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to critically explore theoretical approaches and
definitions of social movements. I will deconstruct the theories of theorists such as
James M. Jasper and Donatella Della Porta. By offering criticisms and evaluating
their arguments I hope to reach my own suggestion and understanding of the term
protest. It will also be necessary to establish the meaning of related terms such as
activism and social movement. I shall do this by asking whether these are merely an
alternative way of saying protest. Or do the terms activism and social movement
have their own unique connotations and meanings?
The chapter will also investigate examples of different forms of protesting using a
number of case studies in an attempt to outline what counts as protest. I will
challenge traditional notions that protest is for hippies with placards and introduce
and explore alternative forms, including digital protests such as hacktivism. This
section will also examine participation. Investigating not only at levels of
participation but forms to see what can be counted as protest. In order to do this it
will also be necessary to look a little at roles. Is there a hierarchy of roles within a
protest? Does this hierarchy go from the organiser to the leader to the crowd? Are
some roles more important than others?
This will then lead on to celebrity involvement in protest, with particular focus on
Naomi Klein‟s expression the „Bono-ization‟ of protest. Using the example of the
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Make Poverty History Campaign of 2005 Klein argues, “It was the stadium rock model
of protest -- there's celebrities and there's spectators waving their bracelets. It's less
dangerous and less powerful (than grass roots street demonstrations.)” (Klein, 2007)
This chapter will challenge Klein‟s ideas and offer alternatives in an attempt to reach
a conclusion on the effects of celebrity involvement in protest.
The chapter will then conclude by offering suggested parameters of protest and a
definition built from the exploration and criticism of other theories. It is important that
I establish limitations of the key terms for this dissertation, as it will ensure greater
understanding. Although any conclusion or definition reached may not be definitive
and absolute, it will be the considered definition for the purposes of this study. I will
also explore any issues in developing a definition and the problems this can cause.
Theoretical approaches and definitions
After carrying out detailed research there are three main terms which I believe
require definition before exploring this topic any further. These terms are; protest,
activism and social movement. It must be established whether these terms can be
used interchangeably, or if they have unique characteristics. As it is the term used in
the title of this dissertation, protest shall be the first term explored.
As with most academic studies there are many differing interpretations of the
concept of protest, and what constitutes it. However, I shall not investigate forms of
protest until after establishing a definition for it, and the two other related terms
stated at the start of this section. Donatella Della Port and Mario Diani (2006, p. 165)
argue protest is, “nonroutinized ways of affecting political, social and cultural
processes.” This definition implies a certain amount of chaos associated with protest,
as it is has no routine, to create a sense of familiarity and calm. Della Porta and Diani
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also suggest that protest is „a political resource of the powerless.‟ Indeed looking at
any number of case studies, such as the student fees protests of 2010 that took part
in the UK, or the civil rights movement of the mid-late 20th Century, it is easy to classify
those protesting as powerless. There would be no reason to stage a protest if the
participants were powerful, as they would be able to easily influence decisions to
their favour. It is by definition that these groups of people are powerless that they
have reason to attempt to make their voices heard via protests. However, at the
same time the ability to protest means that they are not completely powerless, as
they have the option of protest which has been known to alter political, social and
cultural processes. If protest was an ineffective method it would have been
disregarded as an activity that could achieve results. This is of course a paradox,
which means that perhaps part of the argument is not true. I would propose that the
powerlessness of those who engage in protest, suggested by Della Porta and Diani,
is merely a state of mind, rather than actual powerlessness. There are some very
good points in their arguments however, as I do not wish to discount them. The
chaos of protest concept is definitely something I have seen reflected in the case
studies I have looked at. A certain sense of drama and the abnormal is what makes
protests an effective form of communication, as they gain media and public
attention. This attention means that even if they are unsuccessful in achieving the
change they seek; the message behind the protest will have spread, raising
awareness for the future. Therefore, although I find flaw in the paradoxical nature of
certain parts of Della Porta and Diani‟s arguments, I can take away as a valuable
and evincible idea their concept of chaos.
James M. Jasper‟s approach to protest disagrees with Della Porta and Diani, as he
argues that protest is a reaction to change, a way of attacking those who threaten
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our ideals and beliefs. “The image of humans as communicators and symbol makers,
trying to make sense of the world, implies that we often protest because our systems
of meaning are at stake, because we have created villains, and villains must be
attacked.” (Jasper, 1997, p.10)
This suggests that protest is a reaction, rather than a pro-active way of seeking
positive changes, as argued by Della Porta and Diani. There are certainly examples
of protest as a reaction, such as the Student Fees protest mentioned earlier. They
were sparked by the UK coalition government announcing plans to cut education
funding and to increase university fees. This threatens British ideals over the right to
education, which dates back to the Elementary Education Act of 1870, and extends
forward to plans to extend UK compulsory education to 18 years old by 2015.
However it is arguable that the Civil Rights Movement was not reactionary, that it
sought to seek new changes. But Jasper would argue that it was a reaction to new
ideas about equality, and protesting against the existing structures which threaten
these concepts. So it does seem logical to argue that protest is a reaction, either
brought about by a new challenge or by new ideas which highlight the restrictions
of existing systems.
Perhaps it is not the cause or motivation of protest which defines it, rather the
actions of participants. This consequentialist approach would value the outcome of
protests, and defend any damage or violence carried out in order to reach said
end. Taking a utilitarian approach to protest seems contradictory to a certain
extent, as utilitarianism emphasises the greatest good for the greatest number, and
protests are more often than not, minority based. Therefore it is arguable that they
will never achieve greatest good for everyone, merely make the lives of minority
groups‟ better (although this does not necessarily mean worsening the lives of the
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majority). Other forms of consequentialism include egoism, which values the
individual over anything else, and altruism, which values everything else over the
individual. Neither of these are really applicable to protest as it is rarely self-serving or
self-sacrificing. Protest tends to be about groups working together towards a
common, ideal based goal.
Perhaps then protest should be considered in a deontological context, as this would
value the motivation over the results. It is possible to argue that protest is a form of
duty, as one must defend their beliefs and ideals. According to Kantian theory,
protest would then be motivated by individuals seeking to fulfil their duty, rather than
based in an emotional reaction as suggested by Jasper. However, considering the
nature of events that can occur during protests, such as marches turning into riots
(as demonstrated by the violence that erupted during the 2010 UK student fees
protest) it seems impossible to disconnect protest and emotion. It is also reasonable
to discount deontology when considering protest, as many of the theories
surrounding it are based in a religious sense of duty. Considering the scope of
participants in a variety of protests across the globe it seems irrelevant to consider
any theory based in religion, as this religion would not apply across the board.
Therefore at this stage I would suggest that protest is a way of challenging existing or
proposed ideals in order to protect the values of those participating, by creating a
form of chaos in order to spread a message. But what about those other terms I set
out to define? Is protest the same as a social movement? Della Porta and Diani, as
well as Jenkins, Klandermans and Johnston would argue that protest is not the same
as a social movement. Although they have many similarities, and social movement
groups certainly do perform acts of protest, there are still differences. Jenkins and
Klandermans define social movement as, “a sustained series of interactions between
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the state and challenging groups.” (1995, p. 5) This is an expanded on in their
definition of social protest which is, “the collective action of social movements that
are attempting to alter the representation system, public policies or the general
relationship between citizens and the state.” (1995, pp.5-6) By this definition then, we
can surmise that protests are the many incidents of actions performed by social
movements. An analogy of which might be social movement is the house and
protests are the various pieces of furniture within it. Without the house the furniture
would lack context and would be a disorganised collection without any tangible
connections. However without the furniture the house would lack functionality and
would probably quickly become abandoned. The two need each other to achieve
their potential.
According to Della Porta and Tarrow, activism, is a word that can be used more
interchangeably with protest. Activism refers to the actions of activists, who are
members of social movement groups. Therefore it is possible to use the term activism
as an alternative to protest. This is further emphasised by that fact that they share
the same forms. Boycotts, petitions, strikes, marches, demonstrations and sit-ins are
all considered to be both forms of activism and protest. Therefore this would seem
to be a logically junction to consider in more detail forms of protest.
Although there are many different forms of protest, some of which were mentioned
in the paragraph above, there are four types that I wish to focus on. These are sit-ins,
riots, marches and rallies. There reason I have chosen these particular forms to focus
on is because they relate to the case studies of later chapter, or have a relation to
technology. The first form I will explore is sit-in, as the Tiananmen Square Incident of
1989 is an example of this, as well as a case study from chapter 3.
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A sit-in is when a group of protestors occupy a space by sitting in it, whether on
chairs and other objects, or on the floor. The benefits of sit-ins include the fact that it
is a non-violent form of protest that also grabs public attention, as it has an element
of spectacle to it; it can cause disruption, as the area of a sit-in may be one often
used by others. The sit-in only ends when the participants are removed, often by
force, by an authority figure, such as the police or military. The use of force on
participants who have not performed any violence can create sympathy from
spectators, thus increasing the likelihood of success.
