...and that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.ABRAHAM LINCOLN The Volunteer JOURNAL OF THE VETERANS OF THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN BRIGADE T h e V olunteer Vol. XXVI, No.3 September 2004 C.M. Hardt, producer ofDeath in El Valle, discusses her autobio- graphical film about uncovering the secrets behind the killing ofher grandfather by Franco’s police. She joined Ramon Sender and Peter Carroll in “History, Family Memory, and the Spanish Civil War,” a program hosted by University of California Professor Peter Glazer. See page 5. Photo by Richard Bermack. Four generations: Desmond Hawkins, Laurel Kailin, Clarence Kailin, and Jennifer Hawkins at the Madison Monument. See page 7. Puffin Grant, page 3. George Watt Awards, p. 4. Dispatch from Madrid, p. 5. Catalunya Honors IB, p. 6. Norman Bethune Remembered, p. 7. The King as Democrat, p. 8. Anthony Toney Cyber-Exhibit, p. 12. Irish Honor IBs, p. 15. v - .qx : age
...and that government of the people,by the people, and for the people,shall not perish from the earth.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
The V
olunteerJOURNAL OF THE VETERANS OF THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN BRIGADETheV
olunteerVol. XXVI, No.3 September 2004
C.M. Hardt, producer of Death in El Valle, discusses her autobio-graphical film about uncovering the secrets behind the killing of her grandfather by Franco’s police. She joined Ramon Sender and
Peter Carroll in “History, Family Memory, and the Spanish CivilWar,” a program hosted by University of California Professor PeterGlazer. See page 5. Photo by Richard Bermack.
Four generations: Desmond Hawkins,Laurel Kailin, Clarence Kailin, and JenniferHawkins at the Madison Monument. Seepage 7.
Puffin Grant, page 3.
George Watt Awards, p. 4.
Dispatch from Madrid, p. 5.
Catalunya Honors IB, p. 6.Norman Bethune Remembered, p. 7.
An Appeal to Our ReadersPublishing The Volunteer is expensive—andincreasingly so. The cost of producing The
Volunteer continues to rise. The publication isnow running a deficit that makes a nominal
subscription fee necessary. Rest assured that weare not about to go out of business or suspendpublication. If you would like to continue receiv-ing The Volunteer , we ask that you fill out theform below and send it with your check madeout to ALBA to:
ALBA799 Broadway, Room 227New York, NY 10003
Or you can subscribe by credit card in a safe andsecure way at our website, www.alba-valb.org.
Click on contributions.Thank you for your continued support in keep-ing the fine traditions of the Abraham LincolnBrigade a vital and living legacy!
Please continue sendingme The Volunteer Individual/Family $30.00❐
Senior (over 65) and Student $20.00 ❐
Library $40.00❐
Veterans of the Spanish Civil War No Charge ❐I would also like to send __ gift subscription @____ $_____
To
Address
I would like to make an additional contribution to ALBA $_____
Enclosed is my check for TOTAL $_____
Name
Mailing address
Telephone number
Email address
☛Please make checks payable to ALBA.
Send to 799 Broadway, Rm. 227, New York, NY 10003
You can make contributions online atwww.alba-valb.org.
Letters
Dear Volunteer,On a recent trip to London, I took time to visit the
International Brigades Memorial Trust, located in the MarxMemorial Library. Secretary Marlene Sidaway and com-mittee members David Marshall (veteran of the BritishBattalion) and Tish Collins welcomed us. Lunch and a tourof the IBMT archives followed. I brought along a few
books and pamphlets to add material about the Lincolns totheir collection. We ended our visit with a harmonica ses-sion, as I played some favorite songs from the good olddays.
The Trust was organized in 2000. It has over 500 mem- bers, including surviving IB veterans, family, friends, and
historians specializing in the Spanish Civil War, as well asorganizations and members of the public inspired by theheroism and sacrifice of the volunteers. The IBMT publish-es a newsletter three times a year and holds an annualpublic lecture. This year’s lecture was about British writerLaurie Lee.
The New Jersey-based PuffinFoundation, long a supporterof ALBA’s programs,
announced in August an unprece-
dented grant of $50,000 tounderwrite projects that will bringarchival material about the LincolnBrigade and its historical activitiesafter the Spanish Civil War into pub-lic view through arts, cultural, andeducational programs.
These projects include a travelingexhibition, tentatively titled“American Voices from the SpanishCivil War,” which will examine thedialogue between the U.S. volunteers
and the Spanish people since the
1930s. The funds will also supportexpanded teaching programs on theALBA website, curriculum develop-ment, and public programs.
We wish you “all the best in yourcontinuing efforts on behalf of yourmission, which we too feel committedto,” said Puffin Foundation PresidentPerry Rosenstein in extending thegenerous gift.
“ALBA’s main mission today is todisseminate the endangered history ofthe American Left,” said ALBA ChairPeter Carroll in accepting the grant.
The Puffin Foundation has previ-ously supported ALBA’s threemuseum shows and accompanyingcatalogues, Shouts From the Wall:Spanish Civil War Posters, The Aura of the Cause: Photographs of the SpanishCivil War, and They Still Draw Pictures:Children’s Art in Wartime from theSpanish Civil War to Kosovo; the ALBA-Bill Susman Lecture Series; and TheVolunteer.
Puffin Grant Lifts ALBA ArtsProjects Into High Gear
ALBA’s photographic exhibit, “The Aura of the Cause,”has been shown at the Puffin Room in New York City, theUniversity of California-San Diego, the Salvador DaliMuseum in St. Petersburg, FL, the Fonda Del Sol VisualCenter in Washington DC, and the University of Illinois. Thisexhibit, curated by Professor Cary Nelson of the University ofIllinois, consists of hundreds of photographs of the LincolnBrigaders, other international volunteers, and their Spanishcomrades, in training and at rest, among the Spanish villages
and in battle.For further information about “The Aura of the Cause”exhibit, contact Julia Newman, (212) 674-5398; exem-
[email protected]. The exhibit is available for museumand art gallery showings.
and Ontario graduate studentAndrew Bienefeld shared thisyear’s George Watt awards, havingwritten significant essays aboutaspects of the Spanish Civil War.Trice’s “The Lincoln BrigadeSisterhood: U.S. Women’sInvolvement in the Spanish Civil War,1936-1939” and Bienefeld’s“Appeasement Debased: AnAssessment in Context of GreatBritain’s Adoption of Formalised‘Non-Intervention’ at the Onset of theSpanish Civil War” brought each stu-
dent $500.The Watt Awards aim to encour-age student research and writing onthe American experience in Spain andrelated topics in the Spanish Civil Warand the larger history of anti-fascism.Brief abstracts of the winning papersappear below; the entire essays can beread on the ALBA website, atwww.alba-valb.org/educationgwmec/.
This year’s committee of judgesincluded Mel Small (Wayne StateUniversity), Sebastiaan Faber (OberlinCollege), and Daniel Czitrom (Mount
Holyoke College).The George Watt awards wereestablished to honor the memory ofthis Lincoln vet, author, activist, andleading figure in creating and sup-porting ALBA. George, who died in1994, would have been 90 this year.Those interested in his remarkable lifestory and his passionate commitmentto radical social change may look athis engagingly written 1990 memoir,The Comet Connection: Escape from
Hitler’s Europe. After his stint in Spain,George served in the Army Air Corps
during World War II; his plane wasshot down over Belgium and heescaped from behind Nazi lines with
the help of local Resistance fighters.Our congratulations to this year’s
winners!
