The View from the Bridge
(a kind of blog)
Robin Ramsay
Big stuff or disinformation?
The most interesting and important collection of new
information that I have seen this year is at <http://www.
jancom.org/>. The jancom bit of the URL refers to the Justice
for Asil Nadir Committee and there is pretty convincing
evidence there that he got screwed. But I was most struck by
a document which claims to be pages from a CIA analysis of
the so-called Supergun affair – that bizarre project to build for
Iraq a ‘gun’ with a 750 kilometre range, which ended with the
murder of the ‘gun’s’ designer, Gerald Bull. A declassified but
redacted version of this report is on the Web.1 At jancom.org
is what is said to be three pages of the redacted material from
that report. And this is explosive stuff. In recounting the US-UK
(but apparently mostly UK in this account) covert operations to
arm Iraq and the subsequent events, it describes four
assassinations – Bull, journalist Jonathan Moyle, Belgian
politician André Cools, and one Lionel Jones2 – commissioned
by the late Stephan Kock, allegedly of MI6, and carried out by
British (SAS) personnel.3 This was followed by a vast judicial-
state conspiracy to cover it up.
But is the document genuine? We will probably never
know: the CIA certainly won’t confirm it. My guess is that it
isn’t, that it is disinformation; that someone spotted the
redacted section in the original report and realised they could
1 At <http://www.foia.cia.gov/sites/default/files/document_
conversions/ 89801/DOC_0001469609.pdf>
2 His death is discussed by journalist David Hellier at
<https://deeppoliticsforum.com/forums/showthread.php?3063-
Stephan-Adolphus-Koch>. Hellier’s account there of researching some
of this conveys a sense of the anxiety it generated.
3 They are named in the document but I have no idea if the IDs are
correct and won’t publish the names here.
use it.
This is what makes me doubt it.
* Would a CIA report name UK assassins? How would the CIA
know who had done the killings?
* The jancom sites says ‘All the expert evidence indicates that
the CIA report is genuine. It matches the highly redacted copy
released under the US Freedom of Information Act. (FOIA)’.
But the front covers of the two documents, the official
declassified version on the Web (see note 1) and the version
offered by the jancom site are different. And even if they were
identical, things can be copied.
* In the opening paragraph the author – purportedly a CIA
officer of some stripe, writing for other CIA officers – refers to
the ‘Secret Intelligence Service (MI6)’. Would s/he need to put
MI6 in brackets for a CIA audience?
* Brian Crozier is described as a ‘UK Security Service (MI5)
agent’. Not according to Crozier’s memoir, Free Agent, he
wasn’t; and Crozier wasn’t shy about boasting of his
connections to the intelligence world.
On the Web4 is a 2012 account of these pages, in an
English-language Turkish paper, which says the document was
then in the hands of ‘an experienced intelligence expert
[presumably Turkish], who spoke to Cumhuriyet and did not
deny the fact that he/she had worked closely with the CIA for
20 years.’
So: in so far as we can trace the document’s origins at
this stage, it goes back to someone in Turkish intelligence. Asil
Nadir was a Turkish-Cypriot.
But read it for yourself. Some of it will be familiar if you
have read Gerald James’ 1995 In The Public Interest, and
James is quoted on the site. Andrew Rosthorn has pointed out
that some of it appeared in ‘Thatcher, Astra, Iraq & murder of
Gerald Bull’ in Intelligence 81, 8 June 1998, p. 1.
Bilderberg comes to Watford
Watford? Strange choice of venue: close enough to London to
4 <http://en.cumhuriyet.com/?hn=312960>
invite the demonstrators and the major media to turn up.
Peter Mandelson – now a senior adviser to the bank Lazard;
long way from Hartlepool, Peter! – said the abuse he received
passing the demo was ‘terrible’. He should get out more. So
hats off to those – in the UK notably Tony Gosling
(Bilderberg.org) – who have been working for years to expose
the Bilderbergers.
Two recent events have encouraged Gosling in his belief
that Bilderberg is some kind of central committee of
globalisation. The first was reports in Italy about a book by
Honorary President of the Supreme Court of Italy, Judge
Ferdinando Imposimato. He was quoted thus:
‘In this document, which I have quoted literally, it is
mentioned that the Bilderberg Group is one of the
biggest promoters of the strategy of tension, and
therefore also behind the massacres. Here’s what
Bilderberg does: It rules the world and democracies in
an invisible way, influencing the democratic development
of these countries.’
The document, though not yet available in English, was
written in 1967 by an Italian magistrate, Emilio Alessandrini,
who was later murdered while investigating the Calvi affair.
But since the ‘strategy of tension’ did not occur until the
1970s, whatever Alessandrini wrote in 1967 can hardly show
that Bilderberg was ‘one of the biggest promoters of the
strategy of tension’.
The second event encouraging Gosling was information
he received from HM Treasury when it refused his FOI request
for material the Treasury holds on Bilderberg. The Treasury
stated:
‘Some of the information in the readout from the
Chancellor’s discussions also contains elements which
are intended to inform future Government policy.......’
And in response to Gosling’s appeal against the refusal, the
Information Commissioner:
‘.....has recognized that policy development needs a
degree of freedom to enable the process to work
effectively, and that there is public interest in protecting
information where release would be likely to have a
detrimental impact on the ongoing formulation of policy.’
Gosling comments: ‘Hold on a second. Doesn’t the Bilderberg
official website (www.bilderbergmeetings.org) state: ‘…no
detailed agenda, no resolutions are proposed, no votes are
taken, and no policy statements are issued’?
Gosling has interpreted the references to ‘future
Government policy’ and ‘policy development’ as an admission
that Bilderberg makes policy, when it is UK government policy-
making which the Treasury official is invoking to refuse the
information.
The NSA/GCHQ flap
Welcome though all the information was, I found it hard to get
excited about it, mainly because we know in advance that
there is zero chance of the politicians on either side of the
Atlantic actually doing something about it. Personally, I have
assumed for about twenty-five years that all electronic
communications are, in effect, public.
There were, however, two interesting little snippets in
Foreign Secretary William Hague’s speech to the House of
Commons. He didn’t actually deny the central allegations: he
said they were ‘baseless’, which, to the legal mind – and
clever lawyers will have been over his text – is not the same
thing as ‘false’. It was a classic non-denial denial. Secondly,
he said, ‘There is no danger of a deep state out of control in
some way.’ Which must be the first time a British minister has
used the expression ‘deep state’ in the House of Commons.