During the Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989, protestors performed a sit-in in
Tiananmen Square, and were forcibly removed in front of the cameras of the world.
This meant that public opinion rested with the protestors who had not caused any
harm or destruction, rather than the authorities whose reaction seemed
disproportionate and militant. It has already been established in this dissertation that
protest is about communicating a message. That message will always resonate
stronger if you can get the emotions and sympathies of your audience, which is
exactly what a sit-in is designed to achieve. Of course it may not always be the most
appropriate form of protest, as it works best when it is done in a public space. It may
not be preferable, as activists may feel that a louder and more visually dynamic
protest reflects their cause better.
One example of this would be the Slut Walks of 2011. These also take the form of a
march, which is a moving form of protest. One of the reasons that the Slut Walk
protestors may have favoured a march is that part of the spectacle of that
particular protest was costume, something best seen when the wearer is stood up.
The origin of the Slut Walks, which occurred globally, was digital technology, or more
specifically, social media. This makes it an excellent case study for the purposes of
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this dissertation as the relationship between protest and technology is the specialist
area of exploration. After a lecture by a police officer at a college in Canada, one
of the students posted his remarks on Twitter. The comments of the officer were that
if they wished to avoid being raped, female students should avoid dressing like
„sluts‟. The comments caused outrage across the world, and sparked what many
media outlets called a new wave of feminism. This was expressed via the Slut Walks,
which aimed to reclaim the word „slut‟ and to send the message that the blame for
rape should not be placed on the victim. Some of the most popular slogans to
come out of the marches were, „it‟s a dress, not a yes‟ and „we are all chamber
maids‟. The latter refers to the sexual assault case involving former IMF2 managing
director, Dominique Strauss-Kahn and a New York chamber maid. As with any
march the participants began at an arranged location and then marched to a pre-
set destination, which is usually related to the protest, such as a political building. It is
also usual to see participants displaying placards and banners with slogans and
messages embellished on them.
A march may also begin and end in a rally. This is when protestors gather to listen to
speeches or music. Rallies are a very popular form of protest and one that was used
frequently during the movement against the Vietnam War. The Kent State Massacre,
something I will revisit in more detail during Chapter 3, started as a rally. Protestors
gathered to listen to each other and have a chance to express their ideas. Although
predominately non-violent by nature, rallies and marches can turn violent. This is
because of the large quantity of participants all in close proximity and expressing
highly emotionally charged ideas and opinions. As explored earlier, it is hard to take
2 IMF is an abbreviation standing for International Monetary Fund, an intergovernmental organization that
oversees the global financial system.
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the emotion out of protest, and this can lead to violence, especially if the protestors
are confronted by an opposition, such as an authority or government figure.
Tragically this is exactly what happened at Kent State University. The students and
some others have gathered for a rally, and the protestors were making their
speeches when the National Guard showed up. The National Guard is connected to
the government, whom the protestors viewed as their enemy, and therefore they
started shouting abuse and throwing nearby objects such as rocks. The Guards
responded by opening fire and shooting a number of the protestors as well as others
who were out on the campus. The shooting resulting in four deaths and nine being
wounded, all of them were students. However, much like with a sit-in, the combative
and violent retaliation of the authorities meant that sympathy lay with the protestors.
Further anti-war protests were sparked from the events at Kent State.
Violence in protests does not always have to be a consequence. Sometimes it is the
aim of the protest, such as when the form of protest is a riot. Although it is arguable
that rioting is not a form of protest, it is merely an excuse for violence and disruption;
many theorists argue it has an intended effect. Be it a group of animal rights activists
rioting and destroying a laboratory that tests on animals, or the riots that took place
in England in 2011, there is usually a rationale behind it. The riots that took place in
London, Bristol, Birmingham and Manchester (as well as disruptions in other English
towns) in August 2011 left many questioning the reasons why, and others merely
calling them acts of pure criminality. One of the things that led to so much confusion
from spectators was the volume of looting taking place. This meant that the rioters
were written off as opportunistic criminals rather than protestors. Indeed in many
interviews with those accused of taking part the participants seemed unclear of the
reasons behind the rioting and looting. Instead the public was offered rhetoric about
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poverty and government neglect and cuts in funding. This lead to figures such as
Jerry Blackett, chief executive of the Birmingham Chamber of Commerce, and the
Prime minister David Cameron dismissing the unrest as criminality. However an
interview with four alleged looters on Sky News saw one of the accused claiming he
had looted a store at which he had submitted a CV and yet been unsuccessful in
obtaining employment, as a form of „pay back‟. The highly volatile nature of riots
make them a fascinating form of protest as there will always be those participants
who become involved merely as an excuse to cause trouble. This is also apparent in
most forms of protest and another reason why peaceful protests can turn violent.
However as riots are violent to begin with it can be harder to detect the message
and separate those protesting and the opportunists.
The presence of authorities can inspire violence, often from protesters who feel
confronted or intimidated. This makes policing of protest a particularly problematic
area. The British police were heavily critiqued, especially in the media, for their
tactics used during the 2010 student fees protests. They employed a number of
questionable methods such as kittling; as it is designed to force protestors into
confined areas and cause a concentration of energy in the middle of the crowd,
which can lead to innocent protestors being injured. The confinement can also lead
people to act erratically, regardless of whether they ordinarily suffer from
claustrophobia or any other anxiety related conditions. Robert Reiner explores the
policing of protests in Britain; he highlights that many Marxist thinkers view the police
as a force for political control rather than crime prevention. Reiner (1998, p.35)also
suggests that the first attempt to establish a police force in Britain occurred due to
recent unrest, “The first parliamentary attempt to establish a modern police force,
Pitts‟ abortive Police Bill 1785, was immediately inspired by the Gordon riots.” This
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desire to prevent protest is likely to have been known to activists. It is also clear why
liberal or free thinkers would disagree with the prevention of protests, as they
attempt to promote free thought and the authorities seek to enforce restrictions.
These restrictions of course are not necessarily intended in a combative or negative
way, in fact in the West it may be intended to „keep the peace‟ and prevent
spectators and passer-by from being injured. Policing of protest could also be
intended to remove opportunists who wish to incite violence, with no relation to the
cause, thus allowing peaceful protests to continue. However Reiner (p. 48)
discussed middle-class protestors coming into conflict with the police. He stresses
that they are respectable people with a history of supporting the police. “Most
recently, clashes between police and protesters against live animal exports have
often been bitter and provoked many complaints of heavy-handed police tactics.”
However it is a difficult balance for police who have more recently been criticised
by the government, media and public for their seeming non-involvement in the 2011
England riots. I believe that this was fuelled by media images showing officers
standing and watching as looters destroyed and emptied shops. This is because the
images lack the context of dangerous situations the police were in. They had to
face violent gangs with only minimal protection, in the form of a stab vest and
baton. Unlike the USA police officers in Britain do not tend to carry armed weapons
such as guns or Tasers. Regardless of how heavily armed they are it is still intimidating
for a protester to be confronted by the authorities. It is for this reason that the need
for organisation and hierarchy within protest movements becomes even more
imperative.
Now that forms of protests and definitions have been reached, it is appropriate to
consider the hierarchies related to protest. To determine whether there are any such
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systems, whilst also exploring how technology affects them. Most organisations will
have a similar hierarchy. Normally there is a leader, or in some cases multiple
leaders, forming the top of the hierarchy pyramid. Eugene Marlow and Patricia
O‟Conor Wilson argue that hierarchy is necessary for organisational communication.
In turn, good communication establishes and reinforces structure and hierarchy, as
information is distributed down the pyramid and reported to the top. The pyramid
then expands to include a larger level of managers or organisers before continuing
downwards, expanding further to the mass or general staff (in the case of protest,
participants).
Leaders of social movements take on a great responsibility, as if a protest takes a
negative path and results in violence and destruction it is them who will inherit the
majority of any blame and will be sought out by the authorities. It may not always
be the case that there is a definite leader to a social movement. This is especially
true in the digital age, as movements may be started online by a collective
discussion that leads to action, without the need for a single leader. However the
media tends to favour having a leader to centre its reports around (or place blame
or praise on, depending on the course of events). This means that they may hone in
on a figure-head to a social movement. This would be someone who becomes
credited with being in charge but in reality is merely another participant with no
higher elevation than anyone else in the movement.
Celebrity protest
Modern Western culture places great value and importance on celebrities. This is a
view that is supported by writers such as Su Holmes, Sean Redmond and Pramod K.