Megan Trice , “The Lincoln BrigadeSisterhood: U.S. Women’s Involvement inthe Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939”
In 1977, the Veterans of theAbraham Lincoln Brigade hosted a40th anniversary banquet honoringwomen from the United States whoparticipated in the Spanish Civil War.The program, entitled “The PrematureAnti-Fascist Women,” highlighted thestories of feisty females who brokedown gender stereotypes, such as
ambulance driver Evelyn Hutchins.These proto-feminists, however, wereexceptions to the rule. The over-whelming majority of femalevolunteers in Spain did not challengegender expectations. U.S. women par-ticipated in the war as nurses, wives,reporters and fund-raisers. These weretraditionally feminine roles becausePopular Front activism in the 1930semphasized socialism, not feminism.
This paper examines women’sinvolvement in the war through thewindows of family, politics, and pub-
licity. “Family” for women in Spainmeant the tie between husband andwife, the extension of a maternal sym-pathy for thousands of orphanedSpanish children, religious kinship,and the pseudo-familial relationshipsthat developed in hospital. Politically,anti-fascism motivated many fromnurses to journalists and eclipsed thecause of women’s rights for this gen-eration of leftist women. Publicity andfund-raising in the United States weresignificant aspects of female involve-ment. In the attempt to spread
socialism, the left used women volun-teers to garner broad support from themainstream.
Ultimately, the paper concludesthat a banquet for these volunteers in1977, at the height of the feministmovement, was not entirely misguid-ed. Although the Aid Spain
movement did not promote equal gen-der rights, it did create a community
of socially and politically activewomen who fought for their cause to be realized. In this sense, the LincolnBrigade women were the antecedentsof the feminists of the 1970s.
Andrew Bienefeld, “AppeasementDebased: An Assessment in Context of Great Britain’s Adoption of Formalised‘Non-Intervention’ at the Onset of theSpanish Civil War”
My paper constitutes an attempt-ed re-examination of the place of theSpanish Civil War in the process of
appeasement, principally by tying theconcept of appeasement more closelyto the need to uphold internationallaw. By grappling closely with theissues of international law raised bythe reaction to the conflict in Spain, Ihave come to the conclusion that inlegal terms no “Agreement” ever infact existed to link or define the con-duct of European states with regard tothe conflict in Spain–despite the factthat up to now the term “Non-Intervention Agreement” has thus farmade a comfortable home in the histo-
riography of these events. Carefullystudied, the evidence best fits anexplanation that the fiction of anagreement was orchestrated andmaintained not to prevent or discour-age foreign intervention, but rather toconceal and facilitate it.
Viewed in the context of Britain’sforeign policy during the 1930s, Iargue that “Non-Intervention” is bestunderstood as a pivotal element inallowing the National Government tofundamentally realign its publicapproach, from ostensibly leading the
international community to organizeagainst aggression, during the Italianinvasion of Abyssinia, to appreciablysubmitting to threats or acts of aggres-sion in the Anschluss and the Germanseizures of Czech territory in October
Winners of George Watt AwardsAnnounced
Continued on page 14
Daniel Czitrom, former chair of the ALBABoard of Governors, teaches U.S. historyat Mount Holyoke College.
abbi Eliezer Papo, a wise youngman who lives in Jerusalem,
says that you die at least threetimes. First, physical death. Second,when no memory of you remains.And third, when your memory is falsi-fied, when your history is distorted.
Recently a number of books anddocumentaries have studied in depthone of the most shameful episodes inthe history of Spain: the execution andinterment in unmarked commongraves of some 30,000 anti-Francocombatants in the years following theend of the Civil War.
One of those books, titled Las fosas
del silencio (The Pits of Silence) andwritten by journalists Ricard Belis andMontserrat Armengol–authors of adocumentary film with the sametitle—sets this issue in its proper per-spective: Why has this extermination
been shrouded in silence for 60 years?In their book, Belis and Armengol
state that they “do not understandwhy Spain has been unable to con-front its own history and hasmaintained strict silence about theunmarked graves left by the Francoregime as well as about the mass exe-
cutions in the ditches borderingcountry roads. Other countries, likeSouth Africa, Chile or El Salvador,have established truth and reconcilia-tion commissions to break this guiltysilence, but our democratic adminis-trations have not seen fit to undertakesuch measures.” They add: “The offi-cial reluctance crosses all party lines:
between 1982 and 1994, the Socialistadministrations did nothing to dispelthe silence; the Popular Party took anidentical stance for the last eight yearsthat they were in power.”
Spanish politicians, in fact, still donot dare to stir the murky waters of
Film & Memory of the Spanish Civil WarC.M. Hardt’s documentary film, Death in El Valle , highlighted an evening’sdiscussion of “History, Family Memory, and the Spanish Civil War” held atthe Berkeley campus of the University of California, hosted by Bay Area Vetsand Associates, ALBA, and the Department of Theater, Dance, andPerformance Studies. After the screening, Hardt fielded questions about the
making of her autobiographical film, which focuses on her effort to under-stand why her grandfather was killed by Francoists in the 1940s. Otherpanelists included Peter Glazer, a member of the UC faculty and author of the forthcoming book Radical Nostalgia, and Ramon Sender, whose memoirof his family’s tragic upheaval in the war, A Death in Zamora, has recentlybeen reissued. Peter Carroll served as moderator.
Continued on page 19
Panelists: filmmaker C.M. Hardt, Peter Carroll, Ramon Sender, and Peter Glazer.
Miguel Ángel Nieto is a prominent journalist based in Madrid. This piecewas translated by Tony Geist.
he people of Marçà, Catalunya,continue in their journey to
recover and remember the histo-ry of their region during the SpanishCivil War. Building on the success oflast fall’s events (attended by severalU.S. veterans) commemorating the65th anniversary of the Farewell to theInternational Brigades, local organiza-tion No Jubilem La Memoria and thetown mayor again sponsored activi-ties on April 24-25. Hundreds ofparticipants attended.
Noted historian Paul Prestonspoke to an enthusiastic, standing-room only crowd in Marçà’s
community center. The talk, based onhis forthcoming book, The Spanish Holocaust, attracted attendees from asfar away as Barcelona. “I was bowledover by the entire Marçà experience,”Preston recalls. “I had expected to betalking to about 20 people, and about400 showed up. That was a tribute tothe work of the No Jubilem LaMemoria group in general and Angela
Jackson’s enthusiasm in particular.Talking to such a committed audience,
some of whom had travelled someway, was exciting, but the most amaz-ing thing was the deeply movingcomments that many made afterwardswhen they told me about their ownfamilies’ experiences during theFrancoist repression.”
After his talk, Preston receivedspecial recognition from villagepainter and sculptor-in-residenceMarçàGiné, who presented him with anew painting on behalf of the towncouncil to commemorate his visit.
Events continued as villagers andvisitors trooped uphill to the Casal tosample local wines, stand in line for
signed copies of Preston’s books, andwander through the newly installedexhibition of photographs from theHarry Randall Collection. Culled fromarchives in New York, Canada, andLondon, the exhibition featured over100 photos showing local residentsand International Brigade volunteersaround the time of the Battle of theEbro. Most had been taken by Randalland the Brigade photographic unit in1938. Older locals enjoyed trying toidentify themselves, family members,and friends. All were grim-faced at
Catalunya Town Honors IBs
Continued on page 11
Heather Bridger, producer of the newalbum “Spain In My Heart: Songs of theSpanish Civil War,” participated in theApril events, at which she was pleased topresent her CD to the people of Marçà.