War is peace
Douglas Valentine5 e-mailed a long list of quotations from
some of America’s senior spooks, generals, diplomats and
policy-makers, all pointing out that the US policy of
assassination by drones from the air and on the ground by
secret military operations, was strengthening not weakening
5 <www.douglasvalentine.com>
its Jihadist opponents in Pakistan, Yemen, Afghanistan and
Somalia. His final rhetorical question was this:
‘Consider in particular the final statement: “A decade of
disastrous US policy, which had strengthened the very
threat it was intended to crush.” And ask, is that really
so? Is it really intended to crush it?’
The answer, obviously, is ‘No, it isn’t.’ William Blum put this as
succinctly as I could in a piece of his, ‘Another Peace Scare’:
‘We have to keep this in mind – America, like Israel,
cherishes its enemies. Without enemies, the United
States appears to be a nation without moral purpose
and direction. The various managers of the National
Security State need enemies to protect their jobs, to
justify their swollen budgets, to aggrandize their work,
to give themselves a mission, to send truckloads of
taxpayer money to the corporations for whom the
managers will go to work after leaving government
service.’ 6
Surprised?
Peter Doggett’s There’s A Riot Going On: revolutionaries, rock
stars and the rise and fall of ‘60s counter-culture (Edinburgh:
Cannongate, 2007/8) recounts how the Black Panthers
received their first guns from a student radical, Richard Aoki. A
few days after reading that I noticed in a review of Seth
Rosenfeld’s Subversives: The FBI’s War on Student Radicals, and
Reagan’s Rise to Power7 that Aoki had been working for the FBI
at the time. What would the American left have looked like
without the federal government’s involvement?
Brain waves
Three significant pieces warning us about the dangers of
electromagnetic radiation emitted by mobile phones, their
towers and wi-fi systems. ‘What the Cellphone Industry
6 <http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article18879.htm>
7 <www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2013/may/23/berkeley-what-
we-didnt-know/?pagination=false>
Doesn’t Want You to Know About Radiation Concerns: A
leading expert on health effects from cellphone radiation goes
to battle against a multi-trillion-dollar industry’,8 is an
interview with Dr. Devra Davis,9 and contains some fascinating
and alarming material about the cellphone industry’s campaign
to, as they put it in a memo, ‘game the science’. And they
have a budget of $250 million with which to do it. (If there was
no problem, they wouldn’t need the budget, would they?) As
well as describing the science, Davis talks about the fate of
various scientists who dared to question the mobile phone
industry’s assurances about the safety of its products. In an
earlier article Davis goes into more detail about the science.10
The third piece is Marko Markov and Yuri G. Grigoriev, ‘Wi-Fi
technology – an uncontrolled global experiment on the health
of mankind’, 11 whose content you can infer from the title.
Plus ça change?
Looking at Lobster’s website recently it struck me how far from
the original conception of Lobster it has travelled. Yes, some
themes remain from the early years: the interest in the elites,
conspiracy theories and JFK’s assassination. But what has
diminished enormously is the attention paid to the intelligence
and security services; and what is relatively recent is the
coverage of political economy.
I have stopped reporting much on the spooks simply
because it no longer interests me greatly (and, apart from
Corinne Souza, no-one else has offered me any material on
the subject). When this venture began in 1983 there was
hardly any reporting on the British secret state and it seemed
worthwhile to collect what fragments we could. Three things
have changed. There are now mountains of information in the
major media; there is no point in pushing this material at the
Labour Party in the hope of getting political action because
8 <www.alternet.org/personal-health/radiation-concerns-about-
cellphones?page=0%2C0>
9 <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Devra_Davis>
10 <www.huffingtonpost.com/devra-davis-phd/cell-phones-brain-
cancer_b_3232534.html>
11 <http://www.viewdocsonline.com/document/6kn1ey>
they will do nothing;12 and the secret state no longer seems
as important as it did in the 1980s.
As for the recent interest in political economy, I was
always interested in this but before 2008 didn’t feel it
appropriate to use Lobster for it.13 But with the big crash my
perception changed. The Labour left’s critique in the early
1980s of the malign influence on the British economy of the
City, with which I agreed, suddenly became extremely relevant
and I was glad that I still had, inter alia, my copy of the Labour
Party’s 1982 publication, The City: A Socialist Approach.14
And so, on with the political economy.
What do Osborne and Cameron think they are
doing?
When Cameron and Osborne took office I used to speculate
with a couple of correspondents about what they thought
they were doing. It was obvious that they had one eye on the
first Thatcher government which raised interest rates (and so
reduced demand in the economy) in 1981 while in a recession
of their own making. This was the incident which provoked the
letter signed by 364 economists, who wrote, inter alia:
‘There is no basis in economic theory or supporting
evidence for the Government’s belief that by deflating
demand they will bring inflation permanently under
control and thereby induce an automatic recovery in
output and employment … [P]resent politics will deepen
the depression, erode the industrial base of our
economy and threaten its social and political stability.’
It doesn’t take a whole lot of knowledge to recognise that the
12 In 1989 or 1990 a resolution of mine on making the intelligence
and security services accountable went to the Labour Party conference
and was passed without opposition. Formally, the absence of
opposition meant that my resolution automatically became Labour
Party policy. It has never been mentioned since.
13 It was present in my book Prawn Cocktail Party and booklet The Rise
of New Labour.
14 The key article for me had been Frank Longstreth, ‘The City,
Industry and the State’ in Colin Crouch (ed.) State and Economy in
Contemporary Capitalism (London: Croom Helm, 1979)
economists were right. Yes, inflation fell from a monthly
average of 12% in 1981 to a monthly low of 3.7% in May
1983.15 But any fool can bring down inflation by causing mass
unemployment. The free marketeers who are impressed by
this fall in inflation ignore the fact that it rose again in the later
1980s and was averaging about 8% in 1989; and they ignore
the fact that the Thatcher government’s economic policies did
precisely ‘erode the industrial base of our economy and
threaten its social and political stability’.
Osborne and Cameron had also been much impressed
by the experience of Canada where large cuts in state
expenditure had been followed by economic revival. In 2010
The Telegraph ran a report, ‘Coalition government: the
Canadian cuts model that the Tories wish to emulate’ on the
Canadian government’s experience in the early 1990s of
cutting state spending by 20% more or less across the board
in response to a large state deficit.16
In his Mais Lecture in 2010 Osborne referred to Canada -
and also to the experience of Sweden and said:
‘As Goran Persson, the Social Democrat Prime Minister of
Sweden who eliminated a huge budget deficit following a
financial crisis and a deep recession in the early 1990s,
used to say, “a country in debt is not free”.’
He also gave prominence to the research by Rogoff and
Reinhart and said of them:
‘The[ir] latest research suggests that once debt reaches
more than about 90% of GDP the risks of a large
negative impact on long term growth become highly
significant.’