Nayar. In fact the latter goes so far as to actually state, “We live in a culture of
celebrity.” (Nayar, 2009, p.1) All of the above theorists note the importance of
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celebrities in modern western culture for entertainment and sales purposes. The
influence of celebrity extends far beyond merely selling products however; they
have the power to sell an idea, to sell a moral stance. Celebrity activism is
something that has boomed in the last few decades, with famous faces deciding to
become charity ambassadors, activists and politicians. As argued by Philip Drake
and Michael Higgins who explore, “the increasingly interwoven nature of celebrity
and politics.” (2006, p. 87) They suggest that the line between politicians and
celebrities has become blurred on both sides. They discuss how political figures, such
as party leaders, have become increasingly involved in popular television formats
such as talk shows. This suggests that not only are celebrities becoming more like
politicians, politicians are becoming more like celebrities. Certainly if politicians are
lowering the standards to the level of celebrities then it is unsurprising so many are
getting involved with little fuss. But surely this is inappropriate. Even if politicians
believe, as Drake and Higgins suggest that, “a popular television show enables them
to reach a wider public and circulate their image more effectively than any
conventional political speech in parliament.” (p. 88) Surely this cannot be
considered a substantial enough argument for degrading politics. It is meant to be
on a higher level than popular culture, to be accessible to those who desire to
become involved as they are the ones who will be informed enough to make sound
decisions. However, that relies on the notion that politicians are lowering the
standards to meet celebrities. Perhaps instead celebrities are simply utilising their
potential to reach upwards to the level of politicians. Certainly many of the famous
faces known for entertaining us are supported with an intellectual, questioning and
intelligent mind. Stephen Fry is one such individual who is known for his wit and
insight. I would have no problem with him raising his voice in a political capacity. So
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perhaps it comes down to our definition of celebrity? Nayar (2009, p. 4) suggests, “A
quick answer would be that a celebrity is an individual or event that the public
watches: someone or something that is recognised by a large number of people.” If
celebrity is about a matter of recognition, then perhaps we need categories. For
example one category could be, „known for talent‟ with another being,‟ known for
intellectual ability‟ and a final category, „known for being known.‟ There could then
be subcategories, such as level of talent and so on. This all seems very time
consuming and unnecessary though, especially as we already have language to
describe individuals that fit into each category and sub category. Therefore could
the answer be the language we use? The word „celebrity‟ seems to have been
tainted by „it‟ girls and boys and the talentless armies of reality television. These
„celebrities‟ are incomparable with the talented actors and singers who have
gained stardom from a genuine ability. By using more carefully the labels attributed
to certain individuals it might seem less alarming to the public when an intellectually
gifted actor decided on a career change and runs for a parliamentary position.
However, perhaps it is not terminology that is the problem, but the concept of a
career change with no visible retraining. A client is unlikely to trust an accountant to
re-wire their home; unless they can produce evidence they have been trained as an
electrician. Logically there is no reason why this could not be applied to a celebrity
with no apparent training in politics.
Within the case studies I have chosen to focus on in this dissertation, there is
evidence of celebrity activism. Jane Fonda was well known for action against the
Vietnam War, and many others have spoken out over poverty and the third world.
Naomi Klein refers to the „Bono-ization‟ of protest. It is not that there is anything
exclusively wrong with the U2 frontman, it is simply that Bono is a particularly vocal
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celebrity activist that he seems to gain focus in discussions. Certainly he is not alone
in his transition from being known for talent to being known for political activities. The
United States has developed a history of celebrity involvement in politics, from
Edwards Bernays public relations campaign (intended to make President Coolidge
more appealing to voters by presenting him „hanging-out‟ with celebrities), to
celebrities becoming political leaders, such as Ronald Regan and Arnold
Schwarzenegger. But Klein argues that celebrity involvement in activism devalues
and even trivialises important causes. In a 2007 speech at the Cheltenham Literature
Festival Klein discussed the „Bono-ization‟ of protest. Referring to the 2005 Make
Poverty History Campaign, she said, “It was the stadium rock model of protest –
there‟s celebrities and there‟s spectators waving their bracelets. It‟s less dangerous
and less powerful (than grass roots street demonstrations.)” Although Klein does
have a valid point, as it is arguable a proportion of the spectators would be there
simply due to the celebrity involvement and not because they valued the cause.
However I find the use of the word spectator questionable. It implies passivity, and
most of the attendance would be actively participating in one form or another.
Whether it is giving money, or spreading the message the next day at the water
cooler. The objection to this sort of protest relies on assuming people would
otherwise still engage in the topics. Otherwise it is arguably better for people to
participate in a reduced capacity, or even spectate due to the involvement of
celebrities, yet still be aware of the cause. Public awareness will cause vote seeking
governments to perform some sort of positive action towards assisting the cause,
even if this gesture is only token, it is perhaps better than nothing. However, in
defence of Klein‟s assertions there were no celebrities offering concerts for students
in 2010. Yet they took to the streets in their thousands, perhaps because they felt
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strongly about the cause and had no other outlets for expressing their objections.
Maybe if Bono had thrown a concert or launched a new coloured iPod to
supplement student fees they would not have taken to the streets. Or perhaps the
real revelation is that human beings, particularly in the Western world, are selfish and
respond only to things that are connected to them. For example the student fees
protest was about the future of young people in the United Kingdom, and although
many of those protesting would not be affected, they were still involved with
education at the time, hence the connection to them. Equally with the Make
Poverty History campaign, the connection became celebrities. They are a part of
many individual‟s daily life, whether they are staring at us from a magazine, talk to us
on the radio, entertaining us on television or Tweeting about their day. Celebrities
can create interest in a subject that would otherwise not interest members of the
public. In his essay about celebrity activism Darrell M, West refers to an example
involving an American TV producer, Phil Griffin and actress Goldie Hawn. After
urging Congress to vote on a China trade bill during a press conference, Ms Hawn
was invited on to the television show by Mr Griffin. His reasoning as expressed by
West was that, „It was a way to draw attention to a technical subject that normally
did not elicit much public or press interest.‟ (p.4)
Whether or not you agree with celebrities becoming involved in social movements
and politics it is undeniable that they cause people to engage with topic they would
otherwise find unappealing. Of course there are arguments that this sort of shallow
and superficial engagement is unsustainable for long periods of time, and therefore
is unlikely to ever lead to real change. But it perhaps increases the chances that
someone with the determination to cause change will become aware of the issue
and embark on more sustainable route of protest.
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Conclusion
This chapter has established the definitions that shall be used as a basis for the rest of
this dissertation. This includes the establishment that the terms protest and activism
may be used interchangeably. However, the term social movement implies a
number of protest movements in aid of the same cause, and thus cannot be used
interchangeably with the above terms, but separately to indicate a connection
between numerous events. This chapter has also begun to explore forms of protests
and what the limitations and benefits to activism are. There will be a further
exploration of these through the case studies in the preceding chapters.
Benefits of activism are that it allows participants to communicate their message,
and empowers them by giving them a voice. This is essential in the pursuit of both
democracy and equality. For it is vital that everyone has an equal chance to share
their views if society is to be deemed just. However, the expression of voice also
means it is easy to see when a movement does not have popular support and so is
unlikely to influence society. After all the more people on the march, the bigger the
impact and the more society and a whole have to pay attention and evaluate the
message being sent.
It is also important to recognise limitations. Protest does not have all the answers,
and sometimes government sentiment can overpower even extremely popular
messages. This is something we are currently seeing in the Middle East where
government are imprisoning and killing citizens rather than acknowledge and
discuss the message being presented, which is the desire for democracy and justice.
Technology is breaking down this limitation by allowing messages to be spread
globally, either by being captured in an image that is distributed, broadcast in live
moving images or expressed through text in a Tweet of post. Whichever medium the
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message takes it can now be distributed globally and instantaneously. Therefore
connecting with and moving people from remote location. This encourages citizens
from other countries, societies and culture to pressure their own governments to
initiate international sanctions and trade embargos on countries that do not treat
their citizens justly.
The limitations of this dissertation also extend to the depth it is able to explore themes
within this topic. Although I have touched on motivation I am not able to cover it in
depth as there is not enough psychological foundation to this study. I am also
restricted as I have not carried out any primary research in the form of
questionnaires or interviews. Therefore any conclusions of this topic are based on
academic theory, rather than accounts.
Overall this chapter has illustrated that protest is a very powerful tool, which can be
used in many different ways. The following chapter will allow a fuller exploration in
some of the ways protest has been used in conjunction with technology.
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Chapter 3: Learning from the past
‘I saw courage both in the Vietnam War and in the struggle to stop it. I learned that
patriotism includes protest, not just military service.’ (Kerry, 2003)
Introduction
This chapter will explore historic case studies of protest and technology. For this
dissertation I have selected two primary case studies to use as a focus. These are the
Vietnam War (1955 - 19753) and Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989. Each of these
case studies centres around a different form of technology, but I will evaluate the
impact of technology in both cases.