Josep Bargalló, First Minister of the Catalan government (center), with members of NJLM Toni Orensanz (left) and Josep Munté, viewing pictures taken in Marçà byHarry Randall and the Brigade photographic unit in 1938.
Paul Preston signing books at the exhibition. Photo by Felix Jackson.
On Memorial Day, over 100 Wisconsin Friends of the VALB gatherednear the International Volunteers for Liberty Memorial (inclementweather forced the meeting indoors) in Madison to honor the
Lincoln Brigade.Vet Clarence Kailin presided at the ceremony, while Norman
Stockwell, a member of the International Independent Media Movement,acted as MC. The day’s events, a mix of talks and singing of Spanish CivilWar songs, included Clarence’s comments pointing to the irony of currentU.S. policy that favors military intervention overseas. “While our immedi-ate fight is against our own raging militarism,” he said, “our struggleremains more than ever the constant battle for peace and justice, for free-dom and equality, and for democracy.”
Alan Ruff, historian of the Left and an independent bookseller, gavethe keynote speech, setting the context of the Spanish Civil War. VicenteGuillot, a professor of Spanish at Viterbo University in LaCrosse,Wisconsin, also spoke.
As the event ended, the sun came out, and each attendee, in leaving,was able, one by one, to place a red carnation on and around Madison’sMemorial for the International Brigades.
Norman BethuneRemembered inSpainBy Robert Coale
The Andalusian Center forPhotography, in partnership with thelocal governments of Andalusia andMalaga, recently sponsored a photo-graphic exhibit dedicated to Dr.Norman Bethune, the Canadian-bornphysician who participated in theSpanish Civil War and later in thestruggles in China. Organized by
Jesús Majada Neila, the exhibit focus-es on the fascist attacks on civilianswho were fleeing Franco’s armies in
1937. Titled “Norman Bethune: El
crimen de la carretera Málaga-Almeria (febrero de 1937),” the showopened in Málaga in April. It willappear in Almeria during July andAugust and will travel to other south-ern Spanish cities.
The exhibit catalogue, in Spanish(ISBN 84-95783-24-X), includes a short
biography of the Canadian doctor andhis activities in Spain, fragments ofhis diary during the Malaga tragedy,and the testimony of four survivors ofthe exodus. The entire text is illustrat-ed with photographs taken by
Bethune or his team in Spain, espe-cially during the events of February1937, and also in China.
Vet Clarence Kailin with children and grandchildren, (l-r) Desmond Hawkins,Laurel Kailin, and Jennifer Hawkins, standing by the VALB memorial.
Of the many problems involvedin writing about Juan Carlos,none was more difficult than
the fulfilment of the task that I believecentral to any decent political biogra-phy–the discovery of the human being
behind the political personage.Royalty tends not to welcome investi-gation into its humanity. I recall thegrimace of shock and distaste on theface of a Spanish functionary when Itold him that I was keen to examinethe human sacrifices that lay behindthe achievements of the Prince andlater of the King. Yet, without such anambition, would there be anythinginteresting about a biography? How
else would it be possible to under-stand the process by which JuanCarlos spent 21 years as the ball in agame being contested by his father,Don Juan de Borbón, and GeneralFranco? Or, having been nominated
by Franco as his successor “with thetitle of King,” how was he able to jug-gle the apparently incompatibleobjectives of being faithful to the prin-ciples of Franco’s single-party stateand establish a democratic constitu-tional monarchy?
Without some sense of the human
issues, it is hardly possible to solve themystery of how a Prince emanatingfrom a family with considerableauthoritarian traditions, obliged tofunction within “rules” invented byGeneral Franco, and himself broughtup to be the keystone of a complexplan for the continuity of the dictator-ship, should have committed himselfto democracy. To do so meant surviv-ing the hostility of the clan thatsurrounded Franco in his palace of ElPardo before 1975, of the extreme-right known as the “bunker” before
1977, and of military conspiratorsuntil 1981. These are processes impos-sible to understand without somespeculation of their human costs and
of their context. They require someconsideration of the role of Sofía ofGreece, not as a political actor but as awife. Accordingly, the central themesof the book are centered on, and Ihope, enriched by, considerations ofthe human dimension to the politicaland dynastic issues.
At the beginning of February1946, Juan Carlos’s parents movedfrom Lausanne to Estoril, leaving himin a Swiss boarding school. It causedthe eight-year-old intense distress,and his unhappiness at the school was
reflected in discipline problems. Herefused to attend his first lesson: apriest physically carried him to theclassroom and then slapped him tomake him sit quietly. The priestsfailed to see that the boy’s behaviorand poor academic performance weresymptoms of his desperate unhappi-ness at being separated from hisparents.
In the summer of 1948, at thefamous meeting between Franco andDon Juan on the yacht, Azor, theCaudillo pressed Don Juan for the
now 10-year-old Prince to completehis education in Spain. Juan Carloswould be a hostage whose presence inSpain would give a veneer of royalapproval to Franco’s indefiniteassumption of the role of regent. Theentire episode was handled with littlesensitivity to the boy’s emotionalneeds. Juan Carlos set off on theLusitania overnight express onNovember 8. The possibility of driv-ing the train might have diminished a10-year-old boy’s sadness at having toleave his parents. However, that plea-
sure was monopolized by one of thedour and aged aristocrats that accom-panied him.
Juan Carlos’s new home was animprovised school at Las Jarillas, out-side Madrid on the road to ColmenarViejo. Throughout 1949, the relation-ship between Franco and Don Juan
deteriorated, and Juan Carlos returnedto Estoril at the end of May 1949 forsummer holidays that would last fornearly 17 months. To spite Franco,Don Juan kept his son in Portugal buthad made no alternative preparationsfor the resumption of his education. In
consequence, the 1949-1950 academicyear must have been a depressing onefor the boy. It was good to be backwith his family, but having copedwith separation a year before by
becoming closely attached to his class-mates at Las Jarillas, he now missedthem. However, he mattered littlewithin the bigger diplomatic game.The frequency with which he laterspoke of certain individuals being“like a second father” suggests thatthe callous exploitation of his personaffected Juan Carlos’s attitude to his
father. Such references would include, bizarrely, Franco.Finally, in the autumn of 1950,
Don Juan allowed Juan Carlos toresume his education in Spain, now atthe palace of Miramar on the bay ofSan Sebastián. After four years atMiramar, Franco insisted on a two-
The King as Democrat
Paul Preston is Principe de AsturiasProfessor of Contemporary SpanishHistory at the London School of Economics and the author of Juan
year period in the Military Academyof Zaragoza followed by six-monthperiods in the air force and navyacademies. During this period, thereoccurred an incident that dramaticallyaltered Juan Carlos’s relationship withhis father. On March 29, MaundyThursday, in Estoril, Juan Carlos’s
brother died in an accident when theywere both playing with a smallrevolver. Inevitably, however, therewere rumors that the gun had been in
Juan Carlos’s hands at the time of thefatal shot. The incident affected theprince dramatically, accentuating histendency to introspection. More alonethan ever, he became morose andguarded in his speech and actions.
To get over the tragedy ofAlfonsito’s death, Juan Carlos seemsto have adopted a forced gaiety and,understandably for a young man
going on 19, spent as much time as hisstudies permitted in the company ofgirls. There were many of them, andhe had a readiness to think himself in
love. The most likely candidate formarriage was his childhood friend, thevivacious and attractive blondedaughter of the exiled King Umberto,
Maria Gabriella di Savoia, whose pho-tograph he kept on his bedside tablein the Zaragoza academy. He wasordered to remove it because GeneralFranco disapproved. Such intrusionson the Prince’s privacy were common.At one point, Franco declared that
Juan Carlos would have to marry aroyal princess, preferably of a rulingdynasty, financially comfortable, butnever a Greek princess because theywere not Roman Catholics and hethought they were freemasons.
