THEJOURNAL OF OROMO STUDIES · The Journal of Oromo Studies (JOS) is a...

THE JOURNAL OF

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OROMO STUDIES

VOLUME 6, NUMBERS 1 & 2, JULY 1999

THE JOURNAL OF OROMO STUDIES

EDITORAsafa Jalata, University of Tennessee, USA

ASSOCIATE EDITORWandaRushing, University of Memphis, USA

EDITORIAL ASSISTANTSLemmuBaissa, UticaCollege, USAAsfaw Beyene, SanDiegoSlateUniversity, USABelletech Deressa, GlobalMission, USABichakaFayissa,Middle Tennessee University, USAMohammed Hassen, Georgia StateUniversity, USABonnieK Holcomb, George Washington University, USAAdmasu Shunkuri, University ofNewMexico, USAAddisu Iolesa, Indiana University, USA

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARDAdamAbdalla, CUNY, USAMario I AgniIar, University of St Andrews, ScotlandGeorgeBanti, University of Rome, ItalyPaul Baxter,University of Manchester, UKMekuriaBulcha,University ofUppsala, SwedenBahiru Gametchu, Medical College of Wisconsin, USAGunnarHasselblatt, Berliner, Missionwerk, GDRRichardHayward, University of London, UKJan Hultin,University of Goteborg, SwedenVirginiaLuling, Survival International, London, UKSaid SlIIUalaI', RutgersUniversity, USASidneyWaldron, SUNYCortland, USARev, RonaldWlII'd, Toronto Baptist I·,C Services, Canada

THE JOURNAL OF aROMa STUDIES

VOLUME 6, NUMBERS I & 2, JULY 1999

JOURNAL OF OROMO STUDIESDepartmentof Sociology

901 McClungTowerUniversityofTennessee

Knoxville, TN 37996-0490

The Journal of Oromo Studies (JOS) is a multi-disciplinary iotemationaljournal ofthe OromoStudies Association, and it publishesoriginalresearchand bookreviews on Oromo studies and otherrelated issues twice a year, JOSwelcomes contributions from alI areasof Oromo studies and relatedfields.Since manuscripts are evaluated by anonymous peer reviewers in theappropriatefield, publishing decisions are made on the recommendation ofthesereviewers. It is OUTcommitment to workwith authors,andwe respondwithcomments whether ornot we publishthe manuscript Articles publishedin this journal do not necessarily representthe views of the Oromo StudiesAssociation or thoseofits officers; iodividual authors carry full responsibilityfor the accuracy ofthe facts and for opinionsexpressed in the articles

© 1999 The Journal ofOromo StudiesAIl rights reservedISSN 1070-2202

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Pleasesendmanuscripts, andbusioessandeditorial correspondence to AsafaJalata,Editor, The Journal ofOromo Studies,Department ofSociology, 90IMcClung Tower, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN 37996-0490Manuscripts mustbe submitted in threecopies (typed,doublespaced) withanabstractof about 200 words. Figures, tables,andmapsmust be camera-ready.Authors must follow the latest edition of the Chicago Manual of Style.Separate notes and references should be at the end of the manuscriptAcceptedarticles must be submitted in WordPerfect 5.1


VOLUME 6, NUMBERS 1 & 2, JULY 1999

Editorial Overview 1

Oromo in the World CommunityBonnie K. Holcomb 1

The Impact ofaRacist U.S.. ForeignPolicy on the OromoNational StruggleAsafa Jalata 49

WesternForeignPolicy, Profits and HumanRights: TheCase ofEthiopia

Trevor Trueman 91

A ShortHistory of'Oromo Colonial Experience1870's1990's: Part One 1870's to 1935Mohammed Hassen 109

Environmental Impacts ofGoldMiningin OromiaGobena Huluka 159

Structural and Word StressPatterns inAfaan OromoTilahun Gamta 173

Book Reviews 195

NOTE ON CONTRIBUTORS

BONNIE K. HOLCOMB is Senior Research Associate at the Center forCommunitarian Policy Studies of the George Washington University atWashington, DC Sheis authorof several articles on NortheastAfricanaffairsand two books,Politic:s and the Ethiopian Famine, 1984-1985 (with JasonW Clay) and The Invention ofEthiopia (with Sisai Ibssa)

ASAFA JALATA is Associate Professor of Sociology and African andAfricanAmerican Studies at theUniversity of I ennessee, Knoxville. Heis theauthor of Oromia & Ethiopia, and the editor ofOromo Nationalism and theEthiopian Discourse. The Search for Freedom and Democracy, (Red SeaPress, 1998) His articles havebeenpublishedin TheAfiican Studies Review,Hom oj Africa, Dialectical Anthropology, The Journal ofPolitical andMilitary Sociology, and Social Justice He is past president of the OromoStudies Association

TREVOR TRUEMAN, M D., is Chair of the Oromia Support Group and ahuman rights activist

MOHAMMED HASSEN is AssociateProfessorofHistoryat GeorgiaStateUniversity, Atlanta He is the author of The Oromo ofEthiopia. A History1570-1860, (Cambridge University Press, 1990) and has publishedmore thana dozen articles and numerous book chapters and book reviews. He is pastpresident of the Oromo Studies Association and a former editor of TheJournal ofOromo Studies

GOBENA HULUKA is a soil chemist and ResearchAssistant Professor atTuskegeeUniversity. His research interests includeenvironmental pollution,global climaticchange,geographicinformationsystems (GIS), and soils Hehas published several articles in scholarlyjournals

TILAHUN GAMTA was AssociateProfessorofEducationand Language atAddis Ababa Universitybefore he retired in June 1996 He has published, inaddition to many articles, two major works, namely Oromo EnglishDictionary (AddisAbaba UniversityPrinting Press, 1989) and Seera AfaanOromo (Berhanina Selam Printing Press, 1995)

EDITORIAL OVERVIEW

The Journal of Oromo Studies, a scholarly voice ofOromosand the OromoStudiesAssociation, has established Oromoscholarship on a strongscientificground of an international level. The essays in this volume attest to thisreality The volume explores how Oromos relatedto the globalcommunity;the impact ofa racist U.S. foreign policy on Oromo nationalism; thenegativeimpact of Westernforeign policyon humanrights in the EthiopianEmpire;the consequences of Ethiopiansettlercolonialism on the Oromopeople; theenvironmental impacts ofcolonial goldmining inOromia and its consequenceson the indigenous Oromopeopleand their animals; and, structuraland wordstress patterns in the Oromolanguage.

In heressay,"Oromoin theWorldCommunity," Bonnie K Holcombdiscusses howwide-ranging large-scale changes in thecapitalistworldsystemduring the current era have affected the Oromo people and their nationalstruggle. She examines the consequence of the Oromonationalmovement,and the impactof specific global changes on Oromosociety, particularlybyfacilitating the flight of a sizablegroup ofOromorefugeesoriginating fromdifferent parts of Oromia, by creating conditions favorable for thefew Oromodiaspora groups to articulate Oromo nationalism in the West, and byintroducing the U.S. as a sponsor for the new Ethiopiangovernment. Shenotes that this latter development places the Ethiopian government in theleague with a host of U.S.. and multinational corporations intent upondeepening the exploitation of Oromoresources; also it has intensified therepression of Oromothrough the creation of an Oromo wing(Oromo People'sDemocratic Organization, OPDO)withinthe government aimed at silencingand replacing independent expression of Oromo nationalism.

Holcomb asserts that the Oromo individually and collectively faceboth newdilemmas andnewopportunities: the challenges are that the Oromoliberation movement and its organizations havenotyet marshaled effectivelythe intellectual and cultural resources ofOromos andhave notyet convinceda concerned world community that the U.S.. foreign policy facilitates therepression of Oromos by supporting a government thatviolates Oromohumanrights underthegniseof "democracy.." Theopportunities are that the Oromo

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national movement initiated by a tiny group of intellectuals can now be incommunication with most of the Oromo diasporaand Oromos in Oromiawhohave been exposedto globalinformation. Shenotesthat this condition opensa new chapter in Oromo modes of communication and self-assertionHolcomb suggests that these global developments promise to remove manyobstacles that the Oromopreviously faced in tryingto realize their potential..At least part of the Oromo population is now physically free to pursueobjectives that theyhavebeen prevented frompursuing sincetheircolonizationand still cannot be pursued inside the Ethiopian Empire, despite claims of"democracy" and"self-determination."

Holcomb points out that Oromofuture activities on behalf ofOromonationalism will reveal whether the internalized social and psychologicallegacies of colonization prove to be more powerful than the physical andpolitical bonds to which part of the nation is no longer subject. Theimplicationsofher piece are that in order to realize the potential the Oromonational movement and its organizations must harness and legitimize theOromo intellectual and cultural resources and lines of communication thatexpand and advance the Oromo demands for democracy and selfdetermination, recreate indigenous Oromo institutional formsthat advancetheOromo hberationmovement, developa mechanism that allowsthe maturationofOromo nationalist ideology through the activeparticipation ofOromos fromdiasporaand Oromia, and launch publicrelations campaigns that makeftiendsand allies for the Oromo causeboth on regionaland global levels..

Asafa Jalata in his essay,"The Impact ofa RacistU.S.. ForeignPolicyon the Oromo National Struggle," explores how the US -led global andHabasha eliteshaveconstructed a racistdiscourse to naturalize and justify thecolonization ofthe Oromoand theirrepression andexploitation by theallianceofEthiopian andglobal capital accumulators He demonstrates how the US..foreign policy toward the Ethiopian Empire consolidated a racial/ethnichierarchythat was established by the alliance of Ethiopiansettlercolonialismand Europeanimperialism Jalata arguesthat the U.S. government has alliedwiththe Tigrayan racistJethnocratic eliteto form a government andto suppressthe Oromo national movement because of its imperialist economic andstrategic interests and its racist assumptions about the Oromopeople.. Usingthecase ofthe Oromo,Jalata illustrates that race and racism have little to do

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with biology since they have been socially, culturally, and "scientifically"constructed to maintain the identities ofthe colonizingpopulation groups,andtheir power and privileges, throughpolicyformulation andimplementation

He explains that as successive Ethiopian elitesandtheirgovernments,with the support of the West and the East, dominated andexploitedOromoswho comprise more than half of the population in the Ethiopian Empires,justifyingby a racist ideological discoursethe application of racist values tothe Oromoissueby Tigrayan andU S foreign policyelites has madepossiblethe current political repression and economic exploitation of Oromos bylegitimating colonialism and imperialism, and by suppressing the Oromodemands for nationalself-determination and democracy. Jalata shows thatcombinedracistEthiopianand US .. policies haveundermined the possibilityof the emergence of a democratic leadership that could have solved thecontradictions in this empire by ending the sufferingof various populationgroups by uprooting Ethiopian settler colonialism, and by implementingnationalself-determination anddemocracy,

Jalata demonstrates that racism and global capitalism emerged incombination To demonstrate his points, he uses a comparative-historicalapproachto explainhowOromos havebeensufferingunderracist policies ofthe United Statesas NativeAmericans andAfricanAmericans have sufferedunder racist domestic policiesof the samecountry. Showing the devastatingconsequences of globalcapitalism and racismon the indigenous peopleslikeNative Americans, African Americans, andOromos, Jalatasuggeststhe needfor the Oromo national movement to broaden its alliance with antiracist,anticolonial, anddemocratic forces on regional andgloballevelsto challengeits twin enemies, Ethiopiansettlercolonialism and globalimperialism,

HumanRightsActivistTrevorTrueman'sarticle, "WesternForeignPolicy, Profits and Human Rights: The Case of Ethiopia," reveals howWestern governments give lip service to concerns of human rights anddemocracy in their stated foreignpolicy objectives whilein practice violatehuman rights and principles of democracy by supporting dictatorship inEthiopia, Exploring the human rights and democratization record of theTigrayan-led Ethiopian government, Trueman demonstrates howwiththe tacitknowledge ofthe West,particularly theUnitedStates, this regime massivelyviolateshumanrights andpreventsthe emergence ofdemocracy in Ethiopia,

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Trueman argues that the European Union, Great Britain, theUnited States,and other Western countries are mainly concerned with their economic andstrategic interests in the empire like Ethiopia, and their concern for humanrights anddemocracy is minimal andrhetorical. Henotes thatthesecountriespursuepredatoryforeign policies which aremorally bankrupt, and lacksocialresponsibility .

Trueman also argues that since the foreign policy elites of theseWesterncountries are isolatedfrom the effects of their policies, they are notinterestedin the consequences of their actions. The alliance of these eliteswith regional elitessuchasHabasha elites increases repression, exploitation,and impoverishment of the Peripheral world. Hecomments thatdisregard forhuman rights and democracy is not good business since it promotessocial,political and economic instability. Trueman suggests that the promotionofhumanrights anddemocracy is essential for globalinterdependence, stability,and world peace. He indicates that conscious and responsible groups,organizations, and individuals can challenge transnational corporations andWesterngovernments to supportand implement the Universal Decimation ofHuman Rights He also warns us that ifwe do not take preemptive actionsoon,disorderthat emerged in Somalia andgenocide that occurred inRwandaand the former Yugoslavia mayrepeat themselves in Ethiopia.

In his article entitled, "A ShortHistory ofOromo Colonial Experience18708 -19908: PartOne 1870s-1935,"Historian Mohammed Hassen providesan overview of Oromo colonial experiences by reviewing theprevious worksofseveralscholars Themain reasonwhyhe wrote this article is to proposehow to decolonize Oromia and achieve Oromian self-determination bydemocratizing Ethiopia through dismantling the Ethiopian colonizingstructures He argues that the Oromo question can be solved successfullywithin the Ethiopian nation-state. In this part, he coversbrieflyOromocolonial experiences fromthe 18708 to 1935,andpromisestoprovide a comprehensive argument that will explainhow the Oromo, othercolonized peoples, and the colonizing groups (Amhara and Tigrayans)eliminate the problemof Ethiopiancolonialism andform "a truly democraticrepublicofEthiopia."

Historian Mohammed Hassen indirectly attempts to challenge"several scholars whoargueforcefully that the decolonization of Oromiaand

IV

self-determinationofthe Oromoare incompatible within the framework of aunited Ethiopia" He is bringing out openlyfor a debate the two competingpositions in the Oromo nationalmovement However, in this part, he does notexplore why his scenario is better than that of those who argue for theindependence ofOromia. Althoughhe admits that the Ethiopianelites evenoppose "the realizationofself-determination ofOromia withina democraticrepublicofEthiopia,"Hassenbelieves that Oromos wouldprefer to have selfdetermination withinEthiopiaratherthanestablishingan independent republicofOromia. But, he does not providedatafor his latter assertion.

Except suggesting that "the Oromo and other colonized andoppressed peoples of Ethiopia must stand together to end the Abyssinianelites' monopolization ofpowerin Ethiopia," Hassendoesnot explainwhytheOromoand othercolonized peoples struggle to reestablish Ethiopia ratherthanforminga newentitythat willreflecttheir uniquerespective experiences. Wehope that, in his second part, Hassen will explain thoroughly how theEthiopianEmpirewillbe transformed into a truly federaldemocratic republicof Ethiopia through reconciling the contradictions between the Ethiopiancolonizingstructures and the aspirationsof the colonizedpeoples.

The Tigrayan-Ied Ethiopian government not ouly violated Oromohuman rights, but also destroyed the Oromian environment by deforestingOromo lands, gold mining, and pollution Gobena Huluka's article,"Environmental Impacts of Gold Mining in Oromia," explains how theTigrayan-led Ethiopian government has beenselling, rentingor leasingOromolands to multinational corporations that degrade the environmentDemonstrating how modem gold mining activities pollute soil, plant,vegetation, water and air, and contribute to ecological destruction, Hulukahints at dangers to Oromosocietyand the environment from the gold miningprocessesof these multinational corporations, Usingthe pretextsofeconomicliberaIization and "free market," the regimeallows multinational corporationsto have unlimited and uncontrolled access to Oromo gold mines in order toenrich itself, Tigrayanelites and their supporters

Hulukaargues that the Oromo goldmines, oncepublicproperty, wereprivatizedto satisfy the economic needsofTigrayan andmultinational capitalaccumulators. In return, Oromos received environmental degradation,underdevelopment, andpollution. The Tigrayan colonial dictatorship doesnot

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permit Oromos to organize themselves andfight for environmental justice andsustainable development. Huluka warns that if suchirresponsible goldminingcontinues, a disastrous ecological imbalance will emerge and lead to thebreakdownof an ecosystem and have serious consequences for the Hom ofAfrica and the world.