When considering historic case studies it is important to analyse them in the context
of the social and cultural circumstances and influences of the time, and not to try
and fit them into contemporary society. This would lead to a misunderstanding and
misinterpretation of not only facts and motivations but also language and customs. It
is also important to acknowledge bias or understandings created by contemporary
representations of an event. For example the cinematic depiction of a conflict
could influence, even only subconsciously, any academic evaluation of said
conflict. This would of course be poor practice, but may at times be unavoidable.
When considering the Vietnam War, the technology I will be focusing on is still image
photography. I will be evaluating claims that photography was a major contributing
factor to the end of the war, as well as exploring the extent of which still images
motivated and influenced protests. This will involve exploring photography as a form
of communication. It will also involve looking at images in their original context, so
3 Although there is some debate about the exact date the Vietnam War started as there was no official declaration
of war.
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that interpretations are as accurate as possible. For this section it will also be
necessary to explore theoretical approaches to the Vietnam War. This will include
Tangled Memories, which I mentioned in the Literature review.
After this I shall be considering the Tiananmen Square Incident. In this case study the
form of technology being explored is television, particularly live moving images. I will
investigate whether moving images have more of an impact than the still ones
evaluated in the section on Vietnam, whilst considering the need for technology to
evolve and the speed at which this is happening.
Of course it will also be necessary to explore the background to the protest that took
place in China in 1989. Establishing what led to the television images that told the
story to the world as it was happening. After which I will explore the consequences
of the Chinese government‟s actions against protestors, and the role technology
played in this. I shall investigate whether there were global ramifications, and if they
are still relevant and on-going.
Vietnam War
As explained earlier, this case study was selected because of the involvement of
photography, as a form of technology. It has been argued by many, such as Robert
Elegant, that photography, primarily the reportage of image in the media, is
responsible for American‟s only lost war. But can photography really be considered
a form of technology? It is certainly not what most would consider „high tech‟, which
presently refers more to smartphones or other computer based technologies. This is
especially relevant as the still image cameras used during the Vietnam War were not
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digital4. This depends on your definition of technology. Although some would turn to
the dictionary at this point, it would be poor academic practice, as this type of
rudimentary definition does not explore the wider implications of language. Despite
what a dictionary might tell us there will always be variation in individual
interpretations. Therefore I will set out what is meant by technology for the purposes
of this dissertation. Technology refers to the application of scientific knowledge for
practical purposes. Although some would allude to this involving the creation of
equipment or machinery, I feel with modern developments of new technology
including things such as Social Media and other intangible products are relevant.
Using the above definition it is easy to see how still image photography is included,
as it is based on scientific understanding of light and has the practical purpose of
capturing moments to illustrate events to those who were not present. Of course it
also has the purpose of capturing moments for those who were present in order to
preserve and assist their memories. This also highlights that photography is a
communication based technology, which makes it the perfect aid to protest, which
is about communicating a message.
It is one thing to establish that photography enables better communication; it is
quite another to suggest it caused a very proud and patriotic nation, which has
never lost a war, to withdraw from a conflict. It would also be ridiculous to not
consider that other domestic and international issues would have played their part.
During the period of 1955 to 1975 (when it is most commonly agreed the war took
place), the United States had to deal with many issues on their own soil. The Civil
Rights Movement that divided the country took place during the duration of the
4 Although there is some debate about what constitutes a digital camera, it is considered that the first ones
were not available until the nineteen-eighties with consumer versions being launched in the nineteen-nineties.
This is all well after the end of the Vietnam War.
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war. It involved riots, marches and violence as well as many America people having
to alter their perceptions on race. The assassination of President John F. Kennedy,
who had been involved in the early stages of the Vietnam War, also challenged the
strength of many patriots. It is also not possible to ignore the length of the war, which
spanned at least two decades. This means many would have grown up with the
War.
The domestic context means that American citizens would not have been averse to
seeing protest at the time. With attentions split between the war at home and the
war in Vietnam, it would have seemed like a turbulent time to many. Does this then
mean people would have had a greater immunity to the pleas of protestors to end
the war? And how does photography fit into this? Did the images inspire the
protestors, or would they have campaigned as hard without the photographs? This is
something we may never know, as it is highly based on personal opinion. However,
we can explore case studies in order to establish whether the release of images had
a correlation with an increase in protest. I will focus on two in particular, as they
involve protest inspiring protests. They are the „Burning Monk‟5 and the Kent State
Massacre6, both famous photographs and famous protests. The images of Phan Thi
Kim Phuc in Nick Ut‟s Pulitzer Prize winning photograph7, often referred to as Napalm
Girl is also one of the most emotive images from the Vietnam War. It depicts a young
girl, Phan Thi Kim Phuc, after a napalm attack, running down the street burned and
naked, with other village children. Nothing can capture the notion of innocence as
much as a child and the nudity makes her seem even more vulnerable, leading to
5 See Fig 4 in Appendix 1
6 See Fig 2 in Appendix 1
7 See Fig 3 in Appendix 1
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public outrage that she could be a victim caught up in a war that was already
loosing popular support.
Looking at the images of Thich Quang Duc, also known as the „Burning Monk‟ seems
particularly relevant in a discussion of protest. Not only was this an act of protest
against the events of a previous protest, it inspired protests. To simplify this I should
explain that in early May 1963 Buddhist monks had staged a rally, in protest over
persecution from the government. The Republic of Vietnam (to whom the US was
allied) sent in forces to quash the protests. Those forces ended up over-reacting and
killing several protestors. Then on the 11th of June 1963 a sympathetic protest was
held by Buddhist monks, at which Thich Quang Duc was present. As recalled by
Gerad J. DeGroot, “the Venerable Thich Quang Duc quietly sat down in a public
intersection, doused himself with gasoline, and set himself alight.” (2000, p. 81) The
reaction of Americans watching this can also be alluded to via the account of
DeGroot, “I was bewildered by television reports of what I now realize was the self-
immolation of a Buddhist bonze on a Saigon street in 1963.” (p.ix) Indeed these
images, whether they were seen on television or on the page of a newspaper, are
still alarming today. This suggests that photographic technology is influential in
protest; as if the images still have impact today it is logical they would have had an
impact over forty years ago. It is rather ignorant to suggest that such shocking
images would not have motivated or encourage at least some protestors, as
everyone reacts in a different way to such images.
I briefly touched upon the Kent State Massacre in chapter 2, but I would like to look
at it more in detail here, with closer attention to the images it produced. It started as
a peaceful protest, which through a series of misunderstandings and overreactions
led to the death of four innocent students. The unusual and tragic events of Kent
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State made it a highly influential moment in the Vietnam War, even though it took
place on America soil and did not involve any enemy troops or civilians. John Filo‟s
photograph8 of dead student Jeffery Miller, lying on the ground with fourteen year
old Mary Ann Vecchio kneeling over him and screaming, has become a defining
image of the events. It won a Pulitzer Prize and has been featured in many historic
articles and books. Yet much of what occurred on May 4th 1970 was not at all out of
the ordinary. Students protesting about the Vietnam War were a regular occurrence,
both in Ohio and across the country, even internationally in places such as Europe.
In fact it was previous rallies at Kent State University that had gained the attention of
Ohio officials. The National Guard being deployed to defuse or contain mass
violence was also not unusual. In 1957 they had been called in to deal with angry
mobs at Little Rock Central High in Arkansas. The mob was hurling abuse and
refusing Elizabeth Eckford9 and eight other black students entry to the high school.
They were the first ever black students to be integrated into the school. Although the
incidents on their own were not unusual, it was their combination that resulted in the
tragic historical moment. This is also where the addition of photography becomes
significant, as the images of a student‟s body lying on the ground forced the public
to confront the event. Supported by the anguish on Mary Ann‟s face and the
confusion of all those surrounding the pair, it is intended to connect with the viewer
on a deep emotional level. It is the stillness of photographs that causes them to have
the impact they do. Capturing and freezing a moment in time thus highlighting
details and emotions, then confronting the audience with them. This unfortunate
8 See Fig 2 in Appendix 1
9 See Fig 1 in Appendix 1
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event led to further protests, both by those who had already been vocal in their
disapproval and those who have been horrified by the images of Kent State.
But Gerad J. DeGroot does not think protestors influenced the end of the war. ‟The
protesters, for all they might claim otherwise, did not inspire a popular will to end the
war. The war itself did that.‟ (DeGroot, 2000, p. 254) Talking about the Vietnam War,
which he claims was initially popular; Gerad J. DeGroot argues that it was the
duration of a war without success that led to the defeat in Vietnam. He also does
not believe the media had anything to do with the end of the war, rather arguing
they reflected the sentiment of the war. This is an interesting perspective, as arguing
that the war was destined to fail because it was too drawn out and lost public
support takes the power away from the influence of liberals. This could reveal a
conservative bias, something to be mindful of when considering his arguments. It
also suggests that efforts to sway people through anything other than cold hard
facts will be unsuccessful. This is of course extreme, and academically poor. DeGroot
criticises Robert Elegant for suggesting that the war was lost on the „printed page’,
arguing that such a statement is „profoundly stupid’ and demonstrates a „deep
ignorance’ as, “American soldiers had first to taste defeat in Vietnam for the war to
become intolerable at home.” (2000, p.255) Indeed DeGroot has a point that failings
in the war effort were real and not a construct of media representations. However
he himself demonstrates ignorance in not accepting that such defeats are reported
and often exaggerated by the media. Certainly many Americans would have heard
of troubles in the war without the existence of the media, but would they have had it
so graphically presented to them with their morning coffee? Without the media and
photography would the rest of the world have been so vividly aware of the events?