After the military academies,
Franco demanded that the Prince’seducation be entrusted to a speciallyselected team of professors in Madrid.
Juan Carlos moved to the Palacio de laZarzuela. It was increasingly apparentthat Franco’s contempt for Don Juanwas matched by a growing affectionfor the Prince. The consequent dis-
tance between Don Juan and his sonwould be increased by the 1962 mar-riage of Juan Carlos to Sofía of Greece.On his wedding day, after toying withthe idea of naval uniform, whichwould have pleased his father, thePrince sagely opted to wear the uni-form of lieutenant of the Spanish
army, which delighted Franco. Sofíawas aware that her chances of acquir-ing a throne depended on the goodwill of Franco. Soon after the wed-ding, to the annoyance of Don Juan,the couple flew to Madrid to thankFranco for his help with the wedding.
There was a noticeable differencein the Prince after his marriage. Nowenjoying the emotional security deriv-ing from a supportive wife, hemanifested a far greater confidence inhimself. Sofía had known exile withthe Greek Royal Family and brought a
hard realism to her assessment of theSpanish situation. She surely reiterat-ed what her husband already knew:that the only route to the throne was
via a closer rapprochement with theCaudillo. Sofía had quickly becomeaware of the affection between Francoand her husband. She noted how the
dictator’s eyes would light up whenhe saw the Prince, whom he regardedas the son that he had never had.
Don Juan seemed oblivious to Juan Carlos’s problems. For him, hisson was still “Juanito.” He treated himas a child, yet “Juanito” was now a 28-year-old married man, with twochildren, and a coolly realistic wife ascompanion and adviser. Juan Carloswould have preferred to see his fatheron the throne but knew that theCaudillo had long since discountedDon Juan as a possible successor. To
clash with Franco would merely havedestroyed any chance of his familyreturning to the throne.
On January 5, 1968, Juan Carlosreached the age of 30, the age atwhich Franco’s Law of Successionmade him eligible to be King, andon January 30, Sofía gave birth to a
son. For the Caudillo, the birth of amale heir to the Prince made him aneven better candidate for the succes-sion. In 1969, he was designated asFranco’s heir, a decision that brokewith both the continuity and thelegitimacy of the Borbón line. Thenew monarchy was intended to be
Franco’s and Franco’s alone. This
would be an enormous burden forthe future King.
To swear fidelity to theFundamental Laws caused JuanCarlos considerable anxiety. Heintended to introduce some kind offuture democratic reform. He hadrevealed this over several years inconversations with British diplomats,with Lord Mountbatten, withAmerican journalists, and with pro-gressive Spaniards. Now, he wanted
reassurance that the oath of loyaltywould not chain him to the regime inits present form. His legal advisorsconvinced him that all Franco’s Lawscould be reformed or even repealed.Franco had made it obvious that he
expected his successor to continue hiswork, seeing him as a figurehead, aceremonial head of state, with thesteely Admiral Carrero Blanco to keep
him on the path of true Francoism.Nevertheless, by accepting thenomination of Franco, he had earnedthe suspicion and contempt of themajority of the democratic opposition,including the supporters of his father.At the same time, his determination tocarry out democratic reform could notremain entirely a secret within theregime. Accordingly, he was the objectof outright hostility in many Francoistcircles, especially within the Falangeand within El Pardo.
At the end of the decade, sympa-
thizers in Franco’s family circle beganto undermine Juan Carlos’s position by pushing the cause of Don Alfonsode Borbón-Dampierre, the fiancé ofFranco’s eldest grandchild, María delCarmen Martínez Bordiu. WhenCarrero Blanco was assassinated inDecember 1973, Franco did notinclude Juan Carlos in the decisionto nominate the hard-line CarlosArias Navarro to replace CarreroBlanco. Considering his position asofficial successor, and the proximityof Franco’s inevitable demise, his
exclusion from the decision washumiliating. Juan Carlos was obliged to watch
helplessly as Arias Navarro drifteddirectionless through the waves ofinflation and working class militancythat followed the energy crisis. Ariaslumbered into one conflict afteranother, leaving Juan Carlos able onlyto wait apprehensively. DuringFranco’s death agony, the relationshipdeteriorated further. The six monthsafter Franco’s death on November 20,1975, were nerve-wracking for the
new King. To placate the extremeright, he had to retain Arias Navarroas prime minister while trying to con-vince the left of his commitment todemocratization.
It was not until the summer of1976 that the King was able to choosethe young and charismatic Adolfo
Suárez as the man to takecharge of the next, crucial,stage of the process. It wasa major gamble, and the
fate of the monarchyhinged on his success orfailure. Suárez comment-ed later that the King“risked his crown” on hisappointment.
In an atmosphere ofmilitary suspicion, theKing thought it crucialthat Suárez submit hisreform project to a groupof senior officers andappeal for their “patrioticsupport.” There was no
artifice about the fact that Juan Carlos felt himself to be a soldier. It was at theheart of the combinationof camaraderie, informedconcern, and authoritythat characterised his fre-quent contacts with thearmed forces. Both hispublic appearances ascommander-in-chief andhis private meetings withofficers were a crucialpart of restraining mili-
tary hostility to thedemocratic process.After the democratic elections of
June 1977, the problems that lay aheadwere, strictly speaking, now the busi-ness of the King’s government, butthere were immediate political issuesthat would be impossible to resolvewithout the assistance of the King.Democracy would not be viable until
both the army and the majority of theBasque people were brought into thedemocratic fold. The anti-democraticviolence of right and left would
bedevil the task of constructing awidely acceptable constitutionalframework, and royal support was to
be crucial for the consolidation ofdemocracy. In theory, the King want-ed to keep out of politics, but hisinvolvement in the democratic pro-cess made that impossible. The
government needed his constant vig-ilance as supreme commander of thearmed forces.
Between 1977 and 1981, JuanCarlos faced a situation which, in itsdemands on him, must have beendeeply galling after all that he hadalready done. A democracy had beenestablished, in considerable measureas a result of his sacrifices. However,democracy was in some danger, and itwould require the tireless efforts ofthe King to prevent it being crushed
between the hammer of Basque terror-ism and the anvil of militarysubversion. As commander-in-chief,the political neutrality of the armedforces was his immediate problem. Farfrom being able to relax after years oftension and sacrifice, he had to be asalert as ever.
the sight of aerial shots of the bom- bardment of villages and bridgesalong the River Ebro, taken byNationalist photographers. NJLM
organizers were pleased to be ableto display several contact sheets ofphotos taken in the area by RobertCapa, many of which had never
been published.
Attendees also enjoyed the pre-miere of a new documentary film bythe NJLM, featuring interviews withlocal residents and InternationalBrigade volunteers who were there in1938. The film includes footage of MiltWolff, Clarence Kailin, Harry Randall,and Scottish veteran Steve Fullerton.According to local historian, novelist,and organizer Angela Jackson,
“Undoubtedly one star of this video isSteve Fullerton, who was filmed lastsummer walking around the village,revisiting old haunts, and describingwhat it had been like during the war.As he sat in the new school, built onthe former site of the Brigade paradeground, he remembered LaPasionaria’s invitation to return toSpain and spoke of how glad he wasto be back again in times of peace.Many people in the audience weremoved to tears.” Jackson was excitedto report that, as a result of the
NJLM’s recent activities, there is nowan extensive list of local people will-ing to be interviewed about theirmemories of the International Brigadevolunteers. The organization hopes toadd more extensive interviews to thefilm and work toward wider distribu-tion in the future.