So in 2010 Osborne and Cameron believed the Rogoff and
Reinhart research was true; and that Sweden and Canada in
the 1990s showed that large scale government cuts were
followed by economic growth in the wider economy. So no
15 Inflation figures from < http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/
datablog/2009/mar/09/inflation-economics >
16 <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/northamerica/
canada/7807047/Coalition-government-the-Canadian-cuts-model-
that-the-Tories-wish-to-emulate.html>
wonder they are in deep shit! First, Rogoff and Reinhart’s
conclusions have been shown to be false, based on errors by
the authors.17 (And are, in any case, refuted by the
experience of – for example – the UK economy after WW2,
which, with debts of over 200% of GDP at war’s end,
experienced low inflation and decent economic growth for the
next 25 years.) And second, the Swedish and Canadian
economies in the 1990s were not in a global recession and
thus their experience then is not relevant now.18 What no-
one on the austerity side of the argument has offered is an
example of an economy growing after large public sector cuts
while in a global recession.
Citythink
I like many of Simon Jenkins’ columns in the Guardian and
often agree with him. On 7 May 2013, he wrote this:
‘Meanwhile, Britain’s one world-class industry, financial
services, is in the sights of every jealous EU regulator.’ 19
Is the City the UK’s only ‘world-class industry’? No, it’s not.
And even if it was, at what cost to the rest of the British
economy did it achieve this prominence? This is the bit of the
story the City’s boosters never think about.20 One of those is
Dan McCurry, author of ‘The case for the City’ in Labour
Uncut.21 McCurry wrote:
‘The towers that I see when I look from my kitchen
17 See Paul Krugman on the failure of austerity < http://www.
nybooks.com/articles/archives/2013/jun/06/how-case-austerity-has-
crumbled/?pagination=false> and <www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/
johncassidy/2013/05/austerity-an-irreverent-and-timely-history.html>.
18 The free marketeer Centre for Policy Studies published a pamphlet
in January 2012, How to Cut Government Spending: lessons from Canada
and even they noted that ‘Canada’s economic crisis happened when
the gobal economy was reasonably healthy.’ <http://www.cps.org.uk/
files/reports/original/120111114741-2012Howtocutgovernment
spending.pdf>
19 <http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/may/07/david-
cameron-eu-referendum-now>
20 For a short introduction to this see Longstreth in note 14 above.
21 <http://labour-uncut.co.uk/2013/05/15/the-case-for-the-
city/#more-16374>
windows contain the industry that pays for our schools
and hospitals. We should appreciate that industry not
run it down. If we are to have an industrial policy then it
should include financial services.....
Although we do need to create space for other
sectors to flourish, it doesn’t follow that we have to
destroy finance in order to achieve that......’
Two obvious points: first, no-one is talking about ‘destroying
finance’. Regulating it, yes; reducing its influence, yes.
Second, while it is true that being highly paid the financial
sector contributed significantly to the state’s tax income, at its
peak that contribution was only 12%; and some of that,
perhaps half, is the domestic financial sector, located on
Britain’s high streets, not in the gleaming towers of Canary
Wharf. That 12% didn’t ‘pay for our schools and hospitals’: it
paid for some of them. And some of those paying that 12%
also organised the tax evasion and avoidance of the global
companies trading here which, I would guess, was significantly
more than they paid in taxes.
Eurobollocks?
For Simon Jenkins, ‘financial services, is in the sights of every
jealous EU regulator.’ Whatever the motivation of the EU’s
regulators, it is clear that as the present UK government and
any foreseeable future UK government is not going to get to
grips with the City and its global gambling, the best bet for
nailing the banksters’ feet to the floor lies with the EU. Which
creates a curious dilemma for me. I think the EU is absurd, a
menace in many ways, and I would vote for UK withdrawal –
were it not for the fact that the threat posed by the banksters
is greater than that posed by the Eurocrats’ delusory dreams.
So, come on, Brussels! Bring on the regulations!
It is perhaps not a coincidence that opposition to EU
membership in this country appears to be rising in step with
the threat to the City’s independence.
Let me recommend Neil Barofsky’s Bailout: How
Washington Abandoned Main Street While Rescuing Wall Street
(London: Simon and Shuster/Free Press, 2012). Barofsky was
a prosecutor who was recruited to oversee the financial bail-
out in the TARP funds; and, as the subtitle suggests,
discovered that while it was sold to Congress as a means of
preventing mass defaulting on domestic mortgages, it was
mostly grabbed by the banks. This is an entertaining and
illuminating ‘outsider-joins-Washington’ tale. Barofsky, on the
inside, shows the reader that it was just as bad as it looked
from the outside.
Two pieces of mine, on politicians’ ignorance of
economics and Labour’s capitulation to the City of London –
largely recycled from material in recent Lobsters – are at
<http://taxjustice.blogspot.co.uk/2013/05/tax-justice-focus-
volume-8-number-1.html> and <http://www.newleftproject.
org/index.php/site/article_comments/how_labour_embraced_
the_city>.
Clean hands?
When Lobster began, back in the early 1980s, co-founder
Steve Dorril and I we spent a lot of time collecting little
snippets of information, especially about the intelligence and
security services (little snippets was all there was then). One
such snippet has appeared in a letter to the London Review of
Books. In a response to a review by Bernard Porter of Calder
Walton’s Empire of Secrets: British Intelligence, the Cold War and
the Twilight of Empire 22 David Lea, former TUC official, now in
the House of Lords, wrote in the next issue:
‘Referring to the controversy surrounding the death of
Patrice Lumumba in 1960, Bernard Porter quotes Calder
Walton’s conclusion: “The question remains whether
British plots to assassinate Lumumba … ever amounted
to anything. At present, we do not know” (LRB, 21
March). Actually, in this particular case, I can report that
we do. It so happens that I was having a cup of tea with
Daphne Park – we were colleagues from opposite sides
of the Lords – a few months before she died in March
2010. She had been consul and first secretary in
Leopoldville, now Kinshasa, from 1959 to 1961, which in
22 Vol. 35, No. 6, 21 March 2013.
practice (this was subsequently acknowledged) meant
head of MI6 there. I mentioned the uproar surrounding
Lumumba’s abduction and murder, and recalled the
theory that MI6 might have had something to do with it.
“We did,” she replied, “I organised it.”’
The sources on my shelves and on the Net do not stand this
up. Nonetheless, it is a noteworthy comment because if there
has been a single theme running through commentary from
MI6 and its media assets in the past 30 years it is that MI6
does not do assassination. Now, apparently, it is OK to boast
that it certainly used to do so.
DiEugenio on Parry
Jim DiEugenio took slight umbrage at my review of his book on
the Kennedy assassination in this issue. In that review I said
that he was very good indeed; and if further evidence is
needed to support that claim, it is supplied by his long review
essay on Robert Parry’s new book, America’s Stolen
Narrative.23 Parry’s book looks important. I will review it
further down the road.