Perhaps it is something we will never know, however it seems highly unlikely that
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coverage, so immediate, and so detailed could have been presented without the
assistance of technology.
A opponent of DeGroot‟s arguments would be Thomas Rid, who states that,
“Correspondents and their editors were undermining the American support for the
war by putting gruesome images of wounded soldiers and reports of atrocities that
were committed by Americans in Vietnam on TV screens.” (2007, p.53) He also
claims that this was the opinion of many in the US military. Rid refers specifically to
television but the „gruesome images‟ would encompass still images as well. The
constant confrontation with such images would have made it almost impossible to
enter a state of denial about what was going on. Critically however, Rid is attributing
the defeat to the influence of the media not the influence of protestors. As he
illustrates the military‟s fears over the media‟s ability to influence public opinion, and
thus force a withdrawal, is illustrated in the post-Vietnam war reporting restrictions
that have been imposed. These include the establishment of embedded reporters,
who have limited access and are accompanied by a member of the military at all
times, who may confiscate any images they do not wish to be broadcast. Essentially
they are now able to vet any material aired. As Rid argues, “Eliminating the media‟s
access to the battlefield, it was reasoned, would eliminate the problems created by
having the media on the battlefield.” (2007, p. 63) There were no such restrictions
imposed on protesting, so does this imply it had less effect? I would argue that it
does not imply the ineffectiveness of protest, rather the connectedness of the media
and protestors. It indicates that the military considered protestors to be influenced
and motivated through the photography and other reports the media were bringing
them.
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But during the Vietnam War televising moving images were also beginning to play
more of a role. One example of this would be General Nguyen Ngoc Loan
executing a Vietcong prisoner on a Saigon street. The images of the execution were
broadcast on television station across the United States of America; however it is
arguable that the still images captured by Eddie Adams10 proved more powerful.
Adams was able to capture the moment between life and death. In the television
images it all happens very fast, one moment the prisoner is alive, then a bang and
he falls to the ground, dead. In the photograph however, the moment is suspended,
the viewer must linger on the pain and fear on the prisoners face, contrasted with
the cool and calm look of the General, an ally to America. This suggests that
although television images have the ability to follow an event and show you
everything that is happening, a still image makes a statement as forces the view to
confront an event, perhaps making it a more powerful aid to protest.
Tiananmen Square
In June 1989 a series of pro-democracy protest, mainly involving students, took place
across China. The most infamous of these protests occurred at Tiananmen Square in
Beijing. The notoriety of these events was because, as protestors performed a sit-in
occupying a public square, the Chinese government ordered military troops to
disperse them. This resulted in the disproportionate use of force toward the protestors
and the deaths of many innocent citizens.
The tragic turn of events is not the only aspect of the Tiananmen Square Incident
that led to its inclusion in this dissertation. The technological elements of this protest
are also of specific interest, with the form of technology being television. Television is
10
See Fig 6 in Appendix 1
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a form of communicative technology that most Western homes possess. Indeed
according to figures held by the Broadcasters‟ Audience Research Board in 1989,
the year of the Tiananmen Square Incident, 21.1 million households in the United
Kingdom owned a television. That is out of a total of 21.7 million households,
meaning the majority had a television. From these figures it is easy to see what an
impact broadcast events would have in the Western world, with the rest of Europe
and the United States of America having similar ownership levels. Although the
events of Tiananmen Square occurred in China, they were broadcast live across the
world. Having the scenes of violence and militancy from the Chinese government
against the protestors presented live in their own home inevitably intensified the
reaction of the Western world. It is also important to stress the relevance of the
footage being broadcast live. By 1989 viewers would have been fairly used to the
concept of television, so the fact that images were being broadcast was not
shocking. They would also have been accustomed to a degree of violence in pre-
recorded images (most viewers would have been aware of past atrocities such as
the Vietnam War and the images related to that). However they were not used to
seeing live unedited images of such violence, broadcast straight into their homes.
But can the television images and the protestors really be linked? It was not the
protestors who invited the cameras over, but the Chinese government. They has
invited western reporters to cover to Sino-Soviet summit. Peaceful protest had begun
before the military intervention and the media attention was sparked, but it had
gained little international recognition. Considering this, it is hard to believe the
protestors would have gone out with the intention of gaining media attention when
things turned violent due to military intervention. But whether they wanted the
cameras there or not, it is undeniable that the broadcasts spread the message
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globally and ensured the western world was on the side of the protestors. So can
technology be considered a tool of protest if it was not originally intended to be a
part of the protest? To determine that we must consider how plausible it is that the
cameras being there during the protest was a complete coincidence. It is logical to
assume that the protestors would have known television cameras would be around
to film the Sino-Soviet summit. It is also plausible to conclude that such large scale
protests would eventually gain at least local news coverage. One might even go as
far to suggest that the chance of some degree of militancy could have been
predicted, knowing that the communist government was viewed as authoritarian.
Therefore it could be suggested that the protestors did anticipate their message
being broadcast across the world via the television cameras.
Alternatively a debate could be had about whether the intention for images to be
broadcast by the protestors is of consequence. After all, they served a valuable
purpose in assisting the protests, by sending the message globally. They also enabled
protests in Europe. Does the use of a tool have to be premeditated to be of value? I
would argue that it does not. As long as it achieves the desired effect, then it is of
value and entirely relevant. Of course, it should also be considered whether the link
between protest and technology always has to be that technology is a tool.
Perhaps it can still be considered essential as assistance. As it could be argued that
without the television cameras, the Tiananmen Square Incident would not have had
such an impact globally. Indeed it could not have had the same impact locally
within China, as the propaganda and edited reports would have disguised the truth
and caused it to be disregarded. And although it could be counter argued that the
news would have spread without television, this news would have been greatly
delayed, and may not have made it out of the country due to censorship.
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It was not only television cameras that captured the events of Tiananmen Square,
the still image photographs also played their part. This is interesting to consider as it
shows that even when new technologies appear, older ones can still have value.
The images of „Tank Man‟ also known as the „Unknown Rebel‟ are probably the most
famous taken during the 1989 incident. There were very similar images taken by four
photojournalists who were all staying in the same hotel, overlooking the street where
the incident occurred. Seeing this one lone man standing up to a line of tanks in Jeff
Widener‟s photograph11 is very striking. The notion of one individual standing up for
his believes no matter how outnumber it appears he is, is an inspiring image that had
a deep impact on many seeing it. Arthur Tsang Hin Wah12 captured the moment
when the Unknown Rebel climbed onto of the tanks as part of his protest, he then
went inside to try and negotiate with the driver. Overall the still images prove that
the lingering nature of photography still has an impact even when there is live
moving coverage competing with it, it is still an aid to protest.
The ramifications of Tiananmen Square are still felt, both in China and internationally.
James F. Scotton discusses the fear of Chinese reporters after the event, “An Asian
editor had found Xinhua‟s news service much stronger in the 1980 but believed the
agency‟s journalists lost their initiative after those who showed signs of supporting the
1989 protestors were disciplined.”(2010, p.123) This fear was echoed in other parts of
Chinese society, as the government restricted the free flow of information. „It has
been estimated that more than 50 million people in mainland China tune in to
foreign radio stations for information they cannot get from Chinese sources. Chinese
authorities are active in blocking these broadcasts.‟ (Hachten, 2010, p.204) There
11
See Fig 5.1 in Appendix 1
12 See Fig 5.2 in Appendix 1
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were ramifications for the West as well, with international media being banned from
China. Western companies such as Google are still involved in clashes with China
over its media and internet censorship as exemplified by Hachten (p. 204), „China
also continues to block websites it regards as politically sensitive.‟ The term „politically
sensitive‟ is a very broad term as it could encompass many events and actions.
Protesting social and cultural traditions and beliefs could be considered a politically
sensitive matter. Therefore any website that challenges the ideas of the government
could be considered to be in politically sensitive.
Conclusion
Historically technology may not have been a method of protest but it has certainly
acted as a support. This support may not have been entirely essential for a protest to
have taken place. But certainly for the protests to have had the impact and in some
cases success that they did then the presence of technology was entirely crucial.
The importance of technology can also be demonstrated in governmental decisions
to ban it, directly following major protests.