Linguist TilahunGamta describes the patternsin whichOromowordstructures are organizedand expressed in communication by identifying andanalyzing 998 structures in Afaan Oromo. He also explains how Oromowords are stressed during communication, and suggests some rules forsyllabication of various syllable word structures and patterns. Gamta'spioneering work attempts to demonstrate the complexity of the Oromolanguageby examining different linguistic aspects of this language, Thereisno doubt that his work will be a foundation for the study of the Oromolanguage. He challenges Oromointellectuals and otherswho are interested inAfaan Oromoto learnrules andlogics that guidethe principles of writtenandspoken communication in this language

Finally,I thank ShirleyHollisand Dr. Bill Silverman who helped infinishing andpublishing this volume.

Asafa JalataEditorJuly 1999

VI

OROMO IN THE WORLD COMMUNITY

Bonnie K Holcomb

Introduction

The worldoutside the boundaries ofEthiopia is not yet acquainted withthe Oromo people of Northeast Africa However, with the tumultuousrevolutions currently underwayin communications, technology and financeintroducedby an aggressiveglobalization, Oromoisolationcannot last muchlonger. Hidden from viewandcut off fromcontactwiththe worldcommunityfor most of the twentieth century, the Oromo have remained the unknownmajoritypopulationinsidethe Ethiopian empirewhere theyhavehad no voiceand no economic or political power Now,on thebrinkofthe 21st century, thewalls of the Cold War era are crumbling, and the Oromo have begun toglimpselifein theworldbeyondthe barricades that havesealedthem off fromtheworld community. Thewide-rangingpolitical, economic and tecbnologicalchanges in theworld systemin the past decadehave dramatically altered theenvironmentin which all peoples strive to organize themselves for survivaland self-expression. Especiallysince the time that the Berlin Wall fell, anacceleratedglobalizationhasprovidednew opportunitiesand hasposed newobstacles to Oromo self-definition as a people, as a nation and even as adevelopingpolity. A consequence of the process ofglobalizationis that theOromonow constitutea significant populationin diaspora, an expandingnewsector in the global community.

To explore fully the impact of globalization on the Oromo would be aproductivedirection for Oromo studies The limited objective of thispaper isto offer a tentative exploratory overview of the impact of specific globalchangeson Oromosociety, a population of an estimated 30 million, Includinga half million abroad. After reviewing the conditions which have

The Joumal cfOromo Studtes Volume 6, Numbers 1 &2, July 1999, pp 1-48

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served to isolate the Oromo from the world community for most of thiscentury, the paper identifies several specific features of globalization thatpromise to bring an end to that isolation, including those that have generatedthe flight of this sizable group of Oromo refugees and facilitated theiremergence as a significant diasporapopulation. Thepaper thenexploresbowglobalization bas introduced specific opportunities and several newfoundobstaclesto Oromoself-expression. FinallyI draw on this discussion to makea few observationsregarding the prospects for Oromo acting collectivelytogenerate a new type of social formation viable in the twenty-first centuryglobal context This appears to be the objectiveofmembers and proponentswithin an Oromo national liberation movement who have openly devotedthemselves to changingthe Oromo position in the global village.

Focusingon the Oromo encounter with today's rapidly-changing worldsystem promises at the same time to shed light on particular political andeconomic dimensions of globalization This kindofinquiryis in keepingwitha new direction in anthropology that is sometimes referred to as theanthropology ofglobalization (seeKearney 1995;Clifford 1997;Hall 1991)..Fromthis perspectiveI raise the question, can a uniquelyOromooutlookor

cultureshape distinctive responsesof Oromoto the newglobalcircumstancesin which theyfind themselves both in Oromia and abroad? Can members ofa nation discover or consciously generate a uniquely-patterned socialformationwhenthey havenot hadaccess to political life in their own right fora century? How might this occur in the midst of the massive technologicalchanges taking place globally? Exploring these questions is not only ofinterest in the field of social science,but also in policymaking,business andpolitical philosophy. This subject is one that has not yet been the focus ofin-depthresearchamongthe Oromo,butmy tentativecomments are intendedto stimulate interest and discussion in this direction..

Factors Affecting Oromo Isolation from the Wol'1d

Therearea few individuals still livingwhocanremember whenthe curtainwas pulled to conceal the vast Oromo nation from the rest of the

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Oromo in the World Community

world The event took place recently enoughthat evennow, in the late19905,there are elderly people who were born before their part of Oromia wasincorporated into Ethiopia and who can describe the process. Theincorporation occurred rather quickly (considering the size of the Oromopopulation, the land mass that they inhabited and the depth and influenceoftheir culture and political organization in the region) Over a period ofnearlythirty years at the tum of this centurythe Oromowere conqueredin battle bytheir Abyssinianneighborswho had been armedwithmodem firepowerfromEurope.. Thenit took an additional tenyearsbeforethe Oromowereenvelopedas a subjectpeople into a political constructto be known as "Ethiopia," a unitdevised by European superpowers of the day and cooperating Abyssinianmonarchs.. ' Of interest to us in this discussion is that at the critical junctureoftheir incorporation into Ethiopia, the Oromowere removedfrom the worldmap and deniedstatus as a nation amongthe community ofnations Howdidthis happen?

At the time in the late l800s "hen European powers took a seriousinterest in Africa andbeganto draw up plans for its divisionamong colonizingstates, the Oromo nation was a fully-recognized and activeparticipant in theregional affairs of Northeast Africa J Lewis Krapf, a German missionarywhowaswelltraveledin theHornof Africaregion in the mid-1800sbeforetheEuropean division of Africa predicted that European attentions would bedirected toward the Oromo,enablingthem to play a central role in the regionand beyond. He anticipated that Oromo would naturally take a large andstrategic place on the new map of Africa When he drew such a map, helabeledthevast, centrally-located Oromo country as "Ormania," (Krapf 1968;see his map reprinted in Hassen's article in this volume.) Krapf went on topredict that the Oromocould well be consideredthe "Germans ofAfrica," ifthey were converted to Christianity His observationsgive us an interestingperspectivenot oulyon the Oromo standing in relation to the other forces inthe region but ofthe caliberand capacityofthis nation in the eyesofthe rareWestern observerwhohad learnedthe Oromo language and had access to thearea prior to conquest This glimpsereveals a different Oromiathan the onepainted later by the victors after the filet of conquest and suggests that theOromofate was far frominevitable.. It is knownthatOromocultural traditionbears within it a philosophical heritage and a sophisticated astronomical

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calendarwhich indicate strong mutual influences with religious and secularcentersoflearning as farnorthas Egyptand as far southas central Africa(seeLegesse 1973particularlyregardingthe Oromocalendar). The reasons thatthe estimable Oromo way of life was plunged into sudden obscurity arehistorical and political; directly related to the manner in which Europeaninstitutions,whichwererapidlybecoming global,reached and connected withAfrica,

Thesupplyof firepower to Abyssinian kingsby European stateswas partof the expansion of global capital from Europe during an earlier phase ofglobalization, The Ethiopian empire was created during the Scramble forAfrica as an instrumentwhosepurposewas to extendthe influence of capitalinto that part of Africa and bring it into the global economic system (seeHolcomband lbssa 1990 andAsafa Jalata 1993),

The Oromo, whowere indigenous to the fertile agricultural central plains,were defeatedin battle preciselybecausethe Europeans chose to strike theiralliance with and to arm Abyssinian monarchs, A major reason for thisselectionwas most likely that Britain and France each pinned the hopes oftheir success in controlling Africa to Abyssinia's Christian feudalauthoritarianism which was recognizable and familiar to Europeans at thebrinkofthe 20th century Onewouldthink that European powersintentupondividing the continent would seek direct alliancewith the very people whopossessed and lived in the most productive regions" That is not whathappened, Europeopted for indirectcontrolof the majorpopulationand theresources,probablybecausethe authoritarian Christianmonarchy they foundwas a form of vertically integrated political organization, The Oromos'republican political system was decentraIized and horizontally integrated,making it a poor candidatefor this arrangement,

Abyssinians who lived in the less fertile highlands north and west ofOromia had attempted to take over Oromia beforethe arrival of EuropeansAbyssinian kingshad repeatedly gonetowar withthe Oromoforthis purpose,

but the Oromoplace withinthe regionhad been securely established, and theboundarieshad been maintained" Abyssiniahad beenrepulsed, incapableofdefeatingthe largerOromoforceor of establishing controloverOromia TheEuropean alliance and the factor of modern weaponry in the hands of theAbyssinian side tipped this balance Subsequent histories written by the

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Oromo in the WorldCommunity

Abyssinians have explained the defeat of the Oromo as the victory of asuperior,more advanced political organization over an inferior, less advancedone This interpretation, whichservedto justify the conquestafter the event,has becomea componentof Ethiopianruling ideology (see below).

At the time of conquest, the Oromohad not made an alliancewith anyEuropean force. When the Oromo lost these tam-of-the-centuryconfrontations, there was no action taken, no attention drawn, virtually nodocumentation of the process, nor any outspokenprotests made in Europeorin America regarding the conquest or the incorporation of Oromo or otherpeoples in the Hom ofAfrica region. This conquest, whichwasinvisibletothe outsideworld,markeda turningpoint in Oromohistory, It broughtaboutthe overthrow of an independent Oromoformofgovernment, andthe transferof Oromo resources and identity to the control of the newly-minted andinternationally recognized entityofficially known as "Ethiopia."

The institutionalarrangements that weredesignedto securethe place ofthe new Ethiopian empire in the global system restructured the internaldynamics of the region.. Theincorporation ofthe Oromoand otherconqueredpeoples into the empireconstituted a colonization that was thoroughgoing; ithas been described and documented elsewhere (Holcomb and Ibssa 1990).The process took place in such a way that the identityof the incorporatedpeopleswaserased from publiclife andfromthe formal andhistorical record.Abyssiniabecamethe intermediary representative in the outsideworldfor allthe peoples contained withintheempire. Inaddition, theOromo,an expansiveand mobilepeople,werenot onlyisolatedfrom the outsideworld, they wereisolatedfrom one another insidethe empire. Most of the sectors of Oromosociety whose communications cut acrossgeographical, religious,economicand trade categories were denied access to one another through their ownchannels andpreventedfromtransferring people,information or goods alongroutes thathad significance for theirdevelopment and self-expression. Whenthe Oromo political system with its overarching integrative republicanmechanismof public assemblies was officially dismantled and replacedbycentralized Ethiopianadministrative policies in Oromia,the isolationof theOromowascomplete.

Oromoobscurityhas several dimensions.. Economically, Oromoland, keymineral and water resources, forests, and animals weredeclaredto belongto

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the Ethiopian state,were takenover by the state and were redirected to enrichand sustain the Ethiopianproduction and distribution system. In other words,the Oromo were colonized.

Politically, whenthe traditional Oromoadministrative system,Gada, wasreplaced, Oromo public gatherings at regional and subregional assemblieswere stopped. A few local assemblies continued to meet, but deliberationswere stripped of their economic content; Oromo were no longer makingdecisionsover key, life-giving resources. The assemblies that remainedwerereduced to ritual Throughout the century of silence, however, Oromo didcontinue to cany out these rituals, which played a role in keeping alive apolitical memory and in maintaining social norms and values. They alsorecollectedthe calendaraccording to whichthese assemblieswereheld. Theexperts couldrecount at any given timehow the Oromopolity was supposedto have operated,what events shouldhave taken place,how they should havebeen carried out, and in what year There was a constant reminder anddiscussionof the fact that the imposedEthiopiangovernmentwas the reasonthat the Oromo system could not function.

Indigenous Oromo communication was further restricted when Oromofarm families were assigned to particularAbyssiniansettlersand their Oromocollaborators. The Oromo tillerswhowereforced to makethe landproductivefor the benefitofthe Abyssiniansettlerswere required to remainon whateverland they had been inhabiting at the time ofconquest. This policyendedeveninformal communication by outlawingthe natural movementof Oromo overtheir own land.

Ethiopian langnagepolicywas "Amharization," a powerful tool of statecontrol which intensified Oromo seclusion. Amharic was adopted as theofficial state language, to be utilized exclusively for the conduct of publicaffairs. Even Oromosdealingwith Oromos in the Ethiopianstate systemhadto use Amharic through an interpreter. In an article in African Affairspublishedin 1978PaulBaxterreported a scene,a familiar part of everyday lifefor every Oromo residing in Ethiopia, in which an entirely Oromocongregationlisteningto a sermonpreachedby an Oromopastor had to havethe entire speech translated into Amharicand back into theOromo languageto satisfy government requirements (Baxter 1978) The same restrictionsappliedin the courts, the schools,the military, at all publicgatherings,official

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functions and places ofbusiness.. AIl written literatureproduced in Ethiopiawas to be producedin Amharic.. Written materials couldnot be published inthe Oromolanguage in Ethiopia. TheAmhara language was made the officialmediumof instruction in allschools. Highgradeson stringentAmharicexamswere required for educational and employment advancement, even in theuniversity,wheremost advancedinstructiontook place in English. Throughthe era of early 1970s every individual in the empire who obtained highereducation, not only did so in the Amhariclanguagebut was also subjectto theintense socialization of Ethiopian boarding school where non-Abyssinianculture was pitilessly denounced as savage, worthy not of recognition ordevelopment but of replacement The Oromo language was denied theopportunity to grow and change in the public realm The Oromo wereprevented from expressing themselves or their values through publicinstitutions or extending theirlanguage to encompass or expressdevelopmentsin public experience. Despitethese limitations,whichwere in place for mostofthis century, the Oromo languageremainedthe first language, the mothertongue ofperhaps thirty million speakers..

Ultimately, however, Oromoobscurityboth insideand outsidethe empirewas virtually guaranteed by the constructionand promotion of an elaborateconqueror's mythology. The Oromowerekept invisible by a specific ideologythatintroduced an artificial distinction betweenAbyssinians andotherpeoples.The Abyssinians were identified as superior, fine-featured monarchicalChristians of Semitic stock who had a historical link with Europe while theDrOIDO and othersweredepictedas inferior, blackAfricanpagans ofCushiticstock who had no king nor court, ouly "anarchic," "primitive," "tribal" and"warlike" forms ofgovernment. Withtheseprejudices, Ethiopiancolonial rulewas justified and perpetuated. This distinction between conqueror andconquered is the generative idea behind the invention of Ethiopia, and thecornerstone ofEthiopianmythology. It was promotedwithin the empire,andwas internalized by the conquering group as wellas by most Oromosocializedin Ethiopian institutions This conceptguidedforeigu policyandwas acceptedwholesale by foreign visitors and even some scholars to the empire.Throughout the 20th centurythis discriminatory notion, that the Oromo andothers deserved to be conquered and they deserve to be subjugatedhas beenkept aliveand refined It was takenup unquestioningly by successive sponsors

7


ofEthiopia, (In a paper in this volume,Asafa Jalata discussesthis ideologyand persuasivelyargues that it is racist in essence.)