Pass the tinfoil
In 1989 I met Harlan Girard who gave me a pile of
photocopied articles, among which were accounts of the
dangers of electromagnetic radiation (EMR). He also told me a
strange story about being monitored and directed by the CIA
using microwaves. I now have an entire filing cabinet drawer
of material on these subjects, which we might loosely call EMR
and its uses. Which explains why I still do not have a mobile
phone. (I should put an EMR-emitting device next to my
brain?) The evidence is pretty clear that they are bad for us.
But I do have a router. When I had a techie round to
install a second Internet connection for my partner, I was
talking about putting in a second landline to avoid the EMR
from a router. My techie showed me that I was already in the
23 <http://consortiumnews.com/2013/03/30/dieugenio-on-parrys-
new-book/>
EMR fields of four of my immediate neighbours’ computers. In
an urban environment it is impossible to avoid this stuff. So I
went for a router. And the slow demise of the public landline
system means that I will have to get a mobile phone any
minute now.
Happily I am not electrosensitive and do not have to go
to the lengths of some of those described in Nicholas Blincoe’s
sympathetic account of electrosensitives and the hazards of
EMR in the Guardian Weekend at the end of March.24
Killing Olof Palme
At <www.oledammegard.com/StatskuppISlowmotion.pdf> you
can download a 1000 plus PDF pages on the assassination of
Olof Palme. I have only lightly skimmed through this so far and
as far as I can see there is a lot of interesting information here
– for example about the Swedish Masons – as well as a lot of
speculation. His analysis of the shooting and its immediate
aftermath is hard to follow and it made me realise how difficult
the JFK assassination material must be for those coming to it
for the first time.
Another Met spook outed
Mark Metcalf has written an interesting piece on his
identification of the Metropolitan Police agent who infiltrated
the Colin Roach Centre (CRC) in Hackney when Metcalf was
working there.25 This is of particular significance to Lobster
because this agent, Mark Jenner of the Met’s Special
Demonstration Squad, was there while the CRC was helping
Malcolm Kennedy, who was framed for murder by members of
the Met, about whose case Jane Affleck has written at length
24 <http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2013/mar/29/
electrosensitivity-is-technology-killing-us> A recent interesting and
intelligible account of the physiology of electrosensitivity is at
<http://www.electrosmogprevention.org/public-health-alert/wifi-
dangers/wifi-emfs-electrosensitivity-es-ehs-physiologically-explained-
at-last/>.
25 <http://www.bigissueinthenorth.com/2013/03/there-is-no-way-of-
knowing-how-much-damage-jenner-caused/7622>
in these columns.26
Undermining Chavez
In issue 115 of his Anti-Empire Report, William Blum has a
detailed account, from official documentation published by
Wikileaks, of one of the American campaigns to destabilise the
regime of the late Hugo Chavez.27 When Chavez died there
was a deal of discussion of the proposition that maybe the US
had induced Chavez’s cancer. Much derision was pored on the
idea. Of course it is possible, not using chemicals or drugs,
which were discussed, but electromagnetic radiation (EMR).
(Was anyone monitoring EMR around Chavez?) The US
embassy in Moscow was irradiated in the 1960s by the Soviet
regime, resulting in the death of at least one member of the
staff, and kicking-off the US military’s intensive study of the
military applications of EMR.28
Stoned again
The new 12 part revisionist history of America by Oliver Stone
and Peter Kuznik is being broadcast in the UK by Murdoch’s
Sky Atlantic – a further demonstration (if one were needed)
that Murdoch generally puts profit before ideology. The New
York Review of Books got the Princeton historian Sean Wilentz
to review it and he devoted almost all of his three page review
to the Stone-Kuznik account of why vice president Henry
Wallace was dumped by Roosevelt during WW2 – obviously
the most important part of the series, right? For what it’s
worth, I think Wilentz makes a pretty good case against
Stone-Kuznik on this issue, but that hardly matters. The irony
(to which he and his editors are oblivious) is that Wilentz
accuses Stone-Kuznik of ‘cherry-picking’ ........29 26 In issues 39, 41 and 51, for example. An introduction to the
Kennedy case is at <www.red-star-research.org.uk/>.
27 <www.killinghope.org/bblum6/aer115.html>
28 See <http://www.emfacts.com/2012/06/john-goldsmith-on-
scientific-misconduct-and-the-lilienfeld-study-an-oldie-but-still-
relevant-today/>.
29 <http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2013/feb/21/oliver-
stone-cherry-picking-our-history/?pagination=false>
Inside Wall St
Nick Chirls was a young Yale graduate who, like 40% of his
Yale year (his figure), went into finance. He joined Lehman
Brothers just before the crash – and hated it. Chirls has
written a very interesting, short account of life at Lehman
Brothers before it went down the pan.30 It contains a number
of quotable sections. Here’s the most striking.
‘Unfortunately, what I eventually came to learn, and this
took time, was that what was really happening was a
simple transfer of wealth, more often than not from the
less intelligent and informed to the more so. I worked in
a highly opaque market. There was no price ticker
scrolling across our screens telling us what these bonds
and derivatives we traded were worth. In fact, no one
really knew what any of this stuff was worth. Which, it
turns out, is a trader’s field day. What this meant, in its
simplest form, is that these traders (or salespeople)
could buy bonds at the “market” price from intelligent
hedge fund managers in NYC and sell this same crap at
much higher levels to unsophisticated (but legally
considered “sophisticated”) pension funds and insurance
companies in middle America. What I discovered, quite
starkly, is that the part of Wall Street that I worked in
was simply transferring wealth from the less
sophisticated investors, often teachers’ pension funds
and factory workers’ retirement accounts, to the more
sophisticated investors that call themselves proprietary
trading desks and hedge funds. Of course, the traders
had all sorts of excuses and jargon to deal with this
truth. “Oh no,” they would say, “We are important
providers of liquidity that create stable financial markets.
We’re a crucial part of a system. And besides, if we don’t
do it, someone else will.” These are the lies that people
tell themselves so that they can buy larger homes.’
Iraq invasion: tenth anniversary30 <http://nickchirls.com/my-time-at-lehman>
Monday 18 March was quite a day for those of us against the
invasion of Iraq. On the BBC News Website, Peter Taylor
conveyed the central gist of his programme later that night on
Panorama about the intelligence failures which led the
leadership of the US and UK to believe – or pretend to believe
– that the Iraq regime had WMDs. Essentially: US politicians
chose to believe fabricators and ignored intelligence which
said there were no WMDs. In the case of the Americans, this is
hardly surprising: they were bent on the invasion and nothing
short of Saddam Hussein’s dismantling of his regime – and
maybe not even that – would have prevented the assault.