This chapter has explored two crucial historical protests, one conflict related and
one related to governmental change and human rights. These are two very different
areas, and yet the method of protest works by the same basic principles. Both also
caused disproportionate response from the authorities, which proves that protest
does have an effect and can lead to change.
Technology was comparatively under-developed during the time of both case
studies, with where it is today, however it was still substantial in circulating the
message globally. This suggests that technology does not have to be advanced or
current in order to be an aid to protest.
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Chapter 4: The world and tomorrow
‘We make friends, keep in touch, shop and listen to music online, isn’t it obvious that,
when democratic changes happens, it happens online too?’ (Williamson, 2011)
Introduction
This chapter will investigate my current case study of the Arab Spring13. This refers to
a current wave of revolution and protests happening across most of the Middle East
and North Africa. The main countries to have media coverage of their protests are
Egypt, Libya, Syria and Bahrain. One of the reasons the protests have gained
popular attention is the use of social media sites for organising marches,
communicating between activists and spreading the word to the outside world. I
also find interest in the way social networking has been used by governments, often
to threaten protesters. The extremely personal reporting and recording of events is
also of great intrigue and therefore an area that deserves exploration. However, due
to the fact that this is an on-going wave of protests there is little in the way of
published texts on the topic, either academic or otherwise. Therefore the theoretical
aspects of this chapter will come from general approaches to protest and journal
articles.
The chapter will analyse how the Internet and in particular social media has
influenced current protests. This will mean defining what is meant by social media,
which includes but is not the same as, social networking. It may be necessary in this
chapter to name certain companies, whose sites are particularly popular. However
this does not mean that other companies‟ sites have not been used, it simply means
that they have not seen as much traffic or been as influential. Some may consider it
13 The Arab Spring is also known as the Middle East Unrest and is generally thought to have begun in December 2010.
There is not yet an official end date as it is still on-going (as of the date of this dissertation)
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bad practice to name specific websites, as the discussion is more about the
technology. However as each website has a slightly different way of working, and
the popularity of that site directly affects its usefulness as a form of protest, I feel it is
important to name them in this particular chapter.
Internet theory, including forms of online protest, is another area that needs
investigation to gain an understanding of growing trends and to understand what
the future might contain. With regards to other forms of online protest this writer has
a particular interest in hacktivism. The word creates immediate intrigue by
combining „hacking‟, something predominately portrayed as a destructive and
criminal activity, with „activism‟ which is often seen as a positive campaign for rights
and freedoms (if not potentially militant in the ways it sees these rights and
freedoms). Therefore the term conjures to me something of a „Robin Hood‟ scenario,
certainly an area that demands further exploration in this chapter. Recent high
profile hacktivism groups that have gained the media spotlight include Anonymous
and spin off group LulzSec. Both of which will be a point of focus in my exploration of
hacktivism.
The future will be the finishing point of this chapter, looking ahead to see whether
online protest could become a dominant form. It will also consider and analyse
possible threats to online protests including proposals from the UK government to
give police powers to block access to social media sites such as Twitter. Could such
a move also be a threat to the democracy the country prides itself on? This is
something I will be exploring.
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Defining Social Media
As this chapter centres on the use of Web 2.014 tools in protest, in particular social
media it is important to establish what is encompassed by this term. Social media is
not a term that can be used interchangeably with social networking. Social media
refers to tools on the internet which allow users share content. Within social media
participants may not know each other, and they are not required to interact.
However social networking involves users actively setting up connections between
each other, thus creating a social network. Access to content published within social
networking sites may have restricted access, with only those the publisher has
established a connection with able to view it.
Social media has been involved in a number of recent events, not only the Arab
Spring, but also riots in England and flash mobs15 in Philadelphia, USA. In regard to
the riots across the UK social media has proven it can be used to both positive and
negative effect. Regardless, it is about mass communication, and distribution of
information.
However it is important to note that social media can lead to the spread of rumours,
much faster than would occur without digital technologies. This can be done
deliberately, in order to influence events, or it can be innocent misinformation,
although the consequence can still be negative. This issue was raised during the UK
riots, as rumours spread about the location of disruptions; many feared that the false
information would lead to problems in these areas. The logic behind this was that if it
14
Web 2.0 refers to the current version of the web. It differs from previous versions as it involves interactivity and
engagement rather than passive receipt of content.
15 A flash mob is when a group of people suddenly descend on an area and perform a predetermined action
before quickly dispersing.
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is falsely reported there is rioting and looting at location X that potential participants
will see this and go to location X. Despite the fact there was no disorder at location X
when everyone turns up to find it they may decide to start their own disorder.
Arab Spring
The Middle East saw a wave of activism as young people claimed to stand up for
democracy. But one of the factors that made this outbreak of activism particularly
worthy of academic exploration was the involvement of Web 2.0 technologies. The
involvement of these tools meant that events were instantly transmitted around the
globe. It also meant that many of the accounts were very intimate, as individuals
could broadcast their perspective and opinion across the world via blogs, online
video sharing and social networking. As I mentioned in the introduction to this
chapter, it will be necessary to name specific social media companies in the
chapter because it is directly related to the fact that these companies have a large
proportion of the market, and therefore a huge captive audience, that their use in
protest was so momentous. Some of those that have been most cited for their
involvement include YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, although blogs have also
played a major part with these being based across a wider range of companies.
One of the benefits of the internet is that participants can retain a certain degree of
anonymity if they desire. The concept of online identity is something that will be
explored in more depth later on in this dissertation. Asides from anonymity users
might also use pseudonyms, to create an online identity separate to that of their real
life identity. However this is something that many of the most popular social
networking sites are trying to change, for example Facebook and Google Plus both
insist on a full name. The Social Networking sites have insisted they enforce these
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rules in order to make networking easier, as people are more likely to search for a
user‟s commonly used real name. However many users of pseudonyms have argued
that they are known online by their alternative name, and that this is the identity
they may have spent a decade or more creating and participating under, therefore
it will be the name any contacts would search for. Of course there are benefits to
the user of a false name, as it allows them to separate their real life from their online
life, freeing them up to make comments that they may not want traced to their real
life identity. This can be both beneficial, in allowing individuals to show support for
social movements without fear of personal retribution in an oppressive dictatorship
or authoritarian governed state. As with most things however there is a negative
aspect, as some users may feel a pseudonym allows them to make offensive, racist
or hateful comments without being concerned it will be traced back to them. Their
normal sense of restraint and propriety is removed. However online identities can
also have a detrimental effect in that even if a user appears to be using a real
name, they may not be who they claim to be. The Arab Spring has also played a
part in highlighting how online anonymity can cause other participants to be misled
over a user‟s identity. The Gay Girl in Damascus blog gained many followers as it
claimed to be a first-hand account of 25 year old Amina Abdullah Arraf al-Omari, a
lesbian half Syrian, half American girl living in Damascus during the uprising. When a
post from Amina‟s cousin alleged that Amina had been kidnapped by government
forces from the street there was a global outcry, with many influential activist sites
launching petitions for her safe return, and articles about the abduction on many
Western newspapers and websites. However it was later revealed that there was no
Amina, and the blog was in fact written by an American man studying in Scotland
by the name of Tom MacMaster. Despite the anger from followers, activists and
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others, many of whom claimed the blog had damaged the reputation of Syrian
activist and genuine LGBT16 citizens in Syria, MacMaster claimed that he was an
activist and the aim of the blog was to raise the profile of genuine struggles. As an
academic one should consider if it is of any consequence whether a the blog was
authentic, as it successfully conveyed the intended message, and raised awareness
of a situation that was occurring, in a way that those genuinely affected were
unable to.
Despite the benefits of online activism some argue that it is not yet at a stage to be
a sole source of protest; the technology is merely a supporting agent to events that
would happen with or without the presence of technology. An article published on
the BBC by Anne Alexander states that, “When one channel of communication is
blocked, people try another.” This remark was made in reference to the involvement
of digital technology in the Egyptian protest, when the government blocked internet
access in the country, and yet the demonstrations continued. It is undeniable that
the internet is not the sole medium of protest. It could even be said that it never will
be until the internet is the sole medium of life, which is an idea that is currently still
mere fantasy. However this writer would pose the question, is any medium of protest
ever the sole medium? Or perhaps is it better for academic purposes to consider
primary methods, those chosen initially, as although these may not always prove
effective, by analysing protestors preferred mediums of protest, we can better
understand the direction social movement is travelling in? As Alexander highlights,
people will always seek another option when one path is blocked; it would be
ridiculous for them to give up when faced with an obstacle unless they had no
conviction in their aims. However by considering the route they choose to start on,
16 LGBT is an abbreviated term that stands for Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transgender.
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when presented with many different paths to travel, including those with
technology, we can assess the importance of technology in the opinions of those
protestors who initially use it. In regards to the Arab Spring, and other physical
protests begun online, without the social networking communication of Facebook,
Twitter and others, the movements would never have gained enough momentum to
begin.