The Ethiopian mythology introduced the claim that all the peoples inEthiopia,even thoserecentlyconquered, had beenpart ofthe empire for threethousandyears ofcontinuous history" This historydenied that the Oromohadexisted as a separate polity and distorted beyond recoguition the Oromoversion of their own experience, but it was acceptedin Ethiopia and abroadwithoutmuch inspectionandbecamethe basis upon whichpolicywas madeconcerningthis region, The ideology of "Greater Ethiopia" was promotedabroad and became part of official instruction in schools in the West, thusfurther obscuringthe Oromo and separatingthem from any potential friendsor allies inside or outside the empire,

I was a witness to the effectofthis ideology" By the 1970sa largenumberofforeiguers had traveled right into Oromo countryas members ofthe PeaceCorpsor as missionaries, as mappers, as tourists,or as businesspeople, Theirpriorexposure to the ideology ofEthiopiaprevented themfromperceiving theOromo as a people" Oromo were regarded as targets of thegovernment-approved programs that foreigu visitors were in country toimplement, Ifforeiguers learned a language, they learned Amharic and iftheylearnedanythingabout the historyof the area,evena thumbnailsketch, it wasan officialversionthat erasedthe history eventhe nameof the Oromopeople(whowerestill universally called"GaIIa" at that time.) Thephysicalpresenceof these visitors did nothing to dispel the prevailingmyths about the regionand its peoples, By the time I arrived in Oromia in the early 1970s, thecontactsbetweenOromo andforeiguers whovisited Oromiawereclosely andsubtly controlled by the Haile Selassie government The long-termvisitorsthat I met in the country,the geographers, scholars, missionaries, PeaceCorpsvolunteerswho had been sent to work amongthe Oromoinformedme that asa conditionoftheir visas theyhad been requiredto learnand utilizeAmharicfor the conductof their business in Ethiopia.' Somewere amused bymychoiceto learn the Oromo language, since they had been told that it wouldsoon bereplacedby Amharic. In 1966,whenEthiopiareceived approvalfor the largestcontingentofPeace Corps volunteers to anywhere on the globe, Peace Corpspersonnel, includingthose on their way to Oromoregionsin Ethiopia,startedlearningAmharicin Los Angeles at UCLA prior to departingfor their tour of

8


duty. Similar arrangements were made for persons involved in long-termbusinessand diplomatic endeavors, Thesegovernment policies had a powerfulinsulatingeffect.

Just as easily as the foreignvisitors acquiesced to learningAmharic forconducting affairs among the Oromo throughout the empire, they alsounquestioningly embracedthe powerful image of Ethiopia as a symbol forindependentAfrica Many visitors to Ethiopia accepted this myth withoutinspection and becameinstant advocatesof the glorification ofEthiopia. Ata timewhen Oromos were still alive who had been born in a pre-conquestOromia, foreigners wereaccepting and promoting the Abyssiuian assertionthat Ethinpiahad a 3,000 yearhistoryas a unifiedstate,the viewwhichdeniesthe vel)' existence ofthe Oromoas a nation. ThisversionofEthiopianhistoryprofoundly affected the relation between the Oromo and the wider worldEven foreignerswho personallyvisited Oromiaarrivedalreadyarmedwith afixed attitudetoward Oromoand their"appropriate" place in Ethiopia,readyto brand the natural expression of Oromo pride and nationalism as comingfrom "troublemakers"and "tribalists" I observedthe readinesswith whichsuch visitors to Oromia cooperated with government officials by offering"debriefings," usnally conveyed in casual conversation, about noticeableexpressions of Oromo nationalism. This mindset in which visitors wereencouraged to serveas advocates ofEthiopiahad seriousimpacton thenatureofthe communication and understanding betweenthe Oromoand the outsideworld Even when persons from the West finally stood face-to-face withOromo in the Oromos' own land, no real communication took place;understanding was already blocked My own observation was that theideology ofGreater Ethiopia, combined withlinguistic and logistical obstacles,blindedeven eyewituesses and powerfully and effectively served to continuethe obscurityofthe Oromovis-a-vis the First Worldthroughthe mid-I970s.

Also when I returned from two years in Oromia I encountered anotherdimension of the power of this mythology as I attempted to locate otherAmericans who might have developed a facility in the Oromo langnageFindingAmericanspeakers of the Oromolanguagewas not an unreasonableexpectationsinceOromois the mother tongueofover half the population inEthiopiaand US had fully supportedthe government ofHaileSelassieI fromthe 1940s onward, sending a virtual army of Americanpersonnel to live in

9


Ethiopia to conductthe workofUS agencies. In the UnitedStates I metscoresof people who rhapsodized about the beauty of Ethiopia, when they wereactnally talking about Oromia, who had taught school in Oromo areas toOromochildren, but had conducted classes in theAmharic language, acceptingwithout reflectiontheir role as agents in the sustained policywhich kept theOromo hidden. After a persistenteffort on my part - contactinguniversities,business offices, missionaryheadquarters, and both Ethiopians and Oromolivingin the US - I collected reportsofa handfulofindividual Americans whohad acquiredthe ability to conversein the Oromolanguage. Three had beenchildren ofmissionaries in Oromia but whoseparentshad learned Amharic fortheir work. There may have been a few more,but if so, lhey did not use theirskill to contact Oromo in the United States. The effectiveness ofEthiopianpolicies in concealing the Oromo people was remarkable considering theextraordinarily large numberof native Oromospeakers (third in Mica), theirstrategic location, and the prominentposition 1hat the Oromohad held in theregion less than a century earlier That quest of mine for Oromo-speakingforeigners alerted me to the fact that the barriers which kept the Oromovirtually unknownand unseen in the world communitywere firmly in place..

Apparently not muchhadchanged by 199L In a newly-published chapter,LeencoLata, themanwho servedas DeputySecretary representing theOromoLiberation Front in Addis Ababa in 1991-1992, has written,

Many American and European government officials whomI met after the 1991change in regimein Ethiopia,repeatedlytold me oftheir unawareness ofthe existenceof the Oromopeopleand ofthe OromoLiberationFront (OLF) prior to theLondonConference ofMay 1991 This wasparticularly trueof American diplomats and officials In fact, most of themembers of theAmerican team that wasdelegated to mediatethe London talks of May 1991 frankly admitted theirignorance about Oromo until that time. The present USAmbassador to Ethiopia, Mr. Hicks, happens to be one ofthem. Mr. Hicks actnallyspent some years in the EthiopianEmpire during the late 1950's and was posted as a diplomatto a numberofAfrican countries in the 1980's Despitesuch

10


a prior exposure to Ethiopia and the rest ofAfrica, even hewas unaware of the existenceof the Oromo people and thestruggIe that theywereconducting until the eventreferredtoabove (1998: 176)

The policies described above, particularly the ruling ideology,effectivelycombinedto keep an ambassador' of the United States -- one whohad previous experience in the empire - unaware of the existence of thelargest nation in the region This is particularlynoteworthyconsideringthathe arrived to begin the processofconstructing, in the name of democracy, theregion's connectionto the global villageat the openingof the 21st centuryThe ambassador's lapse givesus the strongestindication yet that the barrierserected between the Oromoand the worldat largehad had not onlyremainedin place but had been rigorously protected and reinforced to ensure that theOromoposition in the worldcommunity continuedbe one of isolation.

Ironically, the obscurityof the Oromowasperpetuated by the verypersons who might be expectedto challenge it -- the few Oromo themselveswhohad crossedthe geographical boundaries ofEthiopiato reachthe outsideworld. But in fact, the Oromo who had managed to travel abroad rarelyrevealed to others that they were Oromo.. Their' socialization in Ethiopiaprovedto bea criticalforcein maintaining their silence. In order to reach theworld beyond Ethiopian borders, Oromo individuals had to pass throughgovernmentchannelswherethey faced tight restrictions.. Opportunities fortravelweredoledout to onlya fewAmharic-speaking Oromowhohadproventhemselves to begood and loyalEthiopians. An additional handful ofOromoobtainedassistance for travelabroad andfor the necessary visas primarilyforeducationfrom foreignChristianmissionaries working in assignedregions ofOromia Most Oromo who were selected for government- ormissionary-sponsored highereducation overseas tendedto be youngOrthodoxor missionary Christianmalesfrom agriculturaI Centraland WesternOromiawho had been identifiedby the government as Ethiopian.. These factors ofselection delivered Oromos into the outside world who saw themselves asEthiopianor were conflicted about their identity. Someof these Oromo didnot sharethe feelings ofOrorno nationalism thatwereevidentin the rest ofthepopulation. Others knew that their continued employment in Ethiopia

11


depended upon their silenceconcerning Oromo nationalism Indeed, theseOromotravelers upheld existing notionsabout Ethiopia. By detennining whattype of Oromo individuals would be allowed to travel, the state controlledwhichOromowouldbe exposedto the worldbeyondthe Hom of Africaandwhat kind of Oromoindividuals would that people in other countrieswouldencounterabroad.

Oromummaa: Oromo Efforts at Self-Expression

It is quite interesting to note that most Oromo themselves living inOromia have never acceptedthe authority held over them by the Ethiopiangovernmentto be legitimate. I encountered this widespread attitude when Iconducted traditional styleanthropological fieldwork in theearly 1970samongOromo I havesincediscovered that virtually everyother anthropologist whohasworkedamong the Oromoin Oromiaclosely enough to gain access to theirpoliticalviews has found the same Paul Baxter, who livedamong the ArsiOromo,wrote:

But though Arsi have, perforce,bent before the buffets ofcentralgovernment officialstheyhave never acknowledgedthat that government or theyhad any legitimate or enduringauthority. Since, at least,their bloodbattles withRas Darge

Arsi have maintained an intense sense of culturalindentity and few, if any at all,can everhavefelt themselvesto be citizensofEthiopiabut only oppressed subjects of it(1980: 55)..

Jan Hultin states outright that this conclusion applied also to hisobservations in WaIlaga (1993:68). Informal conversations withviItually allsocialscientistswhoworked among the Oromorevealthat Oromohaveneverregarded themselves as Ethiopians, have maintained their identity despitelimitationsimposedby the state. Severalsocialscientistswhohave observedthese attitudes amongOromohave not written about the phenomenon eitherbecauseit was not their fieldof inquiryor becausetheywereacutelyawareoftheirneedto obtainvisas through the goodgraces ofEthiopian regimes openly

12

Oromoin the WorldCommunity

hostileto expressionsof Oromonationalism as a matter of policy. No openstudy of the phenomenon of Oromonationalism has been approvedby anyEthiopian government in the pastcentury. This kindof silence keptthe Oromoinvisible.

The largely unreported attitudes andaspirations for self-assertion thatI and othersfoundto be so widespread among the ordinary Oromoin Oromiawere indications of a broad discontent that eventually began to shake theempire, Oromo of every background wereextremely dissatisfiedwith theirsitnation and had continued to assert themselves and express this disquietthroughvarious forms of resistance Open expressions of Oromonationalidentity(Oromummaa). wereregarded by the Ethiopianstate as expressionsof political defiance and were officiallytreated as a threat to the politicalsystem Successive Abyssinian-dominated governments have developed aprogrammatic effortto silence Oromo nationalists Several notable large-scaleefforts at resistanceto Ethiopian control represented the culmination of thekindof dissatisfaction that resulted whenself-assertion wassuppressed by thestate at the locallevel throughout Oromia" Themost visible examples ofthiswere the Raya and Azebo uprisingin 1928-1930whichtook not a nationalforce but an international force to put down; the attempts at forruing a WesternOromo federation in 1936 and another similar petition from Oromo inHarargue in 1947, and a rebellion in Bale in the early 1960s which alsorequiredairpower to suppress (Asafa Jalata 1998 provides a uice swnmaryofthese incideots). Systematic attempts to silence the Oromo voice inseparateisolated incidents occurredthroughout the 20th centuryinsideEthiopia5

By the early to ruid-1960s, a small core of Oromo professionals,business people, intellec1lla1s, military personnel, students and employedworlrers successfully overcame the internal obstacles to commuuicationamongst themselves inside Ethiopia -- primarily throughruigration to urbanareas- and organized themselves as a self-help association, Macha-Tulama"andcultural associations AfranQalloandBiftuGanamo The details of theseresistance efforts are available in severalwritten works,althoughthe generalliterature does not yet begin to convey the breadth and width of the Oromoresentment and dissatisfaction with their placewithinEthiopia. Thetask ofuncovering the history of this dimension of Oromo experience has hardlybegun Whenever such research is carriedout, it will put into context the

13


expressions of Oromummaa (Oromoness) that, for those who acceptedaccounts ofEthiopian unity, seemed to eruptoutof nowhere. Thegovernmentresponse to the popular Macha-Tulama group demonstrates the officialresponseto thepublic embrace of Oromo identity After falselyimplicatingthe leaders in a plot to overthrow the government and as agents whomasterminded the explosion of a bombin the EmpireCinema in downtownAddis Ababa, several leaders were arrested. Some went to jail for life,MammoMazamirwaspublicly hanged as an exampleand the organizationwas officially bannedthroughout the empire (seeSinger1978,Hassen1997,1998 and Dhugumaa 1998for histories of the Macha-Tulama association).The organization was forced underground

The suppression ofthekindof Oromo nationalism represented by theMacha-Tulama association and others gave lise to several new social andpoliticalorganizations that lateremerged worldwide, as Oromobegan to findtheir way abroad (see below), all sharing the nationalist objective ofself-determination. TheOromo Liberation Front(OLF)wasthemostvisibleof these groups, among whomwereTOONA (which later became UOSNAthen UONA), TBOA (Union of Oromo Students in Europe), etc. Each ofthese in theirturn generated or encouraged otherorganized effortsto expressand promoteOromonationalism: Oromo ReliefAssociation (ORA),mso,IFLO,UOPLF, OPLF, Oromo Studies Association (OSA), Oromo communityorganizations, Oromo support groups in several First World countries andOromoreligious communities, both Christian and Muslim, in host countriesaroundthe world. Allof theseopenly advocated Oromoself-expression, andplayed a role in revita1izing Oromo culture, language and national identityamong Oromo Ultimately these groups have asserted that Oromoself-determination was the onlyavenue which would allowself-realizationTheirefforts intellectually andpolitically challenged the legitimacy of Ethiopiaas the appropriate representative of Oromo interests. Oromoorganizations,particularlythe political fronts, stated their nationalist objectives in theirrespective programs but gained fewfriends andminimal supportabroad. Theforces that actively maintained Oromo silence throughout the Cold Warremained strong..

14


The Walls Begin to Crumble: tbe Orome Migration

The global oil crisis of the 1970s, combined with increasedexpressioos of national resistance of the Oromo and others in Ethiopiaeventually brought about the fall of the Haile Selassie governmentin 1974Detailed analyses of the advent of the Dergue's governmentin Ethiopia are

made elsewhere (see Ottaway and Ottaway, 1978, Holiday and Molyneux1981,Keller 1988, and Holcomb and Ibssa, 1990,AsafaJalata 1993). Forourpurposes here it is enough to note that the shift from United States'sponsorship of an Ethiopian government to a Soviet spoosorship of anEthiopian government increased state repression against all forms ofnationalism. After a brief period of openness, during which Abyssiniansexpressedalarmat the extent ofOromonationalistsentiment, internal controlsand surveillance against Oromos weretightened evenfurtherundertheDerguegovernment Any display of Oromummaa or any kind of nationalistexpression was labeled a "narrow nationalist" crime against the state andtreated severelywith harassment., imprisonment, torture, andpublicexecution

Looking back on the decades of the late 1970s and of the 1980s inEthiopia, it is clear that the crushing, heavy-handed repressionthat the Oromoand other peoples of the empire experienced at the hands of the Derguegovernmentwas a result ofthe shifts underway at that time in the system ofglobal capitalism. The Dergue was affected by the death throes of a Sovietsystemthat was desperatelytrying to fendoff eventualcollapse Inthe caseofthe Dergue,the inability of the Soviets to continue their supportto Ethiopiacaused the regime to tighten policiesofforcedlabor, outrightconfiscationoffoodstuffs and property and ofmassive forced cooscriptionofyoung peopleforthe armedforces required to drive a massivewarmachine Thesepoliciescreated the Ethiopian famine of 1984-1985 Attempts to quell widespreadresistance and to increase food supplies to the urban areas led to rapaciouseconomic policies desigued in large part to contain the resistance ofdiscontented nationalities, policies suchas "resettlement," a forcible relocationof large sectors of the population (Clay and Holcomb 1986), and"viIlagization," the confinement of ruralpopulatioos in government-controlledenclave villages (Clay, et al.. 1988) The use of this kind of state terrorismagainst national resistance,drove millioos ofpeople to abandon their homes

15


to escapeconscription, starvation andcertain deathby seeking refuge beyondthe bordersof the empire.. A record number of Oromo refugees leftEthiopia,walking out in everydirection, fleeing for their lives and ignoring thenarrowchannels bY which thegovernment had previously restricted movement beyondits borders (see vivid refugees' accounts of the causes of flight in Clay andHolcomb 1986 and Mekuria Bulcha 1988).