CatalunyaContinued from page 6
As terrorism intensified, right-wing circles seethed with angryresentment. The descent into violencecould hardly have served the interestsof the ultra-right more directly. The
backlash inevitably reached the King,and he became the object of extremeright-wing hostility. The government
was being overwhelmed by the ongo-ing and interrelated problems ofBasque terrorism, military subversion,and economic stagnation. Juan Carloswas deeply sensitive to military feel-ing and was fully aware of thewidespread popular discontent withthe government’s performance. Themilitary situation was worsening bythe day. When Adolfo Suárezresigned at the end of January 1981,military pressure grew for a coalitionheaded by a general. This reached apeak on the night of February 23,
when Colonel Antonio Tejero seizedthe Spanish parliament and effectivelyheld the entire political class hostage.The job of defeating the military coupwas headed by the King himself.
The key moment came when heconfronted and faced down the lead-ing officer behind the coup, General
Jaime Milans del Bosch. “I tell you thefollowing in the clearest possibleterms. 1. I affirm my firm decision tomaintain the constitutional orderwithin existing legality. After thismessage, I cannot turn back. 2. Any
coup d’état cannot hide behind theKing, it is against the King. 3. Todaymore than ever, I am ready to fulfilmy oath to the flag. Therefore, withfull responsibility and thinking onlyof Spain, I order you to withdraw allthe units that you have mobilised. 4. Iorder you to tell Tejero to desistimmediately. 5. I swear that I will nei-ther abdicate the Crown nor abandonSpain. Whoever rebels is ready to pro-voke a new civil war and will bearresponsibility for doing so. 6. I do notdoubt my generals’ love of Spain. First
for Spain and then for the Crown, Iorder you to obey all that I have toldyou.” Some of the military conspira-tors believed, on the basis of whatthey had been told by one of thesenior officers involved, GeneralAlfonso Armada, a man considered to
be close to the King, that Juan Carlos
approved of the coup, an accusationfrequently repeated since. In fact,there is little doubt that, if the Kinghad been involved, the coup wouldhave succeeded.
The extent to which the success orfailure of the coup had been in thehands of Juan Carlos was underlined
when the Minister of Defence askedthe Captain-General of Madrid for hisversion of events. He replied,“Minister, before sitting down, I musttell you that I am a Francoist, that Iadore the memory of General Franco.For eight years I was a colonel in hispersonal guard. I wear this MilitaryMedal that I won in Russia. I fought inthe Civil War. So you can well imag-ine my way of thinking. But theCaudillo gave me the order to obeyhis successor and the King ordered meto stop the coup on February 23. If he
had ordered me to assault the Cortes,I would have done so.”In retrospect, the February 23
coup marked a turning point not onlyin the transition to democracy but alsoin the role of the King. The real signifi-cance of the coup as far as the Crownwas concerned was revealed onFebruary 27. Three million peopledemonstrated across the cities ofSpain in support of democracy andthe King. The mood in most of Spain,however, was summed up in an arti-cle by a Spanish republican who
wrote of the night of February 23,“When we Spaniards thought that wedeserved something better than aKing, it turned out that we had a Kingthat we didn’t deserve.”
The King’s own sense of exaspera-tion was expressed in his latercomment to the leaders of the mainparties that his role should not have
been that of the fireman of democracyalways ready to put out a fire.Nevertheless, what he had done wasto wipe away his original sin of nomi-nation by Franco and to give the
Spanish monarchy a moral and practi-cal legitimacy that no King hadenjoyed since the golden age ofSpanish imperial glory in the 16th and17th centuries.
AAnnthonthony Ty Toneoneyy, 1913, 1913By Nancy Wallach
Aportfolio of Anthony Toney’s work can be seen on the web atwww.Atelier-RC.com/Atelier.RC/FeaturedArtist.html,where he is currently the Summer 2004 featured artist. This show,
launched on June 28, the occasion of the artist’s 91st birthday, contains work
painted and exhibited as recently as 2003.
Lincoln vet Anthony Toney has spent a lifetime painting and teaching, produc-
ing a body of work spanning nearly every decade of his 91 years. An equally
prolific writer, he is the author of four books on art, including his most recent, On
Painting Realistically: A Memoir . Toney joined the Abraham Lincoln Brigade in
1938 and was wounded at Gandesa. He continued his fight against fascism from
1942 to 1946 in the U.S. Air Force in the southwest Pacific. Toney taught and pro-
duced mural paintings for the WPA during the early 1940’s. He was a beloved
teacher at the New School for Social Research for over 40 years, and his large-scale
compositions reflect the integration of social and historical concerns into his art
and writing. His work is recognizable by a signature style that combines elements
of realism and abstraction in the hands of a master colorist. Whether you are
becoming reacquainted with or learning about Toney’s work for the first time, we
invite you to view these featured selections, whose contents and sentiments
remain more timely than ever.Anthony Toney (top) with DoloresIbarruri, Madrid, 1986. Photo byRobert Coane.
Crouching Brigadistas, 1939, Robert Coane collection
“I want my paintings to inspire asense of optimism in the face of
The Archives includes severalhundred books and pamphlets on theSCW, posters, and other material. TheArchives of the British Battalion are
also located here. The Archives arestored in modern glass and wood bookcases which, along with the tem-porary services of four archivists,were paid for by a grant by the BritishNational Lottery. A bright note ofcolor is the handsome banner of theBritish Battalion, hanging in a protec-tive case. It is taken out for veteranfunerals and other important occa-sions. To learn more about the Trust,see www.international-
brigades.org.uk.Lou Gordon
To the Editor:It was a great privilege to take
part in the I. B. memorial celebrationsin Marsa in October-November, 2003,and to see again many of the pictureswhich our 15th Brigade photo unit—Tony Drossel, Ben Katine, and I—tookin and around Marsa in 1937 & ‘38.They brought back vivid memories ofthe Spanish people’s dedicated,painful struggle against fascism, andthe world-wide support it enlisted.The fresh response of the local popula-
tion to these pictures, which includedrelatives and friends, was amplereward to the devoted volunteers whoselected and printed them. Takingpart in these events stirred my deepestfeelings, and gratitude that I was final-ly able to visit Spain again. I hope theLondon commemoration—and otherslike it—will enlighten and stiryounger generations, who need toknow about these events and their rel-evance today.
Harry Randall July 2004
Dear Veterans of the Abraham LincolnBrigade,
For the past several years, I’vegained a great deal of knowledgeabout the Spanish Civil War, particu-larly the heroic sacrifice of theInternational Brigades and everyone
else who risked everything to fightfascism. It seems to me that the pre-
sent time is just as critical to ourcommon future as 1936 was, if notmore so. I would like to extend mydeepest thanks to everyone who con-tributed to the efforts to save theSpanish Republic, both the small
number still living and all those whohave gone before. I hope that in some
small way I can do something thatapproaches their contribution tohumanity. Thank you. You are not for-gotten, and never will be.