Online protest
Modern Western life is becoming increasingly digital, which can be evidenced
through the fact an increasing number of everyday activities are now available to
do on the internet. These include banking, shopping (including grocery shopping)
and socialising. Therefore it seems only logical that the Internet and other forms of
digital technology are becoming increasingly integral to the way people protest.
Earlier in this chapter I mentioned the concepts of online anonymity and
pseudonymity, which will now be explored in more depth. Andrew F. Wood and
Matthew J. Smith discuss the Marxist continuum of identification. With the least
identity a person can share being anonymity, the middle of the scale is various
degrees of pseudonymity and the other end of the spectrum is real-life identity (or as
close as one can get to achieving this online.) Wood and Smith explore the stages
of the identity continuum, giving arguments for when there might be legitimate
reasons for concealing ones real-life identity, and when it poses a danger to others.
“In mediated contexts, anonymity is a state of communicating where the identity of
the communicator is not readily apparent.” (Wood and Smith, 2005, p. 63) They
make several valid suggestions of when this might be appropriate, including for
whistleblowing and reporting crime to the police. As they argue in all of these
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instances the communicator‟s identity is withheld to ensure their personal security.
Anonymity can also be valuable in preventing prejudice, “knowing characteristics
like the sender‟s gender, race and social standing could lead to an unfair trial based
on a receiver‟s personal bias and stereotypes.” (Wood and Smith, p. 64). This sort of
anonymity is also a problem of social networking. Because an employer or potential
employer may choose to do some background research on a candidate using
social networking. However these sites insist on as much real-life identity as possible,
including images, gender, sexual orientation and religious beliefs. All of these are
factors that a UK employer is not allowed to consider, as it would constitute
discrimination. But it is hard for them not to be influenced and it is also makes it
easier for a rejected candidate to claim discrimination, even if this was not a factor.
This means that anonymity is a benefit in these circumstances, which is why specialist
companies have been developed to carry out background research, using social
networking, but only reporting any relevant material, such as reference to illegal
activities. This protects both the employer and the employee. In these circumstances
another tactic is to adopt a pseudonym. Indeed historically many different social
groups have adopted the trend of using a pseudonym. This was a method
employed by female Victorian writers, using male names in order to get their work
published.
However, as I counter argued before, so do Wood and Smith (p.64), “Although
anonymity can function to protect people from reprisal it can also distance them
from accountability.” This is a very real problem, and one of the central debates
surrounding online anonymity. But it is by no means the only problem with not
knowing someone‟s identity. Wood and Smith put forward the argument that there is
a certain degree of value in knowing the reputation of an individual making a
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certain remark or comment on a particular topic. This is because it could add
credibility to what they are saying. For example if a user in a chartroom asks for
advice on a medical issue, and they receive a number of anonymous responses it is
likely the user will be wary of trusting any of them, even if the advice is valid.
However if they receive a response from a medical professional, such as a doctor,
then they are more likely to trust that advice.
Pseudonymity perhaps poses more dangers than anonymity, as the user claims a
false identity. Wood and Smith discuss the harmless side of pseudonyms, making
reference to the communicative predecessor of the internet, CB radio. “Because
these messages were in the public arena, many people chose to participate in
public discussions without giving out their real name (and some security) by using
their handles instead.” (Wood and Smith, p. 65) In these instances it is a fairly
innocent pursuit, which can in fact aid discussion and protest by making participants
feel safer, whilst still identifying themselves as someone with an interest in a particular
cause. However there can also be negative consequences of using and trusting
pseudonyms, such as the Gay girl in Damascus case outlined previously in the
chapter. Although in that case no harm was sought, Mr MacMaster could have had
negative intentions to tarnish the cause of Syrian activists. It can also be dangerous,
as criminals, enemies and others wishing to harm an individual or cause could gain
access, information or trust by using a pseudonym. Therefore it is important to be
cautious online, as it is hard to know exactly the identity of any other user. This should
not be too detrimental on the whole to protest though, as it does not necessarily rely
on the exchange of personal information. Rather the success of a protest movement
rests more with all the participants having shared values and goals. So the
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continuum of identity does not have to be a negative concept. In fact Smith and
Wood (pp.66-67) argue that it has benefits for online users,
“The veneer of the Internet allows us to determine how much of an identity
we wish to front in online presentations. These images can range from a
vague silhouette to a detailed snapshot. Whatever the degree of identity
presented, however, it appears that control and empowerment are benefits
for users of these communication technologies.”
Suggesting that even the notion that they can restrict how much of their identity is
exposed makes users feel safer, and more able to engage and share in online
communities, as opposed to physical communities, where anonymity is much harder
to achieve.
As identified in Chapter 2 of this dissertation, people protest in a number of different
ways. The same is true of the internet. There are many forms of online activism, and
the type used depends largely on the issue, the group performing the protest and
their understanding of digital technology. This section will critically review the main
types of online protest.
One of the main benefits of online protest is the ability to gain global publicity.When
I use the term publicity to refer to a form of online protest; it is not intended to carry
its common commercial connotations. Rather I use the term to refer to the web‟s use
in promoting and publishing the plight of a minority or remote group. Initially this may
not seem like a form of protest as it predominately involves mostly word of mouth
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communication via the sharing of information including videos and re-tweeting17
posts on Twitter.
But online is not just about transmitting globally, it is also about engagement and
participation. Petitions are a very popular form of online activism, as users can
engage anywhere as long as they are in front of a computer. Petitions are also very
quick to do, so one can be signed whilst at home or at work. Sites like Avaaz.org and
Amnesty International and the UK Government, the latter of who have their own e-
petition website, which is intended to aid the democratic process. If any petition
receives 100,000 signatures (or more) then it must be considered for debate in
Parliament, regardless of the topic. The site was re-launched in August 2011. At this
stage no petition currently on the site had reached the qualifying number of
signatories. However, following rioting across the country a petition was created by
a member of the public to remove the welfare benefits of anyone convicted of
participating in the riots. The staggering number of signatories highlighted the extent
of public outrage at the violence and looting that had taken place over four nights.
Just like with the use of online petitions, online protest has the ability to combine
traditional forms of protest with new technologies, often resulting in them becoming
safer and more user friendly. Marches are considered a traditional form of protest,
and are commonly associated with the concept of protest. But the internet has
allowed marches to go digital, entering the online domain and becoming Cyber
Marches. It would be fair to question the benefits of performing a march online,
rather than in the traditional physical way. There are many reasons for this, including
distance and mobility. Historically some potential protestors may have been
17
To re-tweet a post of the micro-blogging site Twitter is to repost it in your own stream of posts so that users following
your account may see it (as they may not have been following the person from whom you re-tweeted the post)
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excluded as they were not able to travel to a central location for a physical march.
This could be because they simply lived too far away and did not have the time or
financial means to make the journey. It could also be for reasons of mobility. Some
prospective marchers may have a disability which prohibits them from either
travelling to, or participating in a physical march. However if you take the march
into cyber space they are able to participate, providing they have access to a
computer with an internet connection. There have been some recent examples of
online marches such as „The Big March‟, an anti-bullying march that took place in
November 2010. It visited sixty popular websites, displaying participant‟s avatars18 on
the website.
However, recent examples of online activism most prevalently include hacktivism, by
groups such as Anonymous and one of its splinter groups, LulzSec (also known as
Lulz19 Security). Both groups claim to be morally good, with their intentions being to
raise awareness of poor online security and corrupt organisations. With particular
attention put on high profile companies who hold personal information of many
individuals or misuse the trust of the general public. One of the preferred forms of
hacktivism, not only for the afore mentioned groups, is the DDoS attack. This
abbreviation stands for Distributed Denial of Service attack, although it is often
referred to merely as DDos (being pronounced „dos‟.) It involves the group
performing the attack by overwhelming a website with requests for access which
results in the site crashing and going offline. This therefore affects the ability of
18
An avatar is a visual representation of a person that is used online. It does not have to be an actual likeness
and could be symbolic, such as an object or character related to that individual.
19 Lulz is a term used in hacking and online gaming circles. It is a slang term referring to laughter. The term is often
used in the sentence, „For the lulz‟ which translates as, „For the laughs‟ or „For fun‟. It may also be used as a prefix or
suffix to a sentence, for example, „I beat you again, lulz‟ to indicate that the user is laughing at the fact they have
beaten their opponent. It is a derivative of the texting abbreviation LOL which means Laughing Out Loud.
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customers or other users in accessing the site. It can also distract technicians, who
are frantically trying to repair the website, from noticing a breach in security which
can include the placement of a virus or the removal of sensitive information.