It was thus that the Oromo finally broke through the barriers ofEthiopiaandfound theirwayintothe world at large. It has beenthroughtheincreasingly harsh measures taken against the Oromo and other peopleshidden away inside the old empireof Ethiopia, that the twentieth centurygovernments of Ethiopiahavedispersed an enormous population ofOromothrooghout theworld, broadcasting them across theglobe. Infleeing for theirlives, mostOromo whocrossed theboundary lines drawn around Ethiopia lefttheirhomes to followanypath that was opento themto escape. Thepathstakenandthe experiences acquired were numerous and differed sharply. Thisprocessof internaldisplacement and external dispersion of Oromo reachedits peak in the 1980s under the Dergue's government and continues today..

This massive refugee flight that began during the Dergne's era set inmotion socialprocesses that changed theprofileof Oromo represented in thewider world. Refugees in the new time period fled from every comer ofOromia This resulted not only in an expansion in the sheer numbers ofOromo outside the borders of Ethiopiabut also in the creationof a muchmorediverseOromopopulation abroad. Also,emigrants found themselveswidely dispersed throughout the Middle East, Asia, Europe, the UnitedStates, Australia and elsewhere These internationally displaced did notresemblethe earlier Oromoimmigrants who had come out with Ethiopiangovernment approval, but, as it turned out, many of the new generation ofexileswere contacted, received and assisted into the world conununity byOromo nationalist organizations established in the First World by thoseearlier arrivals whodiffered from themin somanyways, Thecommunicationand assistance was based not on family ties, religious affiliation orinstitutional links. Itwas basedupon their Oromummaa (Oromoidentity)Thenewcomers werehelpedwith immigration papers, advice,transitional

housing andlogistical support. Theirarrival overseas dramatically expandedthe base of the Oromo represented abroad and changed the description of

16


Oromo abroad from a tiny handful of mission- and government-educatedChristian malesselected fromWesternand Central Oromiato a morebroadlyrepresentative sampleofthe population in Oromia It also brought womenand children, farmers, traders, Muslim and traditional religionists, andpersons ofa less urbanized,relativelyless privileged and consequently less"Ethiopianized" backgroundand experience.

Since these new refugees had escaped from a Soviet-sponsoredDerguegovernment, they prompteda sympathetic and generousreceptioninthe host countriesstill participating in the East-West rivalryof a dying ColdWar era. As theserefugees havebegunto settle,a significant Oromo diasporacommunity is emerging (seebelow). Both the previous generation ofOromoandthese relativenewcomers whohad not knowneachotherpreviously havebeen able to makecontact and becomeacquainted by utilizingthe new toolsfor communication and movement that werebecoming availablein the worldat large, After a century of separationfrom one another, Oromohave cometogetherin the worldbeyondOromiawhere communication was unrestricted

This movement ofOromoaroundthe globeoccurred simultaneouslywith a stunning series of revolutionary global advances in communications,technology and financewhichis often referredto as "globalization." Thesedevelopments have changed the environment in which alI individuals,countries, organizations and corporations worldwide relateto each other.

The Features of Globalization

Thereis a largeliterature tracing the massive and wide-ranging globalchanges that have transformed social, political and economic patternsworldwide in the precedingdecade (see for example Greider 1996, Kuttner1997, Drucker 1992, 1993, Friedman 1999, Barnet and Cavanaugh 1994,Korten 1996, Yerginand Stanislaw 1998, Soros 1998). These newpatternshave irreversibly alteredthe movement of people,ideas andgoodsaroundtheglobe The impactofthese phenomena has been neatlysummedup by PeterDrucker, a management specialist who has made the task of tracking andwritingabout globaltrendshis specialarea of expertise, Druckerclaimsthatwe are livingthrougha majorsocialtransformation, of whichtherehave beenonlya fewin worldhistory. HecalIsit a "divide," saying, "withina fewshort

17


decades societyrearranges itself - its worldview; its basic values, its socialandpolitical structure; its arts; its keyinstitutions" (1993:1), He saysthat ourcurrent transformation is creating a new "post-capitalist society." TomFriedman, addressingthe same global events six years later, has expresseddissatisfactionwiththe references to our currentstatus as "post capitalist" or"post Cold War" He writes,

For several years, L like everyone else, just referred to the"post Cold War world" We knew some new system wasaborning that constituted a different framework forinternational relations, but wecouldn't define whatit was, sowe defined it by what it wasn't, It wasn't the ColdWar" Sowe called it the post-Cold War world

Themore I traveled, though, the more it becameapparent tome that this system had its own logic and deserved its ownname: "globalization." Globalizationis not a phenomenonIt is not just some passingtrend, Todayit is the overarehinginternational system shaping the domestic politics andforeign relations of virtuallyevery country, and we need tounderstandit as such (Friedman 1999:6-7)

Yergin and Stanislaw (1998:14) have reached much the sameconclusion: "A newrealityis emerging, This is not a process,buta condition-- a globality, a world economy in which the traditional and familiarboundaries are being surmountedor made irrelevant." All agree that globalforces are integrating capital, technology and information across nationalborders, creating a single global market

It seemsclearthat the"new globalorder"is reallythe globalcapitalistsystem that began operating worldwide a century ago and has beenintensifyingever since" The rapidityand intensification of the changestakingplace todaycaused by staggeringnew technological innovations have createda major socialandpolitical shift that isbest seenas a newphase ofcapitalism.Each phase ofthe expansion of capital,particularlysince it became a globalsystem in the I800s .- monopolycapital, financecapital, and now unfettered

18


investment capital -- has had its own dominant ideas, management styles,marketrelations, technologies and formsof protection and,consequently, eachhas had a particular impact on the peoples around the globe.

The innovations in this global order have been largely introducedthrough the technologies ofdigitization. These are:

I) the rapid expansionofcommunications, such as thesatellitetelephone, the fax machineand theInternet,through which spoken messages, writteninformation and video and digital images can betransmitted instantaneously worldwide; these aremade accessibleto peopleand companies whereverthey are around the globe, and connect them withone another, often bypassing the physicalinfrastructures that havetraditionally beenunderthecontrolofthe state;

2) advances in technology that have made the verymeans ofproductionmoveable and have introducedefficiencies that vastlyreducethe labor requiredforproduction; by miniaturizing systems, instrumentsare put into the hands of organizations andindividuals that onlygovernments and corporationscould afford, control and handlepreviously, and

3) elimination of barriers to investment to such anextent that, rather than big banks and firmsmanaging investment, many individuals throughpension funds and mutual funds invest their ownmonies for their own futures, sometimes directlyover their home computers. This has created anenvironment whereeverything seemsto be relatedtothe global market, everything is a possibleinvestmentopportunityand, sincerisk is no longercontrolled solely by elite institutions, access to

19


capital is easy for any reasonably persuasivebusinessplan..

AIl of these changes have expanded the growth of the marketeconomyto such an extent that the worldis reelingfromthe impacton boththeir countries andtheircorporations (although the distinction between thetwois rapidly diminishing).

These changes have put everything in flux. The old order iscollapsingin front of our eyes and a new one is being built This time, allnations,including the Oromo, are in a verydifferent positionin relation to theworldcommunity thantheywerethe last timea globalshift of thismagnitudetook place in the 1890s when the modus operandi was to divide the globegeographically and createboundaries for control Thenewconditions andthenewglobalorderintroduce a violent plOCess of''turbo-evolution'' ofcapitalismwhich presentsboth opportunities and obstacles for anynationthataspirestoestablish or hold a place in the world community. We have seen that theOromo position in the previous phase of world order was one of extremeisolation. Now let us tom to see the impact on the Oromo of the newconditions..

Impact of Globalization on the Oromo; Opportunities andObstacles

Opportunities

The technologies of high-access communication have created theopportunity for Oromowhoweredispersed at the endof theColdWarto comeinto contact with other Oromo wherever they were located on the globeincluding Oromo who had already arrived abroad. This contact has beenextensive. Forthe first time,Oromoin Europe andAmerica haveexperiencedthe freedom of openly forming Oromo organizations and expressingthemselves, As the newimmigrants continued to make contactandto join theorganizations, the Dromo started getting to know one another and workingtogetherin the outsideworldin waysthat had neverbeenallowed in EthiopiaThese organizations, through differentmechanisms and media availableto

20


them, enabled the old and new arrivalsto express their Oromummaa and, inconcertwith othersfrom all over Oromia,theyraised the voiceof the Oromoin the First World.

The acquisition and transfer of useful knowledge now takes placeamong Oromo withan intensityof interaction that allows those in contacttoshare and constructtheir livestogether in significantways. Membersof thisnationspatiallyseparatedbut who share an outlookcontinue to influence oneanotherand to build similarresponses to events that affectthem As Rousehas observed in anothercontext, they

[F]ind that theirmost importantkin andfriendsare as likelyto be living hundreds or thousands of miles away asimmediately around them Moresignificantly, theyare oftenable to maintain these spatially extended relationships asactively and effectively as the ties that link them to theirneighbors. In this regard, growingaccess to the telephonehas beenparticularly significant, allowing peoplenot just tokeep in touch periodically but to contribute todecision-making and participate in familial events from aconsiderable distance. (Rouse 1991:13, cited in Clifford1997: 246)

This closeness and coordination of activities and response to lifechoices is constantlyenhanced by new and better means of commuuicationmade available at thegloballevel not onlyto Oromowhoarenow livingin theFirst World,but to those whoremained in Africa For example,one type oftelephone that is offered through private entrepreneurs and used by thisdispersedpopulationto commuuicate witheachother can operatedirectly bysatellitetransmission, with access available directly throughthe internationaltelephone provider. With this system, neither the caller nor the recipient isrestricted by thephysical or political infrastructures of thecountry in which thecalleris located. In Somalia, for example, a country devastated by warand thebreakdown of the state infrastructure, satellite telephones connect refugeeswith their compatriots allovertheglobe. Ina countrywhere lettersrarelyfindtheir destination, the fax machine is used heavily and reliably. The readily

21


availabletechnologies inexpensively increasethe diaspora's opportunities toconnect to multiple communities in the First,Second andThirdWorlds, Sincethe technologies of this era enablethe users to transcendthe hardwiringandexpensivephysical infrastructures of communication that have traditionallybeen controlled by the state, accessibility to these communications tools maydirectly changethe nature of the relationship of the Oromowith an Ethiopianstate that bas tightened on-the-ground controL Suchdevelopments promise tochangethe hold that Ethiopiahas on the Oromo, as thephysicalcontrolsthatEthiopiabas utiIized to suppress the Oromo and others in the empire losetheireffectiveness"

Globalization has not onlyincreased the abilityof those who wouldreceive information andknowledge to gainaccess to it,but it has expanded thecapacityof those who generate knowledge to make it available, to packageitand to transmit it Education in every field, including business, health,agriculture, engineering, energy development, urban planning, etc", isaccessible to whoevergains access to the information highway" The barriersto education and technical know-how are crumbling, Language, accessto theWorldWideWeb and computerfacilityare the new tickets to educationandskills acquisition, Althoughmost Oromoin Oromiado not nowhave accessto these skills and technologies, gaining access is not controlled by theEthiopianstate,

The adventof instantaneous globalcommunication broughton by thenew worldorderbas createdin theFirst Worldactiveconcerns for humanity'sshared environment on this planetandfor globalhealthand resources issues,Thisgrowing awareness has generated interest groupsin the FirstWorldwith

great potential for alliance with indigenous peoples who inhabit zonescurrently targeted for super-exploitation. The concernof these groups forsaving the environment naturallyintersectwith the interestof the Oromoandother isolated and exploited national groupswhotryto control and salvagetheresources that are their natural heritage" First World interest groups arepositionedto apply considerable pressure on governments and corporationsthrough theirmembership organizations andthrough publicpositions theytakethat affectgeneralpublicawareness, As Oromoabroadjoin these groups andobtain citizenship in host countries, their abilityto influence policyincreases"

22


Easy access to finance under this current phase ofglobalization alsocreates an opportunity or at least a positive condition for nations like theOromo, long isolated and exploited, to overcome the impoverishment thathasbeen their legacy. The prospects are good for the Oromo, connected as anation, to find a formula for managing their own reclaimed commodities andrelating to the global market on their own terms The Oromo acting togetherhave fewer concerns about generating finance for development and changethan theywould have had in a previous era, The challenge ofdevelopment isthe challenge that faces CVeIY group worldwide since the massive globalchanges of the last decade. Oromo can anticipate that satisfying the bigcontrollers of both political power and money is not the hurdle it was ageneration or a decade ago, Sincethis is now a world where a COWltIy can :findshareholders from any other country to invest in its infrastructure, thechallenge is to devise and build a creative, viable, and sound method ofentering the market and attracting finance. As countries begin to operate likecorporations, the door is open for nations to do the same

Obstacles

Some ofthe conditions introduce by globalization pose obstacles andnew and even more troublesome dilemmas for national self-expression for theOromo at this time. First among these is the way in which the Oromo havebeen targeted to fit into the new American hegemony underthe domination ofEthiopia. As part of the increasing momentum ofglobalization, the UnitedStates had reshaped its foreign policy worldwide, seeking a formula! forintegrating weak states into the American sphere of influence (Robinson1996) Here is how it happened in the Hom ofAfrica:

During the 1980s, the time period when Oromo refugeesfrom the Dergne were getting their bearings, learning thelanguages and life skills necessary to survive in their newworld, the United States' policy makers were in the midstofimplementing their new foreign policy worldwide, Upon thecollapse of the Dergue's government, and in the face ofturmoil in the empire, the US chose to keep Ethiopia

23


together,selecting to allywith anotherAbyssinian group toapplythe newUS formulafor control of the population andresouroes of the empire: "democracy promotion." This timethe rulers were the Tigray, who also aspiredto lay claim toand to use Oromoresources directly to buildTigray. Tigray,Oromo and Eritrean foroes had fought to bring down theregime of the Dergue under whom all peoples suffered..When their combined rebel forces had surrounded theDergue's army,it succumbed..

This is the point at whichthe United States rushed to the scene tointroduce the newforeigu policymentioned above, a versionof "democracy,"desiguedto recruitelitesfrom all competing groupsin a formerauthoritarianstate to participatein a new administration. First, nationalmovements werecalledupon to put forward their agendas. Ethiopia wasa perfecttest caseforthis formula, because many of its elites, trainedin both the US and theEasternbloc, had moved to support their respective national movements in thestrugglesto bring downthe Dergue and to institute populardemocracy. Theyresponded to the call for "democracy," not aware that for many of thecolonizedpeoples, US democracy had been fashioned specifically to defusethese very movements for popular democracy by subsumingthem under itsownprogramand absorbing their elites This is whathappenedin the caseofthe Oromo and Ethiopia Eritrea was recognized as distinct and took arecognized place in the world community..

Throughthe EPRDF (Ethiopian People's Revolutionary DemocraticFront),the US supported a process by which another Ethiopian regimewasputin placeto dominate the Oromo, After less than oneyear's attemptto functionas partners in a coalition government, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)responded to pressure from the Oromo populationwho were protesting theemptiness of the so-called "democracy" put forward by the EPRDF. The OLFquit the coalition over the refusal of the EPRDF supported by the UnitedStates to allow the Oromo voice to be heard in local or regional elections..Formalguarantees for the institution ofdemocratic procedures had beengivenduringthe acceptance of a "nationalCharter" The Oromodemonstrated theircultural value of adberence to the rule of law in honoring theCharter as the

24


Oromo honor a pact The disregard by the US and EPRDF of thismutually-agreed Charterand theirviolation ofanotherencampment agreementwas the final indicationthat theirpubliccommitment to "democracy"was animage-building device Intemational media had been instructed that ademocracy was implementedin Ethiopia; the filet that the social formationcould not and did not support a democracy was of no interest to the imagemakers.

It had becameclear to Oromo both insideand outsideEthiopiawithina few short months that this US-backed plan wasno democracy and that thisparticularroute ofobtainingsomemeasureofcontroloverwhathad been lostto the Oromoled to a deadend. Despitetalk of"democracy"in Ethiopia,thearrival of the EPRDF in power in Ethiopia constituted the replacementof aheavy-handedSoviet-backed Ethiopianadministration over the Oromo witha high-tech US-backed Ethiopian administration over the Oromo. In otherwords,the Abyssinian-dominated state that hadfor so longsilenced the Oromain the ways described abovehad not changed. It had foundnewmanagersanda different sponsor who updatedits image. The EPRDF appliedthe new USformula for achieving hegemony by introducing an innovation in themechanism for suppressing Oromo nationalism, the OPDO (the OromoPeople's Democratic Organization). Thiscreation was designed to incOIporateinto the government Oromoindividuals whowerewillingto take direct ordersfrom EPRDF.. This Tigray creationsubstituted for an independent Oromovoice, while giving the impression of Oromo participation Before thewithdrawal ofthe OLF andotherOromo forces fromthe coalition, the EPRDFhad alreadystarted to silenceindependent expressionofOromonationalism.Soon after the OLF withdrawal, all non-OPDOOromo groups were labeled

"terrorists" and "advocates of violence." The ability of the government topenetrate Oromo communities and identifyoutspoken nationalistshas beenenhancedby the presenceof the OPDO as a state instrument, introducingabasis for Oromo-on-Oromo violence that had not existed previously.