Sincerely,Scott Charney, Dallas, Texas
1938, and March 1939.The importance of “Non-Inter-
vention” in facilitating the transition in
the National Government’s foreignpolicy posture rests principally uponthe political realities in Great Britainconcerning the League of Nations andcollective security in the summer of1936. “Non-Intervention” was neithera well-intentioned nor a naïve failureas it has often been cast, but rather asuccess, which fulfilled its raisond’être by maintaining and exacerbat-ing the divisions between diversedomestic and international forces thatwere inclined to organize an interna-tional coalition, founded on an
Anglo-Franco-Soviet combination, toresist aggression by the fascist powersin Europe. In so doing, “Non-Intervention” became a catalyst in thetransition of appeasement, from ameasured endeavour to remedy injus-tice, to a stuttering attempt to mollifyfascist expansionism through capitula-
tion. “Non-Intervention” played animportant role in dividing advocatesof collective security within the British
government itself. As such it ultimate-ly had substantial consequences byestablishing the conditions in Britishpolicy making circles that allowedNeville Chamberlain the leeway, barethough it was, to dismantle theFranco-Czech-Soviet coalition for con-taining Nazi Germany at the MunichConference in 1938. Perhaps the fullmeasure of the success of the “Non-Intervention” scheme is bestunderstood by its ability to conjureaway the responsibilities of theLeague of Nations in the Spanish con-
flict, not only from the minds of manyBritish politicians and members of thepublic at the time, but even from thevast majority of those who have craft-ed the historical record over the pastsix-and-a-half decades.
Watt AwardsContinued from page 4
Letters Continued from page 2
Marlene Sidaway, David Marshall, Lou Gordon, and Tish Collins (l-r) at theInternational Brigade Memorial Trust in London.
Speaking before 500 people atthe site where a marble memo-rial stone was to be unveiled,
the newly elected Mayor ofWaterford, Ireland, recalled how 11local volunteers never wavered in the
belief that their cause was just. Theyhad joined the Connelly Column ofthe International Brigades in Spain.
Jack Jones, former head of Britain’slargest trade union, the Transport andGeneral Workers Union, now Presidentof the IB Memorial Trust in the UK,spoke of the strong feelings in
Liverpool in support of the legallyelected government of Spain thatmotivated him to volunteer.
Moe Fishman, Secretary of VALB,on behalf of the U.S. peace movement,took the occasion to thank the Irishpeople for their demonstrations
opposing the U.S.-led war in Iraq.
“We appreciate your internationalismand pledge to oust President Bush inthe upcoming election,” he said.
Mike O’Riordan, the only one ofsome 200 Irish veterans of the SpanishCivil War still living, spoke of the dis-crimination suffered by the Irishveterans on their return from Spain.“The new monument is a vindication.It will remind people for generationsto come that if the world had helpeddefend Spain, the horrors of WorldWar II could have been prevented, “he said.
The Committee of Relatives andFriends, who conceived the memorial,raised funds to buy a chunk of redmarble from Spain. A noted sculptor,Michael Warren, donated his services,and the City Council of Waterforddonated a site in the heart ofWaterford.
The event was covered by TheIrish Times, BBC, Waterford Today, andother stations.
The following week, Fishman brought the same message to theannual Commemoration held at thememorial to the British Vets at the
town of Santa Cruz de Moya, in theprovince of Cuenca, an eco-politicalorganization called La Gavilla Verdehosts an homage to the armed guerril-la fighters, the Maquis, who resistedthe Franco regime between 1939 andabout 1952. Santa Cruz de Moya wasthe site of the tragic confrontation
between the Guardia Civil and the
guerrilleros, when at least 12 membersof the Aragon and Levante Groupheroically lost their lives.
Historians, novelists, filmmakers,actors, political activists, and formerguerrilla fighters come together for aweekend of panel discussions, bookpresentations, film screenings, lec-tures, songs, wine and meals. Thisyearly event is emblematic of whatcould be called “Maquis madness.”Especially since the 2001 release ofMontxo Armendariz’s fiction filmabout the Maquis, Silencio roto, Spain’s
bookstores and newspapers, universi-ties and cinemas have been abuzzwith news of the recovery of the his-torical memory of the Maquis.
The phenomenon of the Maquis(from the French word meaning lowscrub vegetation) dates from before theend of the Spanish Civil War, whensome Republican soldiers, separatedfrom their military units duringNationalist advances, took to the moun-tains in an effort to escape certain deathat the hands of their foes. Many of thesemen, known as “huidos” (ones who
fled), struggled to survive in moun-tainous regions all over Spain. Oftensupported by members of the civilianpopulation (“enlaces”) with food,ammunition, medicines, and clothing,many of these huidos survived foryears hidden in caves, shepherd cab-ins, and forests.
In 1944, however, the material andideological situation of these menchanged significantly. Once it becameclear that Hitler’s and Mussolini’sdays were numbered, some Spanishexiles who had fought in the FrenchResistance returned clandestinely toSpain to join with the huidos, with thegoal of creating an organized armedguerrilla army that would, ideally,coordinate attacks on the Franco
regime.
It is this point in the history of theresistance where the film Silencio rototakes up its narrative. The film—inspired by Valencian novelist Alfons
Cervera’s wonderful novel titled Maquis—was a box office success inSpain and is now available in U.S.video stores. The film describes theMaquis in a small mountain village inNavarre from the point of view of a21-year-old woman, Lucía, whoreturns to her hometown in the winterof 1944. Lucía is reunited with herfriend, Manuel, a naïve and idealistic
blacksmith who has been helping“those in the mountain.” A romanticrelationship develops between thesetwo young people who find them-
selves caught up in the heady butfrightening efforts to resist the repres-sion of the Guardia Civil, even as theirefforts at resistance bring only moreterror and fear to the town. Manuel iseventually forced to join his father andother comrades in “el monte,” andLucía becomes one of the guerrilleros’
most reliable collaborators.The film decidedly seeks to repre-
sent a history of the Maquis from theperspective of the villagers, particular-ly of the local women, who sufferedphysical torture, economic exclusion,and psychological terror from thelocal Falangists and Civil Guard.Needless to say, the finale is tragic.
Silencio roto, while awakening newgenerations to the history of theMaquis and the valiant struggleagainst Franco, is not the first film
based on the resistance. During theFranco era, cinemas saw a wholeseries of films about the “bandits and
terrorists” in the mountains. Duringthe transition to democracy, however,the theme was taken up in texts sym-pathetic to the Maquis. Thegroundbreaking work was JulioLlamazares’s 1985 debut novel, Lunade lobos (Wolf Moon), adapted as a film
by the same title.A new social and cultural enthusi-
asm for the anti-Franco Guerrillacontinues and shows no sign of abat-ing. In 2001, acclaimed documentaryfilmmaker Javier Corcuera releasedhis marvelous testimonial film, La
guerrilla de la memoria, and just thismonth, Jamie Chávarri released a newfilm in which the Maquis figuresprominently, El año del diluvio (TheYear of the Downpour), based on thenovel by Eduardo Mendoza. At playin this “Maquis Madness” we findnot only a long-overdue collectiverecognition of a repressed history,
but also, hopefully, the beginnings ofa social dialogue about Francoismthat will culminate in the materialcompensation of the surviving mem-
bers of the Guerrilla, who for
decades have been lobbying for eco-nomic and moral rehabilitation fromthe Spanish government.
Gina Herrmann is a member of theSpanish Department at the University of Oregon.
La Brigada: Spain, 1936-39. By CranstonSedrick Knight. Chicago: Third WorldPress, 2004, $10.