Apparently unable just to say publicly that ‘We have to to
support the Americans’, it was Tony Blair who needed to
persuade himself that the cause was justified by the
‘intelligence’ on WMDs.
The 18th also saw striking quotations in an article in the
Guardian31 from the heads of British armed forces at the time,
condemning the invasion as incompetent, ill-thought out etc.
Good to read, chaps, but I remember that nobody said
anything when it might have mattered. And nobody resigned.
Careers apparently come before the national interest – and
the interests of the armed forces.
Also reflecting on Iraq ten years on was erstwhile MI6
officer and now Conservative MP Rory Stewart, who took part
in the invasion/occupation. Stewart concluded:
‘The question for Britain is what aspect of our culture,
our government, and our national psychology, allowed
us to get mired in such catastrophe? Everyone –
including Cumbrians – should try to understand what
happened. We need to reform the army, the Foreign
Office, our intelligence agency, and the way parliament
debates war, to make us more knowledgeable, more
prudent, and more willing to speak truth to power. We
must expose not only the politicians but also the
generals and civil servants who failed to challenge the
31 Richard Norton-Taylor, ‘Iraq war planning wholly irresponsible, say
senior UK military figures’, <www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/17/
iraq-war-planning-wholly-irresponsible>.
system, emphasise the disaster, or press hard enough
for withdrawal. We must recognise how easily we
exaggerate our fears (‘terrorism’ and ‘weapons of mass
destruction’) and how easily we hypnotise ourselves
with theories (‘state-building’ and ‘counter-insurgency’).
We must acknowledge the limits of our knowledge,
power, and legitimacy.’32
Cold War origins
In the previous issue of Lobster I referred to the US ‘faking’
the Cold War. That was glib and overstated. The US pursuit of
armed confrontation with the Soviet Union arose from the
interaction of several factors in a very complicated period in
world history.
The first was the plans of America’s ruling elite. Shoup
and Minter’s study of US wartime planning for the post-WW2
world,33 shows that the dominant role in that planning was
played by the Council on Foreign Relations, the CFR of a
thousand conspiracy theories. Those plans were that, led by
the East Coast internationalist elite – bankers and their banks’
lawyers for the most part – America would dominate much of
the world when WW2 ended and open it up to American
capital. Parallel to this the US government would lend dollars
to the world – especially war-ravaged Europe – with which
those countries could buy American goods. One of the key
figures in the process wrote in 1942 that the problem for the
US economy was:
‘how to create purchasing power outside of our country
which could be converted into domestic purchasing
power through exportation. In practical terms, this
matter comes down to the problem of devising
appropriate institutions to perform after the war the
function that Lend-Lease is now performing.’ 34
The CFR people thought this could be achieved by economic
32 <www.rorystewart.co.uk/looking-back-on-iraq/>
33 Laurence H. Shoup and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust (New
York: Monthly Review Press, 1977)
34 Shoup and Minter p. 165.
muscle but underestimated the resistance the US would meet
from other nation states (who recognised American
imperialism when they saw it) and the resistance their faction
would meet within domestic politics. Although the isolationists
had been defeated during the early years of the war,
isolationist sentiment had not been extinguished; the mass
demobilisation of US forces at war’s end supplied millions of
men and women who had no sympathy for continued foreign
adventures; and there was a considerable body of fiscal
conservatives in Congress who wanted to see the state
shrunk back to its pre-war size.
The second factor was the fear of a return to pre-war
economic depression which was felt by everyone.
The third factor was pork barrel politics: by war’s end
there were many members of congress with military plant and
bases or military-linked manufacturing in their districts, who
made common cause with local business in seeking to
maintain spending (and thus employment) in their areas. We
might say that the war economy had created the military-
industrial complex and it was keen to ensure its survival. For
example, during the war the US aircraft industry had been
transformed by the production of 300,000 military aircraft. At
war’s end most of those orders stopped. Lockheed’s
President, Robert Goss, was testifying before Congress a
couple of months after the war finished that the aircraft
industry had answered the nation’s call during the war and it
now needed the state to provide it with new orders.35 A
couple of years later the aircraft industry persuaded President
Truman to create a commission to look at the problem. Which
commission, after taking testimony from the aircraft industry
and the US Air Force, duly recommended increased military
spending to prepare the US for the next world war.36
All these interests needed a new ‘threat’ to continue
with military spending; and all found it congenial to interpret
35 William D Hartung, Prophets of War: Lockheed Martin and the making
of the military-industrial complex (New York: Nation Books, 2011) pp.
36 See Hartung (note 35) pp. 55/6. On the commission’s chief,
Thomas Finletter, see
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_K._Finletter>.
Soviet diplomatic behaviour after the war as threatening.37 A
crusade against communism could be sold more easily than
reshaping the world to benefit American capital. It was a
familiar theme: at the end of the first World War the US had a
domestic crusade against communism. Happily for all
concerned, the US had a president, Harry Truman, who, as
vice president had been excluded from the major war decision-
making, and was a believer in the threat posed by
international communism.
The crusade against the communist threat was
irresistible and those who opposed it were ignored or crushed
as com-symps, fellow-travellers, naifs. George Kennan, deputy
head of the U.S. mission in Moscow until April 1946, the author
of the famous ‘long telegram’ from Moscow, had the galling
experience of seeing his advice about ‘containing’ the Soviet
Union by political and economic means, presented as advocacy
of military confrontation. And so the Cold War began, driven by
the domestic economic needs of America.
Wag the dog 2
The basic mechanism of the American military-industrial
complex is simple: find or create a threat then provide a
defence against it. In the 1997 film satire Wag the Dog, a
‘threat’ from Albania is created. In the satire-proof America of
2013 the threat is North Korea. The Washington Post reported
on 15 March:
‘The Pentagon announced Friday that it would
strengthen the country’s defenses against a possible
attack by nuclear-equipped North Korea, fielding
additional missile systems to protect the West Coast at
a time of growing concern about the Stalinist regime.’ 38
Even though North Korea does not have a missile which can
37 A recent interpretation of Soviet post-war behaviour as not
threatening, and the Cold War as essentially bogus, is Andrew
Alexander, America and the imperialism of ignorance (London: Biteback,
2011). Alexander is a columnist for the Daily Mail.
38 <www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/us-to-
strengthen-missile-defense-system-on-west-
coast/2013/03/15/c5b70170-8d9a-11e2->
reach America, or a warhead to mount on it, it is a ‘threat’
nonetheless. Or, a more accurately, a potential threat. The
article reported Under-secretary of Defense James Miller as
saying:
‘Our policy is to stay ahead of the threat — and to
continue to ensure that we are ahead of any potential
future Iranian or North Korean ICBM capability.’