When the United States embracedEthiopia, the increasedpower ofthe UnitedStates in thenewglobalorderwasextended to dominate the Oromoand other nations envelopedby Ethiopia. This shift took place according tothe US policy of "promotion ofdemocracy." In Ethiopia it took the form of"ethnic federalism," touted as a creative new system. With this approach,

25


national groups were no longer ignored and suppressed as nationalitiesInstead, thenationalgroups wereidentified, named,and madeto take a placein the government by placing hand-picked representatives into anadministration designed and controlled by the ruling group. This designacknowledges and divides the national groups in order to controL

The introduction of this type of "democracy" supported by theUnited Statesfalselysignaled to a concerned worldcommunity that Ethiopiaand thosepeoples within itsborders were finally relieved of the repression thatthey had admittedly experienced under the Soviet-sponsored Dergue TheWesternmediaannounced that someformofdemocracy had beencreatedinEthiopia, effectively isolatingthe Oromo from potential international allieswhose alarm at the Oromo condition under the Dergue dissipatedwith theimpression that allwas well in Ethiopia. Yet, the VeIY ritualsof elections andconstitution-writing that wereoverseen, stage-managed andcontrolled by theEPRDF, supportedby the United States, had the objective of underminingOromo populardemocracy. Thecreation of the OPDOactually increased thepenetration into Oromiaof a hostilegovernment bureaucracy by usingOromo(OPDO) in addition to Abyssinian agents in carrying out human rightsviolations against those who objected to this system. The United States,formallyinterestedandengaged in promoting "Democracy and Governance"programsthroughUSAlD,has turneda blind eyeto the humanrights abusesthat take place, attempts to silence those who advocate a genuine popularparticipation in the political processandwho wouldexposethe shortcomingsof the Ethiopian government in that regard (see Saga/ee Haara, thepublicationofOromiaSupportGroup for documentation ofthese cases), Infact surveillance is now high tech, In this regard, the barriers around theOromoinsidethecountIy havebeenselectively reinforced The powerand thecapacity oftheUnited States havebeen unleashed to enhance and to updatetheimage of Greater Ethiopia, US public relations firms are now available toassist in explaining away theviolations that occur Propaganda whichfintherisolates Oromo as "violent" is being updated and is now even moutheddirectly by a representative of the US State Department in Congressionalhearings.

Globalization wasresponsible for transferring sophisticated militarytechnology from the USA to a coalition of African states to form an

26


Aftica-based rapid response deployment initiative, i.e.., the African CrisisResponse Initiative, includingto the EPRDF ,in the name of decentralizingglobal "peacekeeping" This placed Ethiopia at the disposal of the US forutilizing heavy weapomy for international "crises" in the region. Theplacement ofheavyarmaments intothehands ofa governmentwhichtreats theOromo people as dangerous enemies has happened before when the USsupplied weapons to Haile Selassie's regime.. The arms serve to intimidateinternal dissidents rather than external foes This act raised the level ofinternal threat to any Oromo who were willing to raise an independentvoice.ThisEthiopiangovernment had alreadylabeledas "terrorist" anyindependent

Oromonationalist group or individual. It is alreadyapparent in the wake ofthe Ethiopian-Eritreanwar of 1998-99that it was a misguidedpolicy on thepart ofthe US to arm a government whichhas a historyofviolentand abusivepractices against politicaldissidents. It has introducedenormousinstability.The upgraded technologies of surveillance and sophisticated propaganda

available to the EPRDFgovernment by wayofUS supportareused againsttheindependentnationalists in the same waythat they wereused by predecessoradministrations. Theweight of the United States also becomes a factor inregionalpoliticsas Ethiopiamovesto mobilize neighboring countries, Sudan,Kenya, and Djibouti, against the Oromo within their borders, urgingrepatriation to Ethiopia, wherethey are unprotected

One of the purposes ofcallingthe new administration in Ethiopia a"democracy" is the public relations benefits for the EPRDF government inattracting foreign investment to the empire, TheEPRDFhastakenmany stepsto create the impression of stabilityanddemocracy. Withthe Oromoand othernationalists in prison or their families threatened and harassed to keep themsilent, the government has issued the following appeals in the SpecialAdvertising Sectionof World FoCUlJ.: Ethiopia:

Private Enterprise Welcome. Stability has created idealconditions for investor; Foreign investment has beenflowinginto Ethiopia at a rate of$200 milliona year since1994 and accountsamountto about20 per cent of the totalapprovedprojects to Assefa believes that the governmenthas createdexcellent conditions for foreign investors to come

27


to Ethiopia. Foreign investors want stability and wealready have it in our country, both on thepolitical and theeconomic front (emphasis added).

Privatization: A Means for a Quick and High Return onInvestment in Ethiopia wasanother headline. Thetext read,"Under the privatization scheme, opportunities forinvestment in Ethiopia abound in the food industry, inplantations (coffee and tea), in breweries, in textiles, in theleather industry, in mining, in metals and engineering, inconsttuction and in tourism. And with the growingstabilization of theeconomy, Ethiopia provides an extremelyfavorable climate for investment, promising and shortpay-back period and a high rate of return on investedcapital.."

Through the recognition of Ethiopia andits rulingmythology, the UShas again endorsed Ethiopia's claimto Oromoresources. OromoresourcescontimJe to be presented as Ethiopia'sresources to the investors andpotentialinvestors. TheUS sponsorship of theEPRDFlends the impression of stabilitythat attracts foreign investment and multinational corporations to OromiaThese companies are urged by the goveroment, as we have seen above, toinitiate financial activities with a promisedhigh return This eagernessforexceptional profit margin is often matched by lack of environmentalprotectionsin Oromia, UnderEthiopian "democracy" the indigenous peoplehave no voice in the utilization of their traditional lands. Environmentallydestructive practicesoutlawedin the First Worldhavebeen reintroduced forthe exploitation of Oromia's resources, particularly gold and other minerals(see Gulurna Gamada 1998 and GobanaHuluqaa 1999, this volume).

Oromo Entry to the World Community

With the global shift of the last decade the walls symbolized by theColdWarhavecomedown, as freemarket capitalism has triumphed. Thefallofthe BerlinWall in 1989 servedas the symbol of the communications and

28


technological revolutionthat had alreadybegunandhas oontinued apace in thedecade since. There is every reason to think that in the decade ahead eventswill accelerate even faster. Governments, corporations, and all types oforganizations have had to rethink how to survive and change their operatingstyles to acoommodate the new S) stem of globalization. Theyhaveto redefinethe center,redefinewhereresponsibilities lie, andidentifyand utilize the toolsthatare available to them in order to sustain themselves..

It is appropriateto ask in themidst of thesefar-reaching changeshowmight the Oromo utilize their old and new resources and their old and newskills of survival and interaction in creating their means of existence as anation in the 21st century? The immediate future will reveal whether theOromowill act collectively to the new oonditions that have literally alteredthegroundon which anyorganizational activity canoccuror succeed. Those whoanalyze the phenomenon as an eoonomic system and who describe theemergingpattern ofglobalization acknowledge its limits, the instability thatis at its core. Each ofthemrefers to it in a different way. Friedman writes,forexample,"My ooncern is that withoutthe environment there is no sustainablecnlture,andwithout sustainable cnIture thereis no sustainablecommunity andwithout sustainable oommunity there is no sustainableglobalization" (1999:243).. Soros writes, "There is no global politicalsystemto oorrespond to theglobal capitalistsystem; moreover, thereis no consensus thata globalpoliticalsystem is either feasible or desirable" (Soros 1998:217). He argues thatthepolitical dimension of globalization is weak because there is no basis, noinfrastructure, for integrationof the participants.

The "promotionofdemocracy" is what theWest proposesfor solvingthis problem of integration It is an effort to constructa politicalbase, but itis unsuccessful becausethere is not an adequate groundwork or infrastructureto whichthepeoples who are to be integrated canrelate It doesnot withstandthe test for political needs, it does not oorrespond to the level of eoonomicintegrationthat the systemhas achieved In otherwords, this newestphase ofglobalization has not developed as a stable or fully-articulated eoonomicsystem,because it is inoomplete as a socialor political system. Ihe promotionofdemocracy program is part ofa policydesigued to integratethe weak links(the weak nation states) into the global market in the absence of a fullydevelopedinfrastructure for their integration. It has failed becausethe center

29


cannotgenerate a paradigmadequateto accommodate the capacities ofthoseon the periphery, In orderfor the global economy to be sustained, an inclusivepolitical systemmust eventually be fashioned Nationson the peripheryhavebegun to participatein generating aspectsofsuch a design.

What does this meanfor the Oromo? It meansthat the failureoftheglobal systemto fwnish an adequate infrastructure provides an openingforthose in the periphery, like the Oromo, to put forward their own design forintegrationinto, or relationto, the market. Any group that will participate inthe global system must take into account the basic characteristics of thissystemand must address theproblemof instability and disjuncture that lies atits core. The systemultimately has to resolveits problemofinstability..

What tools do the Oromo have which would equip them to changetheir condition? First they have a large population, the bulk of which issituated in a strategicglobal location (nearMiddleEast shippinglaneswhichlink West to East andwherestabilityis crucialfor the well-being of a systemgroundedin the use of oil andnaturalgas). Alsothe Oromonowhave a largediaspora group dispersedto the four comersofthe globewho have acquirednew forms of knowledge andresources in the courseof their sojournbut whoshare with thosein Oromiaa language, outlookand sensibilitythat is uniqueto this people. The people educated and experienced inside and outsideOromia also possess untapped technical skills and know-how regardingoperationof the instruments ofthe newworldorder. In addition, Oromia,thehomelandof the people, is a repository of manyof the material resources thatare attractive to investment- fertile land,minerals, includinggold and raremineralsnecessaryfor the preparationof metal alloys,coffee,water, timber,and livestock, to namethoseconsidered ofprimaryvalueby today's standardsOfforemostsignificance to the Oromoat this timeis Oromo organizational

knowledge, an instrument that theyhaveonlyrecently begunto acknowledge..By this I am referringto the systematic, purposefulorganizedpatterningof

thought and judgment that provides the basis for social and politicalorientation and innovation. A significant tool now available to the Oromointentupon developing organizational knowledge and changing their conditionis the emergence ofan independent Oromoscholarshipin diaspora.

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Population

The Oromo population of about thirty million people shares amutually intelligible language and a common culture, which is the primarycarrier of a democratic politicalheritage. This populationis a labor forcethatis potentially a great resource ofthe nation, but it has not yet been organizedfor reasons that have been stated above. Since the advent of the EPRDFgovernmentin Ethiopia,the Oromopopulationhas becomemore aware ofitsown democratic heritage and more articulate about it. This comes as aconsequence ofOromodissatisfactionwith EPRDF's ethnicfederalism, theirdisillusionmentwhen the "democracy"promoted by the US and the EPRDFproved to be alien to Oromo notions of democracy, and their greaterknowledge about what goes on in the outside world. When the EPRDFintroduced "democracy" in 1991-92, the Oromo encountered an Ethiopian"democracy" so authoritarian that the word of a single armed Tigraygovernment agentcouldoverturn the collective decision of a community group..Their outrage at this betrayal galvanized the Oromo population and led to

their insistence that Oromonationalist organizations not be associated withtheEPRDF coalition (see Holcomb 1997). Oromo continue to use their owncultural valuesto criticize the Tigray/Ethiopian approachto democracy, styleofpublicdiscourse, methodsofconducting elections, accountability ofelectedofficials, or other features, In this process of criticism, they have beenpromptedto articulate the basis for theircritique. Oromoarenowmorekeeulyaware of the distinctiveness of Oromonotions of democracy and public life,including the basic organizingconcepts ofjustice and public responsibility.As result of the clash with the EPRDF, the Oromopopulationmay be more

prepared to embrace a unified Oromo nationalist vision That hypothesisremains to be tested

Since discontent is currently widespread, the Oromo population inOromia could go either toward massive response to a unified nationalistagenda or toward an explosionoffrustration. Changeis imminent, however,and the direction that their discontent will take is unknown. While asplintering of the Oromo population is quite possible - along lines ofTigray-backed, Sudan-backed, Somalia-backed, Eritrean-backed Oromogroups - the potential for unification of the Oromopopulation is strong. A

31


unified Oromo power may well appeal to the Oromo in Ethiopia morepersuasivelythan the appealof splintergroups Oromo politicalphilosophyvalues oneness, peace and the development of common resources. Thesevalues exist in the tradition as a potentially responsive chord among thepeople. Onewayof interpreting themassive rejection of theEPRDF's attemptto impose US-backed democracy is that when rising expectations ofself-expression weredashed, Oromo across the empire wereangered. Part ofthatangermayhaveresulted in a consciousness that Oromo valueswerebeingviolated. At that point Dromo political awareness andappreciation of Dromovalues was heightened. If this turns out to be the case, a shared nationalistagendawill havea broad appeal. Thiswouldimprove the chances ofOromiadeveloping intemally on its own tenns.. As a result, unified Oromo powermayappealmorepersuasively to potential investors in future development ofarearesourcesas well.. Oromopower,developed andharnessed to the instrumentsof Oromo notionsofbalanceand measured development, could introduce abasis for peaceandgrounded stability to the region thatcouldnot be importedor imposed

Oromo in Diaspora

Oromorefugees whofledfrom Ethiopiaduring the Dergue's regimearenow poisedstrategically out in theworld. Theyarepoisedstrategically intermsofgeography, in termsofexperiences, in termsofconnections, in termsof skills, and in terms of knowledge. Geographically their presencein theworld beyond Ethiopia ends the Oromo confinement within Ethiopia andterminatesEthiopia's holdon the exclusive representation and interpretationof the Oromopeople and Oromoissues to the world community and of theworld to the Oromo These refugees tended to be younger at the time ofdeparture, however, and were often strongly influenced by the societiesthrough which they moved to escape.. They acquired language, religious,familial, fraternal, institutional, commercial andcitizenship connections withtheir host societies as they made their way Besidespicking up influences,they also left influences andmadefriends for the Oromo in the courseof theirsojourn Both as they ran and as they settled, the Oromo who are nowdispersedthroughoutthe globe,accumulated experiences, newlife skills and

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eventually material resources in the vel)' act of surviving in the newenvironments where theyfoundthemselves. Many ofthemearnedsaIaries forthefirst timein theirlives. Also, at thehistorical juncturewhentheserefugeeswere findingtheir way into the world at large, the world itself was changingdramatically. Oromorefugees in the 1980s and 1990s moved into a highlyinterconnected and high techworld. Theynaturally reached to use computersas part of their jobs and personal lives and they carne to understand theinstitutions and instnnnents ofproductivity that wereavailable to themas partofthe total setting to which they adjusted. The knowledge thattheyobtainedalso positions this group strategically between the global institutions thatdesign, manageandexportthe products thatare transforming the worldon theone hand, and, on the otherhand, the populationofOromowhohave beensoisolatedthat they havehad virtuallyno access to thatworld

In termsof communication, thedispersal of Oromofromeverycomerof Oromiainto the First World has providedthe opportunityfor Oromowhowerepreviously sheltered andconfined inside Ethiopia to become familiar withthe patterning of power and interest that affect global decision-makingregardingthe Oromo Thefact thatthese formerrefugees,nowresidents andcitizens in powerfulEuropean and North Americancountries, hail from allparts of Oromia broadens considerably the information flow concerninginternational affairs into all parts of Oromia,East, South, West and Center.The positionofthese in diasporaopens the doorto a richer,deeperformof

interaction withinOromia'spopulation and between Oromia'spopulation andglobal issues. But this interaction so far is limited