By Shirley Mangini
Cranston Knight has written apoignant book of poetry that cele-
brates the “people of color” who wereinvolved in the war and pays tributeto the author’s Spanish grandfather,
Jose Ramirez. Some of the poems are
in both English and Spanish. There arepoems to Oliver Law, the first African-American commander of anintegrated military unit; AlonsoWatson, the first African-American todie in Spain; nurse Salaria Kea; andPaul Robeson, among others. Knightalso dedicates poetry to bards whowrote about the war, such as GarciaLorca, Pablo Neruda, and the CubanNicolas Guillen. In his poem “Poetas,”Knight speaks of these poets withheartfelt admiration:
IIt is the Spanish rain
or perhaps the draw of
a Spanish Moon
that lures
and pulls and calls
to the Poets of the
Spanish World
to reach out
or perhaps it is the cafes
and the gypsy music
that brings them
perhaps
perhaps it is the
beauty of the Spanish women
and the night of unspoken
softness of the skin
perhaps/perhaps
it’s the touch of the sea
shore and the splash
of waves upon the shores
and the finger like tidesthat touch their toes
perhaps it’s the call of the
Spanish Republic that
needs them to give
inspiration as only poets
can give
but it is a call
of brethren to cometo this country
to write about
ideology in conflict
II
the lyrics
that came from your works
ran like rain drops from
your notebooks
you captured the fire
fury
anguish
of men and
women in
chaos
in your lines
II I
you sit in the rain to write
and in the hot sun
on the roads
and shadesyou captured
a world event with pens
and wrote a diary of life
in silent and noisy corners
who else could paint life as
you could
This nostalgic book of poems
reminds us that for those who areconnected to the Spanish Civil War,the memory of their loved ones,friends, and those who recorded thewar through poetry or prose contin-ues to be a compelling andemotional topic.
Book Reviews
The Brigade in Poetry
Shirley Mangini is a professor of Spanishat California State University, LongBeach, and author of Memories of
Richard Baxell’s book is a wonder-ful example of how exhaustive
research can be presented in a clearand interesting manner. It is essentialreading for those who would like toknow more about the British in theInternational Brigades, whatever theirlevel of studies. Maps and tables make
basic information easily accessible,and the well-chosen quotations in thetext offer many insights into the atti-tudes and feelings of the volunteers.
The wealth of new informationnow available about the brigades,including material from the archivesin Moscow, has brought a resurgence
of interest among historians. Baxelldraws on these sources and, whilevaluing the contributions made byearlier authors such as Bill Rust andBill Alexander, who had themselves
been members of the battalion, alsoengages with controversial issues thatare currently being re-examined. Hechallenges some of the theories thathave appeared in recent publications,examining their largely critical per-spective on the role of the brigadeswith scrupulous care.
The book’s brief introduction on
the events leading to the outbreak ofthe war is followed by two chapterson the background of the 2,500 Britishvolunteers, explaining who they wereand why they went to Spain. The fas-cinating exploration of whatmotivated the volunteers shows howthey were drawn together in the fight
against fascism, although their previ-ous experiences of campaigning inBritain had varied from protests togain the right to ramble in the PeakDistrict to violent clashes with theBlackshirts of the British Union ofFascists.
Subsequent chapters cover thepart played by the British Battalion inthe main campaigns of the war.Military disasters are reviewed in
detail, and events that have since become legendary, such as the captureof the British Machine Gun Companyat Jarama, are thoroughly examined.However, amidst the strategy and tac-tics of the battles, the author neverloses sight of the human beingsinvolved, and readers are kept vividlyaware of the tremendous stresses anddifficulties that individuals confrontedin the chaos of war. The faces in thephotographs bear expressions of sea-soned determination and wearinessmore often than youthful smiles.
A further chapter gives a harrow-ing account of the experiences of themembers of the battalion who weretaken prisoner. Those who were fortu-nate enough not to be shot had grimmemories of the unsanitary condi-tions, lack of food, and beatingsduring the months they spent as cap-tives. Baxell also gives a movingdescription of their efforts to developstrategies to make life bearable andtheir valiant escape attempts. Amongthe men who were repatriated in pris-oner exchanges, there were some who
returned to fight again in Spain,despite knowing they faced certainexecution if captured again.
In the final chapter, “British vol-unteers for liberty or Cominternarmy?” Baxell examines this con-tentious question in detail,considering the relationship of the
Communist Party with the volunteersas symbiotic rather than parasitic. He
also reviews the evidence regardingthe treatment of deserters, retaining aclear sense of the context in which dif-ficult decisions had to be made.Reference is made to internationalrivalries among the men and in partic-ular the relationship between theSpanish and the InternationalBrigaders. Given the ever-increasingnumbers of Spanish in theInternational Brigades, needed asreplacements for casualties, and thereluctance of many of the British tospeak foreign languages, problems of
communication must have been com-monplace. One volunteer, Joe Monks,is cited as having justified this lack ofenthusiasm to learn Spanish by claim-ing there was “a superstition thatanybody that started to study Spanishgrammar got killed.” But later he wasprepared to concede that this wasprobably “just an excuse for not doingit.” The interactions taking place at thegrassroots level between Brigadersand Spanish soldiers and civiliansmust surely be a subject worthy ofmore extensive research in the future.
As the sub-title of this book makesclear, this is a study of combatantsrather than of British volunteers ingeneral. Therefore very little mentionis made of the British men and womenwho served in the medical units of theInternational Brigades. However, asfar as the history of the BritishBattalion is concerned, this bookshould soon become widely recog-nized as a valuable work of referenceand an important contribution to theunderstanding of the InternationalBrigades. A copy of the data base that
was created during the research pro-cess has now been placed in theInternational Brigade Archives at theMarx Memorial Library in London.
our bloody past, despite urging by theUnited Nations in 2002 to underwritewith public funds the investigation ofthis secret taboo. All those who have
governed during 25 years of democ-racy have found, for inexplicablereasons, the exercise of setting thisepisode in its just historical frame-work to be an impossible task. In ourcountry, the Civil War continues to
be present in the collective imagina-tion of the elders, but its memory isconstantly and deliberately muffled,and any sincere reflection on the warin conversation is still almost impos-sible without provoking a visceraloutburst.
In the last five years, various asso-
ciations of the families of victims haveundertaken on their own the searchfor these unmarked common gravesthrough interviews with survivorswho were eyewitnesses to the burialof the victims of Franco-era repres-sion. Following these leads, they havetracked down, excavated, and locatedthe graves. In some cases they haveunearthed the heaped remains of over50 people, whose identification has
been impossible due to the lack ofgovernment economic support neces-sary to carry out DNA testing. Very
few families have been able to givethe bones of their murdered ancestorsa dignified burial. The vast majorityhave gone home with only the bittersmell of anonymous putrefaction.
The young people of Spain, grow-ing up with this dangerous and falseversion of their collective history, willpay a very heavy price for all this. Forthem the Franco regime died its phys-ical death. The war is no longer partof their collective memory; for them itdoesn’t exist. Nonetheless, the versionof the war, the absolutely necessary
version of a war that must be knownin order to understand the past of thiscountry, still lies covered up by thewreckage of the lies of history, inthese pits of silence.
Dispatch MadridContinued from page 5
Dr. Ianto Kaneti1910-2004
Dr. Ianto Kaneti, the last survivorof a group of doctors who fought attwo anti-fascist fronts, first in Spainand later in China, passed away athome in Sofia, Bulgaria on June 15.Born into a Jewish family in Bulgariain 1910, Dr. Kaneti graduated fromSofia University Medical College in1935. Despite his successful career, hewent to Spain in the summer of 1937to join the International Brigades. Dr.Kaneti was first attached to the 86thBrigade in the Cordoba front, and
later was transferred to the base hos-pitals in Albacete and Huete. He wasthe head of the Rehabilitation Centerat Barcelona from March 1938 untilthe withdrawal of the International
Brigades. After the retreat to France,an "Aid China" campaign was orga-nized among doctors who had served
in Spain. Although many doctors vol-unteered to serve, 17 doctors from theFascist-occupied countries wereselected. Dr. Kaneti came out of theFrench camp and reached southernChina in September 1939. In China,these "Spanish doctors" insisted onserving in the front to fight against the
Japanese invasion. Dr. Kanetireturned to Bulgaria in 1945. He helda position in the government until1956 and became a radiology profes-sor in the medical school. In 1996, Dr.Kaneti and his wife returned to Spain
to attend the commemoration of the60th anniversary of the InternationalBrigades.