Tam and Cav
There is a very interesting obituary by Tam Dalyell of Anthony
Cavendish, the MI6 officer turned banker, friend of MI6 chief
Maurice Oldfield.39 Dalyell reports in his usual guileless fashion
that he and Cavendish were chums and Cavendish would give
him material with which to ask parliamentary questions. He
also tells us that Cavendish, though formally not with MI6 in
the last 40 years, informally was. Would it be overstating it to
say that Cavendish was running Dalyell? I’ll bet Cavendish
saw it that way.
‘The question is,’ said Alice, ‘whether you can make
words mean so many different things.’
Mickey Huff, Andy Lee Roth and Project Censored’s Censored
2013: dispatches from the media revolution (New York: Seven
Stories, 2012) contains an anthology of stories the American
major media ‘censored’ in 2011/12. Except, not really: the
stories written about here have all been reported by the
American media somewhere. The book should have been
called Neglected 2013, or Underreported 2013. But ‘neglected’
and ‘underreported’ don’t quite have the drama of ‘censored’,
do they? No matter: our editors have found a way round this:
they have changed the meaning of censored. They are using a
39 <www.independent.co.uk/news/obituaries/anthony-cavendish-
intrepid-intelligence-officer-who-fought-terrorism-in-the-middle-east-
8531488.html> I met Dalyell a couple of times. At our first meeting,
in the House of Commons, I think, Dalyell put his hand in his jacket
pocket and took out some rather tired-looking lettuce and offered it to
me. As you do.... Politely, I hope, I declined.
‘broader definition of censorship’:
‘...censorship includes stories that were never
published, but also those that get such restricted
distribution that few in the public are likely to know
about them. In sum, censorship [is].....anything that
interferes with the free flow of information in a society
that purports to have a free press system.’ (p. 30)
This strikes me as nonsense. We know what censored means:
it means suppressed, deliberately spiked (these days,
deleted). You can’t seriously claim that ‘censorship
[is].....anything that interferes with the free flow of information
in a society’, if only because it is impossible to define ‘the free
flow of information in a society’.
However it is not the first time those on the left have
tried to modify the term ‘censored’ for their own ends. This
item below appeared in ‘View from the Bridge’ in Lobster 36.
Lost plot
After Lobster 35 I received a long letter from John Pilger,
followed by a revised version of it, complaining about my
review of his recent book, Hidden Agendas in 35. With
the second version came a note asking me to publish his
letter without comment. I replied that I was happy to
publish his 1500 word letter but not without comment.
Back came the reply that my review ‘was not merely
mean-minded in the extreme, it was a gross
misrepresentation, and with an agenda’ (I confess that I
am still in the dark about this ‘agenda’); that by refusing
to publish his letter without comment ‘I was imposing a
form of censorship’; and I was now forbidden to publish
his letter.
By agreeing to publish his letter uncut I am
censoring him?
Action this day (not)
Boy, the headline was sexy: ‘Tax avoidance firms will be
banned from major government contracts’. Danny Alexander,
chief secretary to the Treasury, described the changes as
‘another significant tool which will provide a framework to
enable government departments to say no to firms bidding for
government contracts where they have been involved in failed
tax avoidance’. 40
Was something serious actually being done by the
coalition? Alas, no. The next day Professor Prem Sikka
noted:41
‘The proposed policy only applies to bidders for central
government contracts. Thus tax avoiders can continue to
make profits from local government, government
agencies and other government-funded organisations –
including universities, hospitals, schools and public
bodies. Banks, railway companies, gas, electricity, water,
steel, biotechnology, motor vehicle and arms companies
receive taxpayer-funded loans, guarantees and
subsidies, but their addiction to tax avoidance will not be
touched by the proposed policy.
The policy will apply to one bidder, or a company,
at a time and not to all members of a group of
companies even though they will share the profits. Thus,
one subsidiary in a group can secure a government
contract by claiming to be clean, while other affiliates
and subsidiaries can continue to rob the public purse
through tax avoidance. There is nothing to prevent a
company from forming another subsidiary for the sole
purpose of bidding for a contract while continuing with
nefarious practices elsewhere....
The policy will not apply to the tax avoidance
industry, consisting of accountants, lawyers and finance
experts devising new dodges......
The proposed government policy will not work. It
expects corporations who can construct opaque
corporate structures and sham transactions to come
40 <www.guardian.co.uk/business/2013/feb/14/tax-avoidance-firms-
banned-contracts>
41 <www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/feb/15/uk-tax-
avoiders-wont-stop-new-policy?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487>
clean. That will not happen. In addition, a government
loth to invest in public regulation will not have the
sufficient manpower to police any self-certifications by
big business.’
The old lady’s best guess
Since NuLab began worshipping at the feet of the City of
London in the mid 1990s, I have been collecting and
publishing information on the City’s contribution to the UK
economy. Except ‘information’ would be overstating it: I have
been collecting guesses or estimates; there is no ‘information’.
In the Bank of England Quarterly Review, Q3, 2011, there is an
essay ‘Measuring of financial sector output and its contribution
to UK GDP’, the first table of which gives us the Bank’s best
guess: that at its peak the financial sector was about 9% of
UK GDP.42 It is widely assumed that of the financial sector
about half is domestic – our banks, building societies etc. –
and thus that the international, ‘world financial hub’ financial
sector was about 4.5% of GDP, at its peak. Which is not
insignificant but does not compensate for the loss of about
15% of GDP which was manufacturing, which successive
governments, starting in 1980, destroyed by pursuing the
economic agenda of the financial sector – the single biggest
mistake made by governments since WW2 and the major
cause of our current economic predicament.
The murder of Pat Finucane
I wonder if anyone outside the state has actually read all 800
pages of The Report of the Patrick Finucane Review by the Rt
Hon Sir Desmond de Silva QC.43 So far I have only read the
summary, in which these seemed to me to be the key
sections.
‘In my view, the running of effective agents in Northern 42 <www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/Documents/
quarterlybulletin/qb110304.pdf>
43 <www.official-documents.gov.uk/document/hc1213/hc08/0802/
0802.pdf>
Ireland was such a fraught and difficult task that it
manifestly required the support of a clear legal and
policy framework. I have established, though, that there
was no adequate framework in Northern Ireland in the
late 1980s. Accordingly, each of the three agencies
running agents – the RUC SB, the Army’s Force Research
Unit (FRU) and the Security Service – operated under
their own separate regimes. The result was that: the
RUC SB had no workable guidelines; the FRU were
subject to Directives and Instructions that were
contradictory; and the Security Service received no
effective external guidance to make clear the extent to
which their agents could be permitted to engage in
criminality in order to gather intelligence.