Their escape from the restrictions imposedupon the Oromo in theempirehaveexposedthemto the opportunity for freeexpression, Oromos inEurope and Americafor the first time have achieved the right of organizingand expressingthemselves. For example,therehas emergedan independentOromoscholarship in diaspora Thisscholarship has begunto makeOromosvisible in the world even though Oromo scholars in Oromia still have nofreedom to produceor to disseminate knowledge that wouldrevealor assessthe Oromocondition in the empire,

The proportion of Oromo in diaspora, although much morerepresentative, is still minuscule in relation to the population in OromiaNumbers or the size of this diaspora are extremely difficult to reach No

33


sustained researchhas beenconducted on this issue. Attempts havebeen madeto estimate Mekuria Bulcha, who has written substantively on the topic ofOromo refugees and migrants, offers half a million as the number of Oromowho have left Ethiopia and continue to live outside the boundaries of theempire Twoyears ago he wrote,

so far, the most significant Oromo exodus from Ethiopiawas sparked by events that followed the outbreak of the[1974] Ethiopian Revolution. Since I have discussed theseevents elsewhere(1988), here it suffices to mention that thepolitical and religious persecution, was forced conscriptioninto the military,forced labor, andeconomic policiespursuedby the Ethiopian military regime (1974-1991) created thelargest number ofrefugees to cross international borders inthe history of the country. Oromos constituted a largeproportion of these refugees... All in all, there were, duringthe 1980s, between I 5 and 2 million Ethiopian refugees inthe neighboring countries, particularly Somalia, Sudan andDjibouti At least 360,000 of them were Oromo Over 90percent of the Oromorefugees were, up to 1990, in Somaliawhile the rest sought asylum mainlyin Sudan and Djibouti,but also in other African countriessuch as Kenyaand EgyptA small fraction of the Oromo refugees who went to theMiddleEast, Europe,NOIth America,andAustralia [author'sfootnote: Many Oromos who went to Europe and NorthAmerica to study before or after the revolution becamerefugees as persecution was intensified.] (1997:20-21)

With regard to conditionsunder the present EPRDF-Iedgovernment,Mekuria observes, "The exodus ofrefugees from Ethiopia in general, and ofOromo refugees in particular, did not cease with the fall of the Mengisturegime in 1991. The present regime's failure to respect basic human rights isstill creating Oromo refugees and internally displaced persons, Many of theOromo who now flee Ethiopia are businessmen, intellectuals and publicservants" (1997: 21) It is important to consider,he points out, that since the

34


violation of human rights is on the increase under the current government,those independent Oromo who found themselves outside Ethiopia (even asmembers ofthe government), duringthe period that the EPRDFhad declaredits commitment to democracy are not able to return

At this historical moment, Oromowho occupythis strategic positionandwhohavedevelopednational connections to allcontinents of theglobe,arestill bound to the Oromo who reside in Oromia by a single language andcultural orientation The Oromo in diaspora are just recovering from thetrauma of flightand the fundamental adjustments necessaryto functionon apersonal and family levelbeyond a daily, weeklyand monthly basis Theyhave effectively establishedcontactwith theirfamilies, friends, associates inthe Ethiopianempire throughvarious means made possible by advances ininternational commurrication Theyhavejust begunto articulate their' interestto findsways to solvethe problems introduced by Oromia's long-standing andcontinuing isolationfromthe worldcommurrity. Theynow face the challengeofrecognizingandcoordinating theseskills andresources to servethe interestsofOromia

Oromocollectively facean organizational challenge to coordinate theinterests andthe activities of those who are now situated at homein Oromiaand in every corner of the globe. It is clear that the vast range of skills,languages, connections, experiences and knowledge that these refugeesacquired as theyfled andtriedto make a lifefor themselves havetransformedthemintocarriers oftechnical skillsandknow-how regarding the operation ofthe global system and its technologies and have positioned them to play acritical role in transforming the nation's position in the world community.This diaspora group does not yet realize the value to their nation oftheskills and resources that they have acquired. Oromonationalistshave justbegun to grapplewith the task of integrating these who are situatedgloballyinto an organizational structure that wouldconstructively engagethis sectorof the population As these new arrivals are welcomed into the Oromomovement, evenactively pursued andengaged, theirinput into thediscussionsabroad and their ability to communicate new developments back inside thecountryis key. Their acquisition of skills and globalknowledge provides anopeningfor information to all parts of Oromiaabout the worldand provides

35


for a widerrangeof Oromoexperience to be broughtto the discussionand tothe articulationof Oromonationalistideology

Knowledge

Rightnowwhilethere is a rearrangement of values, beliefs,socialandeconomic structures takingplaceworldwide, and a fimdamental rethinking ofpoliticalconcepts andworldview, the Oromo actingtogether havethe basis toprovidea newkindofknowledge into the worldscene. Oromohave a sourcewhichlies dormantin the verypatterningof their language and their culture.In general, the Oromo are aware that theyposses somethingdistinctiveandhave identified it as "Gada," their traditional system which created adistinctive form of political organization in a past era The question nowariseswhichhas politicaland anthropological significance: Does Gada (or thebasic moralgridwithwhichthe Oromobuilt the Gada in the first place)offera source for a new way ofputting things together into a new pattern in thecurrentglobalconditions? This remains to be determined. It will be revealedin how the Oromohandle their communication with eachother, in how theybegin to define the parameters of their collective work, and in how theyrespond to the opportunities available in the openings created by theemergence of thisnew order, In short,itwill be revealed in howtheyorganizethemselves. As the Oromoprepareto solveproblems, theywill be facedwiththe prospectofhammering out waysof working together andwith alliesin theworldcommunity. What knowledge will serve themwell?

The task at handfor Oromonationalists, fashioning a wayto entertheworldcommunity as a nation,requires findingand usingdistinctively Oromoknowledge to prioritize objectives and programs as well as to organize theresources in demand in the global village. In other words, it requiresconstructing an Oromo nationalist ideology, one capable of supporting theinftastructura1 basis for future development This process has begun in alimitedway. When Oromo nationalists initiallyorganized themselves, theyused a Marxist-Leninistapproach. It has becomeclear since the end of theCold War that the approach of the Left is not suited to countering currenthegemonic forces. Therefore, the currentOromonationalistdebate has beentransformed into a discourse over Gada. Some argue the feasibility of

36


pwposefullyreviving Gada's traditional nationwide administrative systemforthe constructionof a modem state Some have argued that as long as theDromohaveutilizedtheirownlanguage, the principles that gaverise to Gadain previous centuries arekept aliveandare capable of recreating an equivalentsystem in the modem era The emergence of an independent Oromoscholarshipand writings of manyanthropologists and historiansare directlyor indirectly addressed to shed lighton this debate(Aguilar 1996,Bassi 1996,Baxter 1994,contributors to Baxter,et. aI.., 1996,Gemetchu Megerssa1993,Holcomb 1997, contributors to Asafa Jalata, (ed.) 1998, AsmaromLegesse1973, Baissa Lemmu 1994, Lewis 1998, MekuriaBulcha 1997a, Sorenson1996, 1998, Zeitelman 1994 and others, see Baxter 1998). There isuncontested agreement amongOromo and studentsof Oromothat the legacyof the Gada systemis verymuchpresentin the Oromo language, religion, lore,oratory, art, poetry, song and custom It is often brought into discussiontoexplain many dynamics of the culture, particularly relationships amongsectionsof the population. Meanwhile, some Oromoin Oromiacontinuetomeet according to the Gada in a Gumm.i Gayo assembly, and in 1998 issueda published report about the participants, the deliberations, the pattern ofassemblyand the resolutions (001100 Huqqa 1998).

Material Resources

The increased commoditization thatwascreated through globalizationhas produced a condition favorable to national groups whose legacy ofmaterial resourceshas beendivertedthroughthe power of a repressive stateThe restrictive powerof suchstates is weakening as the barriersfor access to

finance, communication and advanced technologies. The political focus ofOromo nationalists to reclaim coffee, minerals, power sources, livestock,lands, etc.., can best be understood in this light. Globalization has created aconditionin whichoommodities oonstitute a ticketto the marketplace. OncetheOromohaveoonstructed a natinnaI design for the development, marketing,utilizationand conservation ofresources in Oromia, Ethiopia's currentclaimwill be eclipsedandperceived by the outsideworldas less advantageous andeven illegitimate. The legitimacy of the CUI'Ient hold that Ethiopia hasestablished overOromia, the "democratic" incorporation of thenationinto the

37


"Federal Democratic Republic ofEthiopia,"wouldnot hold up to inspection.Any event that might requirea reconsideration of these arrangements, couldopen the entiredebate and secure recognition and legitimacy for an Oromonational plan for development

The expansion of the global marketplacehas introducedchanges incommoditization, marketing and finance all of whichhave a great potentialimpact for the Oromo, Thisneworderhas beenutilized to their advantagebyseveral countries of Asia and Latin America and by organizations andindividuals worldwide.. Now that all forms ofcommunication are accessible,the Oromo can be in communication with one another wherever they are,organizethemselves according to a pattern thattheythemselves devise, createa plan for pursuingtheir interests according to the opportunities and conditionsthat exist in the world community. If the Oromo have a product to sell ortrade, they can create a demandfor the product through the same means thatall new enterprises advertise, they can attract investors, build allies andpartners who sharetheir interest, and then they can sell to the highest bidder..Their nationalparadigm wouldprovidethe basis on whichto come together

to accomplishthis

Summary and Coneluslons

In summary, it is clear that "the new global order" is really the oldglobal capitalist system characterized in this era by stunning technologicalinnovations that introducethe need for newmanagerial skills and new formsoforganization. Thisorderhas changedhownations, states, companies, andeven individuals relate to eachother. It is alsoclear that thisnewglobal orderis exploitable; its tools are available to be used by any nation to end theconditions- in the Oromocase, povertyamidstplentyand extreme isolation- that prevailed during the previous century. The implication is that theworld's tools can be the Oromo's tools. These tools can be utilized by theOromo to bring them together to achieve unity and prosperity. We haveobserved that in this era, not ouly are new forms of transport and digitalcommunication available to transmitideas,peopleand goodsaround the globe,but even the means ofproductionitself is movable..

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There is good reason to think that the Oromo can take advantageofthe opportunitiesavailablein this new era for theirown collective benefitandovercome the obstacles. Observing current global dynamics, HarvardBusiness Schoolprofessor Michael Porterhas commented,

[a] nation's wealthis [now] principally ofits own collectivechoosing. Location, natural resources and even militarymight are no longer decisive. Instead,how a nation and itscitizens choose to organize and manage the economy, theinstitutions they put in place and the types of investmentsthey individually and collectively choose to make willdetermine national prosperity" (quoted in Friedman1999:167).

What the Oromo have and share is a culturally-coded basis fororganizationand management which is part oftheir culturalheritage. Suchaheritage contains within it the basis for institution-building, but the Oromohave scarcelybegunto utilize or tap intoin theirpolitical life In myviewthisheritage constitutes a resource to this nation and to a wider world seekingdesigns for a social formation that might ensure stability and peace in theperiphery..

I arguedearlierthatwhenthe first phaseofglobalcapitalism reachedNortheast Afiica, the Oromoform ofsociopolitical organizationwas passedover by European capital powers in favor of Abyssinian top-down(verticaI1y-organized) authoritarian monarchies As a consequence, the Oromowere sidelined for a century of silence. I suggest that now, however, theOromo form ofsupralocal,horizontally-patterned organization may providea basis for putting viable new institutions in place that are suitable to thisphase ofcapitalism. A reciprocal decision-making mechanism that connectsthe peripheryofthe societywith the centerand crosscuts socialstructures thatregulatethe flowofinformation, peopleandresources through the systemmayprove to be useful to the Oromoand proveto operatemoreefficientlyin thisera than anypattern they mightimport. It is my observation that Oromowhospeak the language and practice the culture wherever they reside share asensibility which will enable them to organize themselves in a distinctive

39


designwhichwill reflectthat heritage. Howwill this happen? It is up to theOromo, a people who have continuously over the course of a centwy ofisolationattempted to break out of their isolation, express themselves andsolvetheir ownproblemsin theirownway.

Conditions are right for the Oromo to experience success inovercoming the restrictions that haveso far prevented them from achievingself-determination. Ihe cultural struggle that allparts of the Oromonationisinvolved in at this historicaljuncture, both globally and locally, is also apolitical struggle to establish a placein theworldcommunity. As the Oromo,in communication witheachotherthrough the channels madeavailable by thedevelopment ofglobal technologies, continue to get to know eachother. Whilequarreling among themselves concerning howto proceed, they aresortingoutfundamental issues, issues for which representatives of the global systemcannot provide them answers, They are establishing priorities andconstructing, fromthe fundamental beliefs that wereconveyed to them as partof their being Oromo, a nationalist ideology suited to today's world. Thecultural solutions theyfind will havepolitical import. If the Oromouncoveror establisha basisfor Oromo unity, theywill be creating something that theworldcannotprovide them. Theywill be building a counter-hegemonic force,and as a result, providing a basis, their own infrastructure, for a socialformation capableofintegrating a sizablepopulation andprovidingstabilityand peacein a strategicregionof the world.

NOTES

1 Elsewhere, Sisai Ibssa and I have argued that this processconstituted a test case for neocolonialism in Africa in which aEuropean-designed state was established with African administrators..We call it an example of"dependent colonialism" See Holcomb andIbssa (1990) for the full presentation of this argument.

2 See Gadaa Melbaa (1980), Asafa Jalata (1993), etc.. , to mentiona few who address this issue in detail

40


3 My own resident scholar's visa was issued as an exception by theInstitute of Ethiopian Studies, since I had already begun learningAfaan Oromo when I applied for it I was told by personnel at theInstitute that this was an exception

4 The insurrections of the Oromos were put down by the Menelikand Haile Se1assie governments by force ofarms (see Gilkes 1975;Holcomb and Ibssa 1990; Gebru Tareke 1991; Jalata 1993; andHassen 1998).

S See Anga'a Dugarna (I 998) and Mohammed Hassen (1996) foraccounts ofMacha Tularna.

6 For a thoroughgoing discussion of these issues, see Robinson(1996 and 1997) and Holcomb (1997).

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Baxter,PTW., Jan Hultin andAllesandro Triulzi(008)1996 On Being and Becoming Oromo: Historical andAnthropological Inquiries Uppsala:NordiskaAfrikainsttitutet

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Bulcha,Mekuria1988 Flight andIntegration: Causes ofMass Exodus fromEthiopia and Problems ofIntegration in the Sudan. Uppsala:Scandinavian Instituteof AfricanStudies1992 "An Interview withAfrica's New Olympic Star," TheOromo Commentary II(2):31-33.1997 "The Predicaments of ForcedMigration: an Assessmentofthe OromoExperience," TheDrama Commentary, Vol. VII,no I,pp,15-30

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Clay,Jason w., Sandra Steingraberand PeterNiggli1988 The Spoils ofFamine: Ethiopian Famine Policy andPeasantAgriculture Cambridge, Mass: CulturalSurvival

Clifford,James1997 Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late TwentiethCentury.. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press

Drucker, Peter F1992 Managingfor the Future: the 199a~ andBeyond. NewYork: TrumanTalleyBooksIPlume..1993 Post-Capitalist Society. New York: HarperBusiness, aDivisionof HarperCollins Publishers

Dhugumaa, Anga'a1998 From the Rvised Gadaa to Macca-Tuulama AssociationNew York:publishedby the author

Economic/Commercial Office,AmericanEmbassy,AddaAbaba, Ethiopian1996 American Firms, Affiliates and Representative Offices inEthiopia. Compilation issued in May,pp.. 1-25

Friedman,ThomasL.1999 The Lexus and the Olive Tree. UnderstandingGlobalization. New York: Farrar,Straus and Giroux

GulamaGameda1998 "PoliticalDomination and Exploitationof the MineralResoruces of Oromia: From Menelik to Meles," The Journal ofOromo Studies Vol 5 (1&2): 133-154

Gilkes,Patrick1975 The Dying Lion: Feudalism andModernization inEthiopia.. New York: St. Martin's Press

Gow,Greg1997 "Speeches, Ceremonies andSongs: the SocialAdjustment ofOromos in Melbourne, Australia,"Paper delivered to the OromoStudiesAssociationConference, Minneapolis, MN, August9

Grieder, William1997 One World, Ready or Not: the Manic Logic ofGlobalCapitalism. New York:Simonand Schuster

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Hall, Stuart1991 "The Localand the Global: Globalization and Ethnicity,"In Culture, Globalization and the World-System: ContemporaryConditions for the Representation ofIdentity, Anthony D. King,(00), Binghamton, NY: StateUniversity of NewYork atBinghamton, Dept of Art and Art History

Halliday, Fred andMaxineMol)neux1981 The Ethiopian Revolution. London: TheNewLeftReview

Hassen,Mohammed1981 The Oromo underAbyssinian Colonial AdministrationUnpublished MS.1990 The Oromo ofEthiopia. a History 1570-1860 Cambridge:Cambridge University Press1997 "ReviewEssay: Gezetena Gezot,Matchaand TulamaSelf-Help Association by OlanaZoga,"The Journalof OromoStudies 4(1-2): 203-2381998 "The Macha-TulamaAssociation and the Development ofOromoNationalism," in Oromo Nationalism and the EthiopianDiscourse, AsafaJalata, (ed.), Lawrenceville, NJ: The RedSeaPress

Holcomb, BonnieK1997 "The Tale of Two Democracies: the Encounter betweenUS-Sponsored Democracy andIndigenous Oromo DemocraticFOIms," The Journal ofOromo Studies, Vol. 4, Nos. 1&2,pp ..47-821994 Paperpresented to OSAAnnualConference, July 301997 Duelling Democracies: the Clashbewteen US-Sponsored"Democratic" Institutions and LocalDemocratic Forms in theOromo Countryside. Paper Presented at the 40th AnnualMeetingofAfrican StudiesAssociation, Columbus, Ohio, November13-16.