-Len Tsou
Associaton for HistoricalMemory Recovery offersGenetic Identification
Dear Members,First of all I would like to express my eternal gratitude to all of you.You came to my country to defend us from fascism and you suffered anddied in order to preserve the ideals in which you believed. I do not havewords to describe what I feel for you. Thanks, thanks, and more thanks.You were an example of coherence, strength and idealism.
But I am not only writing to tell you what you already know. I alsowould like to let you know that the “associacis per a la recuperacis de lamemoria historica” (Association for Historical Memory Recovery) is pro-moting the identification of bodies buried in unidentified mass graves. Iwill be the person in charge of the genetic identification of these bodies.
If you know cases of brigadists who were killed and left in thesegraves and you are interested in having these bodies identified and recov-ered for their families, please let me know. I can put you in contact with
the people in Barcelona who are carrying out the work of grave localiza-tion. We are now starting this long but necessary work and we would beglad to do as much as we can in order to help you. This is a way to saythank you with something other than words.
Thank you again.Sincerely yours,Pere Puig, PhD, Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center
Stalin and the Spanish Civil War . ByDaniel Kowlasky. New York: ColumbiaUniversity Press, 2004. (Also available in aSpanish version: La Unión Soviética y la
Guerra Civil Española: Una revisión
crítica. Barcelona: Crítica, 2004)
By Robert Coale
Daniel Kowalsky’s study of Sovietinvolvement in the Spanish Civil War
is a welcome addition to the list ofpublications whose authors havegained access to archival holdings ofvarious sorts in the former SovietUnion. Exploiting source material inthe original Russian version, the studysheds light on a number of the morepolemic issues surrounding Stalin andSpain. The result is an undeniablythorough study of the Soviet involve-ment in the Spanish Civil War. Thework is divided into five parts thatcover Soviet-Spanish relations, soli-darity campaigns and humanitarian
aid, Soviet cultural policy and theSpanish Republic as well as multipleaspects of Soviet military assistance,from planning and supply to person-nel. Many of these subjects had not
been studied previously in suchdepth. The author credits the Sovietswith noble intentions and outrightsuccesses, but he also enumerates themany difficult and flawed aspects oftheir policy in Spain.
Relations between the two nationssuffered from actions of both parties.The situation of the Spanish diplomat-
ic mission in Moscow is an example.Given the considerable Soviet assis-tance, along with the refusal ofwestern democracies to aid the legalgovernment of Spain, the indifferenceand later neglect in which Madrid leftits delegation in Moscow is astonish-ing, to say the least. This situation not
only offended Stalin, but also hadother drastic consequences: renderingit virtually impossible for theRepublican authorities to monitor orinfluence the care given to Spanishchildren refugees in the USSR.Furthermore, the absence of a Spanishmilitary attaché allowed the Soviets afree hand in controlling the prices andquality of arms sold to the Republic.Other perplexing issues brought forth
are the lack of adequate militarypreparation of many of the Sovietpilots and tankers sent to the peninsu-la and the scant attention paid to thelanguage and cultural barriers
between them and their Spanish coun-terparts, often with dramaticconsequences.
On the other hand, Kowalskyrefutes the most negative interpreta-tions of Stalin’s actions and motives.The author concludes that Sovietintervention in Spain alwaysanswered to multiple considerationsand not just one easily identifiableobjective, as many critics have stated.
In all, the book presents a view that isextremely well documented, thought-ful, and balanced.
The book closes with two invalu-able appendices for future researchers.The first is a critical bibliography ofRussian, Spanish and English histori-ography of the war. The second is an
often amusing guide to the myriadRussian archival collections, with
tips on locations, types of unclassi-fied documents in holdings, andconditions of access.
Given the primary area of interestof the publication in which this reviewis to appear, I cannot resist mention-ing the short passage dedicated to theInternational Brigades. It is, unfortu-nately, one point where the authordoes not seem to have used theRussian archival holdings to theirfullest extent. In addition, some sec-ondary sources of questionablescholarly value are taken at their face
value. In all fairness, however, the IBis not one of the main subjects of the book, and these few errors must notdistract the reader from the veritablecontributions Kowalsky has providedin understanding Stalin’s motivationsand actions. All in all, this is a highlyvaluable contribution to the study of
the Spanish Civil War.One note: the English language
edition is part of the Gutenberg on-line history series created by theAmerican Historical Association andColumbia University Press.Acquisition of the book comes withaccess to rare archival footage and
photographs on-line (see: www.guten- berg-e.org). The version published inSpain by Crítica is a translation of thetext portions of the original work.
Robert Coale teaches Spanish literatureat the University of Paris.
ALBA’s planned giving pro-gram provides an extraordinaryway to make a gift, increaseincome and slice the donor’s taxbill – all in one transaction!
The charitable gift annuity pro-gram was created for our manyfriends who have expressed a desireto make a significant gift, while stillretaining income from the principalduring their lifetime. A charitablegift annuity gives the donor addi-tional retirement income, while
affording the satisfaction of sup-porting ALBA’s continuingeducational programs and its tradi-tions of fighting for social justiceand against fascism.
HOW DOES A CHARI-TABLE GIFT ANNUITYWORK?
A charitable gift annuity is asimple contract between you andthe Abraham Lincoln BrigadeArchives (ALBA). Under thisarrangement, you make a gift ofcash or marketable securities, worth
a minimum of $5000, to ALBA. Inreturn, ALBA will pay you (or up totwo individuals) an annuity begin-ning on the date you specify, on orafter your sixtieth (60th) birthday.
WHAT ARE THEADVANTAGES OF ACHARITABLE GIFT ANNUITY?
A charitable gift annuity hasfour distinct advantages:
Income for Life at attractive payoutrates.Tax Deduction Savings – A largepart of what you give is adeductible charitable gift.Tax-Free Income – A large part ofyour annual payments is tax-freereturn of principal.Capital Gains Tax Savings – Whenyou contribute securities for a giftannuity, you minimize any taxes onyour “paper profit.” So gifts of secu-rities save twice!
PAYMENTSYou choose how frequently
payments will be made – quarterly,semi-annually or annually. You canalso choose a one-life or two-life
(two people dividing the income)annuity. Cash gifts allow maxi-mum tax-free income; gifts ofsecurities allow you to minimizecapital gains taxes.
DEFERRING PAYMENTSIf you are under 60 years of age,
you can still set up an annuity and
defer the payments until any dateafter your 60th birthday. This givesyou an immediate tax-deduction foryour gift while still guaranteeingyou income payments in the future.Because you are deferring pay-ments, your annuity payments will
be larger than if you had waited toset up the annuity until your 60th
birthday.For more information on a cus-
tomized proposal for your CharitableGift Annuity, please contact:
Julia Newman
ALBA, room 227799 BroadwayNY, NY 10003Ph. (212) 674-5398
ALBA’s Planned ALBA’s Planned Giving Program Giving Program