It was apparent that successive Governments
knew that agents were being run by the intelligence
agencies in Northern Ireland without recourse to any
effective guidance or a proper legal framework. (p. 11)
In 1985 the Security Service assessed that 85% of the
UDA’s “intelligence” originated from sources within the
security forces. (p. 16)
My Review of the evidence relating to Patrick Finucane’s
case has left me in no doubt that agents of the State
were involved in carrying out serious violations of
human rights up to and including murder. However,
despite the different strands of involvement by
elements of the State, I am satisfied that they were not
linked to an over-arching State conspiracy to murder
Patrick Finucane. Nevertheless, each of the facets of the
collusion that were manifest in his case – the passage
of information from members of the security forces to
the UDA, the failure to act on threat intelligence, the
participation of State agents in the murder and the
subsequent failure to investigate and arrest key
members of the West Belfast UDA – can each be
explained by the wider thematic issues which I have
examined.’ (pp. 23/4)
It was this summary which gave the major media the phrase
‘no over-arching State conspiracy’ used in most mainstream
reporting. On the other hand, even those quotes I chose from
his summary show that this was not a case of state ‘collusion’
with the Loyalist terrorists. If 85% of the UDA’s ‘intelligence’
came from the British state’s agencies, with a British agent
(Brian Nelson) using it to target Republicans, the UDA was
being run by the state.
What is to be done?
There is a very acute analysis of the Newsnight special ‘Iraq -
10 years on’ by Nafeez Ahmed44 which concluded thus:
‘Ten years on, we need to be thinking about how British
democratic institutions were hijacked for a self-serving
geopolitical strategy invented by a tiny group of
American neoconservative politicians; and how,
therefore, we might ensure that appropriate reforms of
our political, parliamentary and intelligence processes
can prevent such a situation from re-occurring.’
Ahmed has misread this, I think. It isn’t that our democratic
institutions were ‘hi-jacked’. The House of Commons could
have stopped the Blair government’s move to war; there were
no structural obstacles. But doing so would have involved
middle of the road Labour and Conservative MPs opposing the
leadership of their parties (which is bad for careers); which
would have led the Labour Party – the government – to be
portrayed as ‘split’ by the major media and the Conservative
opposition (which is universally believed to be electoral
poison).
To prevent this sort of thing happening again would
involve two main things: electing MPs who are not afraid to
challenge the defence-intelligence establishment in this
country, and who are less concerned about their careers and
their party’s fortunes than they are about the national interest
(and good luck with that project!). Most importantly it would
44 <http://nafeez.blogspot.co.uk/2013/02/seven-myths-about-iraq-
war-how-bbc.html>
involve changing the automatic support for America embedded
in this country’s political system and major media. This would
mean educating said system and media about the nature of
American foreign policy since WW2, which thus far the Anglo-
American left have failed to do.
How difficult this would be is suggested by the
comments of then Foreign Secretary Jack Straw in 2005 when
responding to the charge that the UK was involved in
extraordinary rendition.45
‘Unless we all start to believe in conspiracy theories and
that the officials are lying, that I am lying, that behind
this is some kind of secret state which is in league with
some dark forces in the United States, and also, let me
say, we believe that Secretary Rice is lying, there is
simply no truth that the United Kingdom has been
involved in rendition, full stop.’
Is Straw a fool or a knave? I can’t tell. The ‘conspiracy
theories’ in this instance – ‘some kind of secret state which is
in league with some dark forces in the United States’, and
‘officials are lying’ – are true, of course. Is it possible that after
a life in politics, in which Uncle Sam must have loomed large on
many occasions, Straw simply doesn’t know this? Or, curiosity
about those areas not being good for political careers, did he
chose mostly to avert his eyes?
Dealing with the bog-wogs46
On the Spinwatch site47 there is an interesting study of the
British Army’s use of undercover military units in Northern
Ireland in the first half of the 1970s: essentially Brigadier
Frank Kitson’s attempt to use the methods developed in
Kenya and Malaya – pseudogangs, assassination and false
flag attacks – against the IRA. What comes through most
45 Straw’s comment was exhumed by Peter Oborne in a splendid
attack on the ‘secret justice’ proposals. See <www.telegraph.co.uk/
news/uknews/defence/9837251/We-must-shine-a-light-into-the-dark-
corners-of-our-secret-state.html>
46 ‘Bog-wogs’ was the term used by one of Colin Wallace’s English
CO’s in Northern Ireland in the 1970s.
47 <www.spinwatch.org/images/Countergangs1971-76.pdf>
strikingly in this account are: the sheer incompetence of it all –
again and again these units shot the wrong people and the
rest of the state had to cover-up the mess they’d made; and
the almost complete absence of curiosity about these events
shown by the major media in Britain at the time.
Money, money, money
It was always clear that the government/Bank of England’s
policies since the great crash of 2008 in part entailed those
who were not in debt (savers) paying the bills of those who
were (borrowers). At its most obvious, interest rates paid on
savers’ deposits being less than inflation means the effective
devaluation of those deposits. As far as I can see this was
done to prevent widespread mortgage defaults. In testimony
to a committee of MPs, the director general of Saga48 –
described the policies as a ‘monumental mistake’:
‘Quantitative easing and ultra-low interest rates have
hampered the spending power of those in the economy
who were not over-indebted and who would otherwise
have spent money.’
What I had not grasped is that these policies have forced
‘companies to divert cash into pension funds rather than
investing’. It works like this. Under Quantitative Easing (QE)
the Bank of England has ‘bought’ £375bn of UK government
bonds, or gilts, with newly created electronic money. It now
owns almost a third of all gilts in the market. This huge
expansion of demand has driven gilt prices higher but has
enabled the government to reduce the interest rate paid on
them to record low levels.
‘That has the unintended consequence of pummelling
pension funds, which use gilt yields to calculate their
future liabilities. When gilt yields plummet, pension fund
deficits effectively balloon. The National Association of
Pension Funds (NAPF) estimated last year that QE had
increased pension deficits by at least £90bn over the
past three years. Current regulations mean companies 48 Social Amenities for the Golden Age, SAGA is a British company
catering to those aged 50 and over (who have money).
must plug those holes. Mark Hyde Harrison, the
chairman of NAPF, said businesses are now having to
contribute to their pension schemes instead of investing
for the future, which negates any positive impact of
QE.’49
Fluoridation
Given that a section of the population in Western societies is
concerned enough about what they are eating to support the
‘health food’ and organic sectors, it is curious that so little
attention has been paid to the case against fluoride. That
case is restated in a shortish but thoroughly documented
account on the interesting Washington’s Blog.50 As
Christopher Bryson did in his book The Fluoride Deception (New
York: Seven Stories, 2004) the author there shows that a
false consensus about the efficacy of fluoride has been
created which survives because the evidence which refutes is
never looked at by the public health officials and the dentistry
industry which promote the use of fluoride.