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Holcomb, Bonnie K. and SisaiIbssa1990 The Invention ofEthiopia: the Making ofa DependentColonial State in Northeast Africa. Trenton, NJ: TheRed SeaPress

Huluqqaa, Gobana1999 "Environmental Effects ofthe Scramble for Oromia's Gold,"The Journal ofOromo Studies 6 (1&2)

Huqqaa, Golloo1998 The 37th Gumii Gaayo Assembly, Gada: the OromoTraditional Economic and Socio-Political System. AddisAbaba:Norwegian ChurchAid

Jalata, Asafa1993 Oromia and Ethiopia: State Formation and EthnonationalConflict, 1868-1992. BoulderandLondon: LynneReinnerPublishers1998 "The Emergence of Oromo Nationaism andEthiopianReaction," in Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian ColonialDiscourse: the Search for Freedom andDemocracy, Asafa Jalata(ed), Lawrenceville, NJ: TheRed SeaPress.1998 "The Cultural Rootsof Oromo Nationalism," in OromoNationalism and the Ethiopian Colonial Discourse: the Searchfor Freedom and Democracy, Asafa Jalata (ed), Lawrenceville,NJ: TheRed SeaPress

Jalata, Asafa(00)1998 Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian ColonialDiscourse.The Search for Freedom and Democracy.Lawrenceville, N.I: TheRedSeaPress.

Kearney, Michael1995 "The Localand the Global: TheAnthropology ofGlobalization and Transnationalism," AnnualReview ofAnthropology 24:547-565.

Keller, Edmond J1988 Revolutionary Ethiopia. Bloomington: IndianaUniversityPress

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King, Anthony D. (00)1991 Culture, Globalization and the World-System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation ofIdentity. Binghamton,NY: State University of New Yolk at Binghamton, Dept ofArt andArt History, NumberThree

Krapf:J Lewis1968 Travels, Researches; andMissionary Labours in EastAfrica London: FrankCass & Co. Ltd

Kuttner, Robert1997 Everythingfor Sale: the Virtues andLimits ofMarketsNew York: AlfredA. Knopf

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Marcus, George E.. and Michael M. J Fischer1986 Anthropology as Cultural Critique: an ExperimentalMoment in the Human Sciences. Chicago: TheUniversity ofChicago Press

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McClellan,Charles1983 "State Expansionismand SocialReconstruction of Ethiopia:The Lure of the South" Paper present to the African StudiesAssociation Annual Meeting,Boston, Massachusetts

Megerssa, Gemetchu1993 Identity, Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure..UnpublishedPh.D. thesis, SchoolofOriental and African Studies,UniversityofLondon.

Melbaa, Gadaa1980 Oromia: a BriefIntroduction. Finfinnee, Oromia

Ottaway,David and Marina Ottaway1978 Ethiopia: Empire in Revolution New York: AfricanaPublishingCompany

Robinson,WilliamI1996 Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, US Intervention andHegemony. Cambridgeand New York: Cambridge UniversityPress1997 "Global Capitalismand the OromoLiberationStruggle:Theoretical Notes on US. PolicyTowards the EthiopianEmpire,"The Journal ofOromo Studies, Vol 4, nos.. 1 & 2, 1-46

Sorenson,John1996 "Learning to be Oromo:NationalistDiscoursein theDiaspora," Social Identities, Vol. 2, no. 3, pp.. 439-4671998 "Ethiopian Discourseand OromoNationalism," in OromoNationalism and the Ethiopian Colonial Discourse: the Searchfor Freedom and Democracy, Asafa Jalata, (ed.). Lawrenceville,Nl: TheRed Sea Press.

Soros, George1998 The Crisis ofGlobal Capitalism: Open Society Endangered. New York: PublicAffairs (perseus Book Group)

Tareke, Gebru1991 Ethiopia: Power andProtest, Peasant Revolts in theTwentieth Century.. Cambridgeand New York: CambridgeUniversityPress

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Yergin, DanielandJoseph Stanislaw1998Commanding Heights: the Battle between Government andtheMarketplace that is RemakingtheModem World New York:Simonand Schuster

Zeitelman, Thomas1994 Nation del'Oromo: Kollecktive Idenaten NationaleKonflikte Wir-Gruppenbildungen Berlin:Das ArabischeBuch1996 "Re-examining the Galla/Oromo Relationship," in OnBeingand BecomingOromo: HistoricalandAnthropologicalInquiries,Baxter, PTW., Jan Hultinand Allesandro Triulzi (eds.) Uppsala:NordiskaAfiikainsttitutel,pp.. 103-114..

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THE IMPACT OF A RACIST U.S. FOREIGN POLICY ONTHE OROMO NATIONAL STRUGGLEl

Asafa Jalata

Introduction

This essaycritically examines the impactoftheUS. foreign policyonthe Oromo national movement through focusing on its practices which arerevealedto be racist It is esseutial to providea pragmatic definition ofracismat the outset to explore this issue in US. foreign policy. As the meaning of

'race' is complexso that ofracism2 Racismis a discourseand a practiceinwhich a racial/ethnic project is politically, culturally and "scientifically"consIIucted by global and regional elites in the capitalist world system tonaturalize andjustify racial/ethnic inequalityin whichthose at the top ofthehierarchyoppress and exploitthosebelowthem bY claimingbiological and/orcultural superiority. "A racial project is simultaneously an interpretation,representation or explanation ofracial dynamics, "Winant notes, "and aneffort to organize and distribute resources along particular raciallines''[author's emphasis]' Simply put, racism is an expression ofinstitutiona1ized patterns ofcolonizing structuralpowerand socialcontroL Itis manifestedin individual andcultural practices. Race and racismaresociallyand culturallyconstructed to maintain the identities ofthe dominant populationgroups and their power and privileges through policy formulation andimplementation4

By inventing nonexistent "races,"? the racist ideology institutionalizes"the hierarchies involved in the worldwide division of labour.?" Race andracism are socio-political constructs since all human groups are biologically

TheJournal ofOromoStudies, Volume 6, Numbers I & 2, July1999,pp. 49-89

49

The Impact ofa Racist US Foreign Policy on the Oromo Struggle

and genetically more alikethan different.1 Staples assertsthat "it is usefultoviewrace as a political and cultural identityrather than to apply any geneticdefinitions Race is a political identity because it defines the wayin whichanindividual or [agroup]is to be treated by the political state and theconditions

of one's oppression." Race andracismas politico-cultural constructs definethe relationship betweenthe dominant and subordinated racial/ethnic groupsand legitimate the imposition ofdominant valueson dominated valuesthroughlegitimatingthe values of the dominant? The application ofracist values tothe Oromoissueby Ethiopian andUS. foreign policyelitesmakepossibletheeconomic exploitation and political oppression of Oromos and facilitatesjudgementsandpolicybaseduponstereotypes and unexamined, preconceivedideas about Oromos. Just as other Western and Eastern bloc countriesdiscriminated against Oromosand other colonized nations in their dealingswith Ethiopia, US foreign policy elites and the US government haveapproached the Oromoissuewitha racistmindsetwhich servedits imperialistinterest.

This racistmindsetfosters institutional and individual discriminationby treating Oromos unfairly and undemocratically. It avoids criticalinvestigationby introducing and accepting false information, by closing ofIoptions for either democratic policy making or finding solutions to thecontradictions between Oromos and Habashas. Specifically this essayquestions why the West, particularly the United States, sees Habashas(Amharas and Tigrayans)as "Semitic," Christian, and "advanced" peoples,and Oromosas "savage," "Muslim fundamentalists,' "pagan," "backward,"andmost recently"terrorist?'? This false dichotomy leads the UnitedStatesand other Westerncountriesto providesuccessiveHabasha state elites withpolitical, financial, technological, diplomatic, and militaryassistanceand toignorethe voiceofOromos. NotinghowEuropean colonial scholars misusedpoliticalpowerand social scientific knowledge by characterizing Afticans assavages, Mudimbe arguesthat "The novelty [of explorer's text] residesin thefact that the discourseon 'savages' is . a discourse in which an explicitpolitical power presumes the authority of a scientific knowledge and viceversa?" A racist ideological discourse has enabled successive Ethiopianelites and their governments to dominate and exploit Oromoswho comprisemore than half of the populationof the Ethiopianempire

Several scholarshavestudiedthe impactof US. foreign policyOIl the

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Oromo national movement, buthavenot addressed the racistideological baseof thispolicy12 whichpreveuts policyexperts from objectively examining theOromo question By sidingwiththe Tigrayan ethnocratic minority regime, theU S government still enables themassive violation of thehumanrightsof thecolonized Oromo ethnonational majority. 13 Because of its imperialisteconomic andstrategic iuterests andclearlyracist assumptions aboutOromos,the US government and its foreign policy elites allied with the Tigrayanethnocratic elite to form a government and to oppress the Oromo nationalmovement Hellinger comments that "What is missing from US. policytoward Africais a basicrespect for thepeople, theirknowledge andtheirrightto collectively determine their ownfuture.?" This essaydraws on the worksof several critical scholars in the fields of African American and NativeAmerican studiesandother areas, Since thesescholars havebroughtseveralsignificant insights into their fields of studies, their' observations andconclusions are particularly useful in analyzing the condition of OromosSince NativeAmericans andAfrican Americans havesuffered uuderthe racistdomestic policies of the United States," andsince Or'OInOS havebeen sufferingunderthe racist foreignpolicies of the samecountry, it is helpful to use theinsights of these scholarswho critically study the experiences of these twogroups under theracialoppression andthecapitalist exploitation of theUnitedStates,

Background

Between the early 1950s and the1970s, the US introduced its"modernization" programsto the Ethiopian empireand supported the HaileSelassie government 16 Several scholars demonstrated that the US foreignpolicytoward Ethiopiaconsolidated racial/ethnic hierarchy that was formedby the alliance of Ethiopiancolonialism andEuropeanimperialism." Whenthe Haile Selassie regimewas overthrown by the popular revolt of 1974, amilitary leadership emerged to protect and exteudthe interests of Habashasettlers in Oromia andother colonized regions, This leadership alliedwiththeSovietUnion" whoalso adopted Habasha viewstowardOromosas part oftheircolonizing role in Ethiopia. At the endof the 1980s, a structuralcrisisthat manifested itself in national movements, famine crisis, poverty, and

51

The Impact ofa Racist Us. Foreign Policy on the Oromo Struggle

internalcontradictions withinthe rulingelitefactions eventually weakened theAmhara-dominatedmilitaIyregime andled to its demise in 19911 9 The US..government, as the globaldominant power,reestablished its relationswith theEthiopianempireby allyingwith the emergingTigrayanelites. Recognizingthat this Amhara-based state power had lost credibility, the United Statessupported the TigrayanPeople's LiberationFront (TPLF) in the 1980s andpreparedit financially, ideologically, and militarily to replacethe Amhara-Iedmilita1y regimeby creatingtheEthiopianPeople's Revolutiomuy DemocraticFront (EPRDF)20 With the useofWestem reliefaidand financial support, theTPLF and its leaders convertedthe hunger-stricken Tigrayan peasants intoguerrillafighters in the 1980S2 1

The majorreasonwhytheUS. government chosethe TPLFwas thatthe Tigrayaneliteswereperceived as a legitimate successorofan Amhara-Iedregimebecause ofthe racist assumptions ofthe West Paul Henze,oneofthearchitects ofAmerican-Tigrayan alliance, argued in the mid-1980s that theTigrayans "as much as the Amhara,are an imperial peoplewho, despitetheirloyaltyto tradition, think ofthemselves as having a right-andperhaps even aduty-to play a role in the larger political entity of which they are a part""While promoting the Tigrayan interest, the same scholar dismissed thepolitical significance of Oromos by arguing that Oromo grievance"is bothterritorially and politically diffuse and unlikely to coalesce into a coherentethnic resistance movement"n In a multicultural empire like Ethiopia toidentify one ethnonation and support it to dominate and exploit otherethnonations is racist In justifying his position, Henze asserted that theTigrayans recognize "the need to reconstitute Ethiopia and establish a justgovernment recognizing regionalrights and ethnicdistinctions"as "a naturaloutgrowthof ..... [their]viewofEthiopianhistory'''' Just as theyarejustifiedto ruleand dominateotherpeoplesby their senseof"fairness," Tigrayans arealso seen as pro-West because "they do not try to claim they are Arabs andtheydo not seek the support ofArab governments," accordingto Henze."Implicitin these arguments are that other peopleslike Oromosare pro-Arabsand anti-West and they lack sense of fairness to deal with other peoples..Based on these false assumptions, U.S. Foreign policy experts like Henzeadvisedthe American government to invest in the TPLF and dismissed therelevance ofthe OromoLiberation Front (OLF). InHenzewords,"The claimsof the Oromo LiberationFront of widespreadorganizationand effectiveness

52


inside Ethiopia cannot be substantiated by firm evidence. Oromia as aterritorial entity has no meaning inside Ethiopia. It is an exile construct""Based on false information about Oromos and the OLF or because of hissupport for the Tigrayans and the TPLF, Henze made these erroneousconclusions. American efforts to overthrow the government of MengistuHaile Mariam and support of the TPLF between 1976 and 1991 wasinfluencedby such biased assumptions.

With the assistance of several forces, such as the United States, theEritrean People's Liberation Front, Libya, and the Sudan, the Tigrayan-IedEthiopianPeople's Revolutionary Democratic Front overthrew the weakenedmilitary regime in 1991 and formed a transitionalgovernment by signing aTransitionalCharterwith other political organizations ofwhichthe OLF wasthelargestandmost prominent But,withinless than a year,the Tigrayan-ledregimeviolated the Charter and established a Tigrayanethnocratic minoritygovernment, justifyingits action throughthe discourseof"democracy?" andethnicfederalism Since 199I, the United Stateshas cemented its relationshipwith Tigrayan state elites at the cost of the colonized Oromo ethnonationalmajority and other groups who have been systematically deniedmeaningfulaccessto Ethiopianstate power. Consequently, the U.S.. foreign policytowardEthiopia has had a serious negative impact on the Oromo struggle for selfdeterminationand democracy

By signing the Transitional Charter in 1991 with the Tigrayan-Iedregime, the Oromopolitical leadership tacitly-or-effectively accepted the U.S.policy of polyarchyor elite democracy." However, by ignoring theOromoleadership, the U. S. government endorsed the violation ofthis Charter in 1992by the Tigrayan-led Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic FrontIgnoringthe humanrights violations of Oromos and other nations, GeorgeEMoose, former Assistant Secretaryof State, argued in 1994 that the Melesregime"for the first time in decades,has broughtgeneralpeace and stabilityto Ethiopia. Thoughnot sufficient, theseconditions areessentialfor progressin many areas, including human rights.,,29 Despite the fact that the Oromonational movement does not have any support from Arab and Africancountries, U.S. foreign policy elites have tried to link the Oromo nationalstruggleto Muslimforces that theyconsider "terrorist"to discredit the Oromostruggle for self-determination and democracy 30 Despite the fact that the

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offices ofthe OLF andthe Oromo ReliefAssociation were closedsince1992in theSudanby the collaboration between the Ethiopian government and theSudanesegovernment, Susan Rice, Assistant Secretary of State of AfticanAffairs, argues that the Oromo movement is supported by the SudaneseNational Islamic Frontregime anddestabilizes Ethiopia, Thisregime has beenagainst the Oromo national struggle since the Oromo leadership does notaccept anyreligious ideology, When the Sudansupported the TPLFand EPLFfu11-heartedly, its supportfor theOLFwasminimal SusanRicehas attemptedto include the OLFin theterrorist camp thusdenying legitimacyfor the Oromonationalstrugglefor self-determination anddemocracy and by endorsing theTigrayan ethnocratic regime" Ignoring thenational struggle of Oromos and themassive violations of their human rights, Secretary of State Madeleine KAlbrightclaimed in 1997 that under the leadership ofPrimeMinisterMeles,"Ethiopia is againearningthe world's admiration, this time for its strides inreforming, rebuilding, andre-uniting at homeand its leadership for peaceandunity acrossAfrica.?"