The interpretation of „good‟ and „bad‟ is also of specific relevance to hacktivism, as
this is a matter of value based perspective. This is an issue that has been raised by
the activities of LulzSec. A number of arrests were made of alleged members of the
hacktivist group. However it was revealed that some of the information that led to
the arrests was supplied to authorities by rival hacktivists including the Jester. This
poses a dilemma as the actions of the Jester are equally as illegal as those of
LulzSec. The only difference is that the Jester allegedly hacks in favour of the
authorities, whilst LulzSec are openly opposed to the authorities, and hack in order to
highlight corruption or inadequate security provisions (so as to expose flaws that
could be compromised by those who wish harm or merely wish to steal personal
information for financial gain, something LulzSec and Anonymous claim not to do).
This could highlight a bias, by not punishing those who engage in illegal activities for
the government benefit. If an authority, such as the police, are to be trusted by the
public they must be seen to enforce the law fairly and without prejudice or bias. By
arresting those who challenge it and not those performing the same action but
assisting the authorities in arresting those who expose flaws, an authority makes itself
appear weak. It could also be argued that this strengthens the support for a
movement, by showing them as victimised by an unjust authority.
Conclusion
Online is set to become a more powerful influence in not only the way we protest
but the way we communicate in general. Certainly the explorations in this chapter
have suggested that the internet encourages discussion whilst breaking down
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traditional barriers, such as money, time and location. It also increases participation
by offering the security and protection of anonymity or pseudonymity. But by no
means is online protest yet at a stage to exist merely online. It still cannot beat the
spectacle of traditional marches and rallies, as it much easier to turn off a computer
than to close your eyes and ears. But it certainly has potential, and with future
technological development almost anything is possible. What is certain is that online
activism should continue to be a valuable assistance to traditional protest.
After the England riots in 2011, the UK Prime Mister proposed giving police forces the
ability to shut down social media websites if similar problems should arise in the
future. This is because a lot of the looters and rioters were communicating over
Facebook, Twitter and BlackBerry messenger20about where disruption would occur
and when. However these social networking tools were also fundamental in the anti-
riot movement, with people using them to communicate over the efforts to clean-up
after the riots and to disseminate images of looters for the purposes of identification.
Therefore I would argue shutting down social media during times of violence would
merely be detrimental, as it would set back any clean-up or community support
initiatives. It would not affect those the government seeks to stop as adversely as
they hope, as they would find alternative methods of communications. As I quoted
earlier, BBC reporter Anne Alexander argues, “When one channel of communication
is blocked, people try another.” Mr Cameron‟s idea of allowing police to shut down
social media in times of violence is also troubling as the exact circumstances would
need to be very carefully outlined so as not to infringe on the right to protest.
Otherwise what is simply protest could be incorrectly described as violence and
disruption in order to allow police to quash it. The 2010 student fees protest in London
20
A private messaging service that allows messages to be sent only between BlackBerry mobile phones.
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are an example of a mainly peaceful protest which did involve an element of
violence. With the potential new powers, police could shut down social media to
stop people talking about a highly important matter of political policy (which could
destroy or certainly permanently alter the higher education system in Britain). This
would be damaging to the much tattered concept of democracy left in the UK.
However from a less Marxist point of view, the ability to ban social media could be a
good thing. It could do just what it is intended to do and prevent potential
troublemakers from plotting behind the backs of the authorities. Ensuring greater
control and diminishing the potential for communities to have to suffer the trauma of
the England riots again. Of course the latter point only works as long as it is a minority
wishing to act violently. Should it become a majority then the banning of social
media is likely to promote anarchy, as participants are unable to achieve any sort of
organization.
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Chapter 5: Conclusion
This dissertation has explored protest paying specific reference to the issue of
technology. It has looked back through history, established theoretical frameworks
and analysed contemporary events in order to establish a greater understanding. I
believe that it can be concluded that technology is not essential to protest. But it
does greatly improve the impact and reach it has. Without technology there would
still be protests, as there were before modern technologies were invented. However,
as with most other areas of our lives, technology acts as an enhancement. It has also
been beneficial in creating a global dialogue between activists. This can also be
detrimental, as events that may have resolved themselves adequately, are
escalated through international involvement.
Anonymity is another issue that new technology poses in relation to protest. If people
do not feel accountable for their actions then they may not consider them as wisely
as they might have otherwise. This can also be problematic is establishing the reality
of circumstances and events, as false identities might report inaccurate facts. Of
course it is also important to highlight that anonymity is not a new problem, as
people have be concealing their identities during protest for almost as long as there
has been protest. However, the development of technology makes it increasingly
easy, meaning that more people are likely to utilise anonymity. Technology also
means that concealing ones identity does not have to be a premeditated action.
Recently UK Prime Minster, David Cameron proposed allowing police to remove
facemasks of those involved in disruptions. This is a troubling thought. Although
anonymity can cause participants to act recklessly, and may influence an increase
in violence, it is also fundamental in allowing people to feel able to participate. This
is especially relevant in a society that will prosecute protestors for expressing their
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opinions in such a way. This is not to say that violence should be condoned, it is just
to suggest that perhaps sometimes it proves effective, and it is always valuable to
protestors to have it as an option; at least for the purposes of a democracy as
people should be able to express themselves however they see fit. However, in a
democracy there should be no need to result to destructive or combative actions as
everyone should have the opportunity to express their opinions no violently and
have these views listened to by government and the public.
As I acknowledged in the introduction to this dissertation, I began with a liberal bias.
The research and construction of this essay has not changed my political or moral
views, however it has caused me to be more critical in my approach. I have also
learned to be more critical of my own opinions, so as to create stronger arguments
for them. This has in turn developed my research skills, as to effectively defend or
propose an idea, it is essential to have as much information as possible. It is also
advisable to construct the opposing argument strongly, as any counter argument is
only as valid as the one it is disproving.
Protest is a broad subject area that could be explored from many different angles.
Unfortunately due to the time and size constraints of this dissertation it was not
possible to explore as broadly as I would have liked to. Therefore I would like to take
this space to acknowledge possible future studies that could be spawned from this
piece.
Although motivations for protest were mentioned in the second chapter, it could be
of value to carry out some primary research on the topic. This would take at least
twelve months, if not more, as the time to collect data from a wide enough range of
people for a reliable outcome would take many months. Processing that volume of
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data would also not be a quick task, and would require a dedicated amount of
time to interpret the results. However, if it were possible in the future this could be an
interesting way to gather more data.
In the future another research might wish to explore more historically the timeline of
protest movements. There are movements that were touched upon in the initial
research for this dissertation that had to be disregard due to the restrictions of this
piece. Such historical movements include the Suffragette movement, which broke a
lot of new ground in the eighteenth century.
Should it be possible in the future someone might find it valuable to explore the
Suffragettes‟ movement, and perhaps explore other female based protests? This
would allow an analysis that could understand any difference between movements
led by, and about the rights of women, and either male based or unisex protests.
Another area of further research that could prove fruitful would be a comparative
study between conflict based protests and rights based protests. In order to explore
whether there is a difference between motivations, actions and outcomes with
those protests centred on war and those focused on human rights. Previously my
focus on protest movements has been on those based around wars. However in this
dissertation I was able to explore more that were about rights. This was very
interesting and from a sociological view they both have different merits and risks. My
research seems to indicate that conflict based protests are likely to obtain more
immediate coverage, as their topic is already in the public eye. So perhaps this
would be something to be followed up in the future with a fuller exploration.
Language is also something that has always been of interest to me and has great
potential as a study in relation to protest coverage. Often the terminology used to
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describe protest can create bias, as terms may have negative implications. This is
something that can be highly influential, especially if the protest is anti-government
as they so often are. The simple use of language can turn people against a
movement, even if it is something they believe in themselves. This was not an area
was explored in this dissertation but certainly raises options for future research.
The areas of possible future study that have been highlighted above might not be
followed up by myself, but perhaps by other researchers, as they have sociological
value. The areas highlighted could be turned into individual studies, a book or even
mini essays to topics such as; women in protest, conflict protests, rights protests and
protest coverage. There is certainly a wealth of material in existence already to
support such a study. With the continuing developments of current events it seems
that more material will be created and there will be a demand for
contemporaneous analysis.
“The future influences the present just as much as the past.” (Friedrich Nietzsche)
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Appendix 1
Fig 1- „Elizabeth Eckford: Little Rock Nine‟, 4 September, 1957. Taken by Will Counts.
Fig 2 – „Kent State Massacre‟, 4 May, 1970. Taken by John Filo.
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Fig 3 – „Napalm Girl‟, 8 June, 1972. Taken by Nick Ut.
Fig 4 – „Burning Monk‟, 11 June, 1963. Taken by Malcolm Browne.
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Fig 5.1 – „Tank Man‟, 5 June, 1989. Taken by Jeff Widener.
Fig 5.2 – „Tank Man‟, 4 June, 1989. Taken by Arthur Tsang Hin Wah.
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Fig 6 – „Nguyễn Ngọc Loan executing Nguyễn Văn Lém‟, 1 February, 1968. Taken by
Eddie Adams.
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