Compassionate Conservatism
The always interesting William Clark has an analysis of so-
called ‘progressive Conservatism’ on his site.51
‘Progressive Conservatism, as a propaganda project,
has two strands: the first is to capture the language of
other parties to make the party seem progressive (this
functions almost solely through repetition); secondly it
seeks the obliteration of the distinction between elite
direction and democratic initiative — to continue
business as usual....The Progressive Conservatives (a
very small group) have taken this on as some kind of
further emulation of ‘New Labour’, using Demos and
49 <www.guardian.co.uk/business/2013/jan/29/qe-monumental-
mistake-pensions-experts>
50 <www.washingtonsblog.com/2013/02/government-and-top-
university-studies-fluoride-lowers-iq-and-causes-other-health-
problems.html>
51 < http://pinkindustry.wordpress.com/max-wind-cowie-progressive-
conservatism/>
other think tanks to fill the media with various vested-
interest-funded psychological adjustments.’
Clark’s site, Pink Industry, subtitled ‘’The Atlantic Semantic’, is
a treasure trove of information on the political and
parapolitical world we live in. He has done so much research,
he makes me feel lazy.
The banking crisis
The splendid Matt Taibbi has another piece on the financial
crisis, ‘Secrets and Lies of the Bailout’ in Rolling Stone 17
January 2013.
Taibbi concludes:
‘So what exactly did the bailout accomplish? It built a
banking system that discriminates against community
banks, makes Too Big to Fail banks even Too Bigger to
Failier, increases risk, discourages sound business
lending and punishes savings by making it even easier
and more profitable to chase high-yield investments than
to compete for small depositors. The bailout has also
made lying on behalf of our biggest and most corrupt
banks the official policy of the United States government.
And if any one of those banks fails, it will cause another
financial crisis, meaning we’re essentially wedded to that
policy for the rest of eternity – or at least until the
markets call our bluff, which could happen any minute
now.
Other than that, the bailout was a smashing
success.
Although stated in quite different language, the Bank of
England’s Andrew Haldane, Executive Director, Financial
Stability, came to similar conclusions in a speech given in early
2013.52
Armen Victorian
Victorian wrote a number of very good essays for Lobster; his
first appeared in number 23 and the final one in 36. I lost
52 <www.voxeu.org/article/have-we-solved-too-big-fail>
touch with him and have had no contact for well over a
decade. I recently noticed a 1996 essay of his I hadn’t seen
before, ‘United States, Canada, Britain: partners in mind
control operations’,53 which reminded me of what good work
he had done.
Uncle Sam talent-spotting
An interesting straw in the wind which I missed when it first
appeared was Jon Kelly’s ‘How do you spot a future world
leader’? on the BBC website in March 2011, in which Kelly
discussed the International Visitor Leader Program (IVLP), the
latest name for the sponsor of freebie trips to America for
people identified as potential political allies of Uncle Sam. The
article quotes Giles Scott-Smith, the leading researcher in this
field (whose book on this subject was reviewed in Lobster 43),
and me (though I am dubious about the words attributed to
me: they don’t sound like mine). But no matter.54 The fact that
this appeared anywhere on the BBC is, like the Charlie Skelton
blogs on Bilderberg,55 a striking change of emphasis for the
Corporation.
Hail to The Slog
The most consistently interesting blog I look at is The Slog
(http://hat4uk.wordpress.com/). Tom Easton pointed me at
this recent item on it.
Who is Cristine Lagarde really working for?
‘Over many months during 2011-12, The Slog
painstakingly put together a massive body of evidence
pointing clearly to the fact that the US weren’t
comfortable with Dominique Strauss-Kahn either as head
of the IMF, or potential President of France. Equally, I
spent many hours talking to those involved, and tracing
career progressions, in a bid to establish that Christine
53 <http://valtinsblog.blogspot.co.uk/2009/08/following-is-reprint-of-
famous-article.html>
54 <www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-12880901> On Giles Scott-Smith
see <www.hum.leiden.edu/history/staff/scott-smith.html>.
55 <www.guardian.co.uk/world/series/charlie-skeltons-bilderberg-
Lagarde was being groomed as the head of the IMF to
replace DSK once he’d been framed.......and that she
herself was probably fully aware of this.
She was the perfect choice for the US Fed and
State because she looked and sounded French, but was
emotionally wedded to America. She was and is (as Tim
Geithner remarked in private) “Our gal”.
Unknown to many of those involved, while former
lawyer Cristine Lagarde became the Foreign Trade
Minister of the government of Dominique de Villepin, a
few years previously she’d been defending the interests
of US multinationals to the detriment of French
companies. She was, in fact, a member of the CSIS – the
think tank of the oil lobby in the United States….the
Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS). She
co-presided over the Action USA/UE/Poland commission
of this think tank along with Zbigniew Brzezinski and
was in charge of the USA-Poland Defense Industries
working group (1995-2002).’
But if this can be detected by a British outsider (albeit one
with some interesting contacts within the EU) all this – and
more – was known by the French state and its secret
agencies. So why was it allowed to take place?56
Keeping on keeping on (all we can do)
Kees van der Pijl is the author of The Making of a Transatlantic
56 CSIS has featured in Lobster before. In the late 1970s it became a
kind of refuge for CIA officers who had lost their jobs in the detente-
era pruning of the Agency. Fred Landis’ 1979 article on CSIS,
‘Georgetown’s Ivory Tower for Old Spooks’, is on the Net at
<www.unz.org/Pub/Inquiry-1979sep30-00007>. For more recent
accounts see <www.voltairenet.org/article30064.html>and
<www.powerbase.info/index.php/Center_for_Strategic_and_
International_Studies>.
Tom Easton reminded me that Michael Ledeen edited its journal
for a while and former Gaitskell era US labor attaché in the UK, Joe
Godson, operated from there with his European Working Group – Peter
Shore MP, Eric Hammond, Peter Robinson (of the NUT), Ray Whitney
MP et al.
There is no obvious evidence that CSIS is, as The Slog has it,
the think tank of the oil lobby.
Ruling Class (London: Verso, 1984), written while he was at
the University of Amsterdam. Over twenty five years later a
distinctive piece of his, ‘State Capture and the Democratic
Movement’, on the economic crisis, has appeared on the
newleftproject website.57 Verso published a new edition of
The Making of a Transatlantic Ruling Class in 2012.
57 <www.newleftproject.org/index.php/site/article_comments/
state_capture_and_the_democratic_movement>. I also have a piece
on that site – who could resist being asked to write for something
called New Left? – <www.newleftproject.org/index.php/site/
article_comments/how_labour_embraced_the_city>.