Sealy notes that "Africa's many dictatorships despite theircharacteristic gross economic mismanagement and severe abuses of humanrights have been able to endure for so longbecausethey have been activelysupported by external agents, themostnotable and hypocritical ofwhichis theUnited States of Amelica,,,32 Ethiopia is an example of such a dictatorialregime" Despitethe West's acceptance ofthe Tigrayan-Ied Ethiopianregimeas democratic, convincing arguments have been made that the regime isethnocratic, colonial,and terrorist." Thediscourses of democracy and ethnicfederalism aredesigned and propagated by the Melesgovernment to hidethetruenature of theregime fromthe international community" TheMeles regimehas more ethnicized the Ethiopiancolonial state than successive Amhara-Iedgovernments by placingTigrayan ethnicity at the coreof a repressive regime"Twolayersofcolonialadministration in Oromiarun this ethnocratic stateThefirst layeris filled by Tigrayan colonial officials, military commanders andcadreswho haveabsolutepowerover Oromos." Operating abovethe ruleoflaw, these officials, commanders, cadres, policemen, and soldiers have thepowerto imprison, torture,murder, mutilate, rape, andconfiscate propertyinan attemptto suppress or destroy Oromo nationalism," Marginalized Oromointermediaries are also used by the Tigrayan-Ied regimeto violentlysuppressOromonationalists,"

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The secondlayerofcolonialadministration is occupiedby membersof the OromoPeople'sDemocratic Organization (OPDO) This organizationwas created by the TPLF from Oromo prisoners of war, Oromo-speakingcolonial settlers in Oromia, and marginalized Oromo intermediaries whoabandoned the collective interests ofthe Oromo people." Theofficials of theOPDO appear to be Oromo representatives who have power to plan andimplement policieson development and political affairs. In realty, the actualpower is in the handsofa core of Tigrayan officialsandcadresfromlocal tocentral administration 38 As Vestalasserts, "The tightlyorganized and firmlydisciplined EPRDFcadresinfiltrated andeventually manipulated many of theinstitutions and massorganizations of publicandcollective life, suchas tradeunions, peasant commissions, professional bodies, grassroots actioncommittees, workers' grievance committees, and local govemment.?"Members ofthe OPDOare the foot soldiers of the TPLFIEPRDF in Oromia;they facilitate the ttansfer of resources from Oromosto Tigrayan elites andfrom Oromiato Tigray through suppressing Oromo nationalism andkilling orimprisoning Oromonationalists.."" If any member of the OPDO raises anyquestion in relations to Oromos, he or she is suspected as sympathetic toOromonationalism Suspicion mayleadto removal fromposition, demotion,imprisonment and torture,or death."

Those Oromo individuals who continue to serve the interests ofTigrayans are engaged in the Ethiopian colonial project of suppressing ordesttoying Oromos because theyhavebeenshiftedfromtheir Oromoidentityand becomemarginalized.. Themarginality thathas beenimposedon theseOromosby Ethiopian colonialism reflects the qualityof psychic acculturationthat ties the self-image andself-worth of theseindividuals to the dehemanizingworldviewimposed on Oromos by Ethiopian racistculture..42 Becauseoftheirpsychic enslavement, such Oromos support the Ethiopian colonial projectrather than assisting the Oromo struggle for freedom and democracyAccording to LuanaRoss,

One of the main motives of colonialism is economicexploitation, and cultural suppression almost invariablyaccompanies colonialism Cultural suppression is a legalprocess that involves deculturation-eradication of the

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indigenous people's original traditions-followed byindoctrination in the ideas of thedominators so the colonizedmay themselves assist thecolonial project. The process, inwhichthe colonized are removed fromtheircultural contextthrough enslavement or transplantation, involves theabandomnent of culture and the adoption of new ways ofspeaking, behaving, and reasoning 43

Since these de-cultured and marginalized Oromos acceptjobs thatwork against the Oromo national interest and theirinterests coincide withthatofthe Ethiopian colonizing structure, themajority of Oromos haverejected theOPDO and calledthem "maxanne,"?' "Gobana," or traitors. These OromoOPOOmembers playthe classic intermediary roledescribed so wellby Fanonwhen discussing the dynamics of colonialism: "The intermediary does notlighten theoppression, nor seekto hide the domination; he shows themup andputs themintopracticewith theclearconscience of an upholderof the peace,yet he is the bringer of violence into the home and into the mind of thenative ,,.,5 Ethiopian colonialism not only facilitated the transference ofresources from Oromos to Habashas through the physical domination ofOromia and destruction of indigenous Oromo culture, but it has alsodomesticated the minds of a few elements of Oromosociety Such Oromointermediaries servetheir0\\n class interestand the interestof the Ethiopiancolonizing structureat the cost of Oromosociety

With the help of the West,particularlythe United States, the Melesregime has attempted to destroy the OLF and other independent Oromoorganizations so that it can freely control and exploit Oromia through theOPDO,its puppet organization Oromos havebeentargetedbecauseoftheireconomic resources and their political opposition Since the majority ofOromoshavesupported the Oromo national movement, the Melesregime hasbeen targeting Oromo nationalists and the Oromo people "Because theOromooccupy Ethiopia'srichestareasand coruprise half of the population ofEthiopia, they are seen as the greatest threat to the present 1igrayan-ledgovernment. Subsequently, anyindigenous Oromo organization, including theOromo Relief Association (ORA), has been closed and suppressed by thegovernment. The standardreasongivenfor detaining Oromo people is thatthey are suspectedof supportingthe OLF.'''''' The Oromomovement is the

56


only national movement in the Horn ofAfrica that has beendenied assistancefrom the West, the Middle East, and Africa. Yet Oromo nationalists havenever endorsed any dogmatic ideology, and their stated objective is to restoretheir indigenous Oromo democratic tradition which they believe provides thefoundation for a future form of Oromo self-determination and democracy 47

Following this background information, we briefly explore how the UnitedStates was founded as a country in the capitalist world system in order toaccount for the evolution of its racist ideology in its domestic and foreignpolicy, and its wholesale adoption ofa racist Ethiopian colonial ideology in itsdealings with Ethiopia and Oromia

Global Capitalism, Racism and the Formation of the USA

A better understandingofracism in U.S domestic and foreign policyrequires an examination ofthe global capitalist system and its impact on theformation of the United States, and as well as the historical relationshipsamong racial/ethnic groups in the United States. The United States emergedin the process of the colonialexpansion of the European-dominatedcapitalistworld system This systemdeveloped in Western Europe, and then expandedto America and Africa by incorporating the peoples of these continentsthrough trade, slavery, and colonialism from the sixteenth to nineteenthcenturies 48 Explaining this process and its impact on African peoples,Semmes Dotes that "The resulting triangular relationship between Europe,Africa, and the Americas gave a tremendous stimulus to Western capitaIismand Europe's industrial revolution, while dooming African peoples tounderdevelopment and dependency. ,049 This system hierarchically organizedworld peoples through the processes ofslavery and colonialism and led to theraciaIizationlethnicization of a global division of labor This hierarchicalorganization of peoples served to transfer resources from subjugatedpopulation groups to dominant groups in the West and to their intermediarygroups in the Third World.

The Western European colonial empires created multiracial/multicultural societies in which they practiced racial dictatorship known as"Herrenvolk" democracy" in countries such as the United States, SouthAfrica, Brazil, and Australia The hierarchical racial/ethnic relationship has

57


been legitimated by the ideologies of racism,universalism,51 and progressWallerstein states that "capitalism developed an ideological framework ofoppressive humiliation whichhad neverpreviously existed, andwhichtodaywe call sexismand racism?" Mainstream Euro-American academic elitestheorized theissueof race as a natural phenomenon; as a result, lace was seenas a natural biological phenomenon that woulddetermine a rigid, immutablesocietal hierarchy." RobertYoung evenconcludes that "modernracismwasan academic creation,,54 Later, scientific elites also used the concept of"culture"to naturalize andessentialize the differences among humangroupsEuro-American scientific and political elites created the "savagery" of thesubjugated peoples and the "civility" of whites by defining human culturalhistoryaccording to thecultural-racial categories of backwardness, barbarism,and civilization

The concept of "race" itselfenteredintoEuropean languages in thefifteenth century to identify a people or a segment ofpopulation,andit gainedits "scientific" and popular meanings in the eighteenth and nineteenthcenturies, 5S With the European domination of the worldsincethe sixteenthcentury, whiteness wasseenas a markerof civilization Racistscholars never'explained why WesternEuropeans did not dominate the world prior to thesixteenth century, if their whiteness was a marker of civilization, Winantassertsthat "Thefive-hundred yearof domination of the globeby Europeandits inheritors is the historicalcontextin whichracial concepts of differencehave attained their present status as fundamental components of humanidentityand inequality" To imagine the endof raceis thus to contemplate theliquidation of westem civilization.T" Hence, racismgrewout oflarge-scaleand long-term socialchanges that were associated with the development ofcapitalism and its expansion from Western Europe" Using geography andphenotype, Euro-American biologists, anthropologists, and others dividedhuman groups arbitrarily into black/Africa, whitelEurope, yellow/Asia,red!Americawithoutstudying theirgenotypes ' Young, Said,and McCarthyargue that through large-scale global social changes andcolouial expansion theidentities of European-ness, Asian-ness, African-ness, Englishness,Frenchness, American-ness, and other larger' identities were invented andracialized 57

Despite the fact that allhuman groupsevolved from thesamesourcethat enabled them to have similar mental capabilities as groups and to

58


interbreed freely, mainstream Euro-American scholars facilitated theemergeoce of racism to justify the subjugation of the worldpeoples by theEuropean and American colonial expansion, war, ethnocide, eoslavement, andcontinuedoppressions, Marshallexpoundsthat "scientificand layconceptsofrace haveservedto support the economic and politicalprivileges of rulinggroupswhoregarded themselves as superior by virtue of phylogenetic heritagerather than becauseofthe accideots of culture history"s. Globalcapitalism,slavery, colonialism, and migration of peoples caused the disruption ofcultures bothin thecenter andthecolonized areas of themodem world system;a racist cultural movement emerged in the West to counter this culturaldisruption that could undermine the cultural stability of the core countriesthroughthe amalgamation of variouspeoples..60

In founding theUnitedStates, European colonial settlersrationalizedthe colonization anddestmction ofNativeAmericans through racistdiscourse.

They described Europeans as hardworkers andmoredisciplined thanNativeAmericans." In contrast,Native Americans were seen as "lazy," "savage,"and unproductive; consequently, their colonization and dispossession werejustified The discourse of racism, work, discipline, and whiteoess werecombinedto rationalize the destruction of Native Americans..62 While allEuropeansettlerswereconsidered hardworking whites, allNativeAmericanswereconsidered lazy. European settlersinvented "Indiansavagery"throughthe ideology ofwhiteness. 63 Basedon theseracist assumptions, schools wereintroduced to assimilate some Native American children throughChristianizing and"civilizing" them andteaching the superiority of Europeansand the inferiority ofNativeAmericans

This educational policy was intended to create an educatedintermediate classin NativeAmerican society that European settlers coulduseto implement their colonial policies. According to WrightandTierney, "Theearliestcolonial efforts to provide Indians withhighereducation weredesignedto Christianize and 'civilize' the Indians, thus savingthem from the folly oftheir 'heathenish' and .savage' ways. The hopewas thateducated Indians, asschoolmasters and preachers, wouldbecomemissionary agents amongtheirown brethren.'''' Later the ideology of whiteness was used to commitethnocide and/orto createreservations for the remnants of NativeAmericansand to transfer the resources of the indigenous peopleto European settlers..

59

TheImpact ofa Racist US. Foreign Policy on the Oromo Struggle

One US. general wrote in 1868 that "the more I see these Indians the moreconvinced 1 am that all have to be killed or be maintained as a species ofpauper. Theirattempts at civilization are simply ridiculous.'''' Today NativeAmericans are the most oppressed, exploited, and underdeveloped part ofAmerican society because ofsuch a racist political and economic attack thathistoricallytargeted them and currentlycontinuesto do so. Ross explains thathistorical evidence "reveals the process of how the 'savage' was invented.Racial oppression, then as now, is not a discrete phenomenon,independentoflarger political and economic tendencies. Twentieth-centuIy laws andtheirenforcement can readily be seen as instruments for creating and maintainingsocial and economic stratificationcreatedcenturiesbefore. Indeed, past deedsilluminate present treacheries'>66

The United States emerged through establishing settler colonialism,practicing ethnocide,and intensifying two types oflabor recrnitment systems:wage labor for whites and coerced labor for enslaved Africans, The WhiteAnglo-Saxon Protestant group that founded the U.S. developed two majorstratificationsystems: class and racial caste systems 61 While the class systemand gender hierarchyweremaintained to protect the power of rich white malesin an emerging white society, the racial caste system was invented to keepAfrican Americans at the bottom of white society so that they would providetheir labor and other resourcesfreelyor cheaply. Racial slaverymade AfricanAmericans commodities, robbed their humanity, and deniedthem all forms offreedom Fishman states that African Americans "were denied [freedom] bya rapacious colonial system of mercantile capitalism, which relied on thebrutalities of the primitive accumulation of wealth backed up by ruthlessarmed action. This wealthplayeda strategicIOIe in the amassingofcapital forthe riseof industrial capitalism''''' As the ideology of whiteness was used toexterminate Native Americans and to transfer their resources to white society,it also justified slavery for about two and a halfcenturies and segregation forabout one more century With their emancipation during and after theAmerican Civil War, African Americans were denied access to cultural,economic and political gains by segregation that was enforced by thegovernment,the criminaljustice system and mob lynching. Throughthe racialcaste system, white Americans imposed on African Americans slavery,segregation, cultural hegemony and colonial domination to keep them at thebottom of a society in which whites were on the top

60


"The conceptionofrace," Huntwrites "definedby the poles ofblackand white, carried over into Americanforeign policy.''''' White racism wasinvented and refashioned with the changing times to prove the mentalinferiority of blacks and other colonized peoples and to rationalize theirmistreatmentby whites. 70 Recentlyan infamousbook calledTheBell Curverevived "scientific racism" and rehashed nineteenth centwy argnments ofSocial Darwinism. We can conclude from the popular acceptance of thispublicationthat the blackstruggleofthe mid-twentieth centurydid not uprootwhite racism; instead it forced racism to go underground. Despite nationalliberation movements in general and the African American struggle inparticular that "made untenablea hierarchycast in explicitlyracial terms,"?'sincethe mid-twentieth century indirect institutional racismand discriminationremained strong in the United States.

A racist ideologythat hierarchically organizesvariouspeoplesbasedon skin color andlor cultural attributes to justify colonialism, slavery,ethnocide, imperialism and dictatorship corruptsUS.. institutions Accordingto Hunt,"The ideaofa racialhierarchy provedparticularly attractive becauseit offereda readyandusefulconceptual handleon the world . Rather thanhaving to spendlonghours trying-perhaps inclusively-to puzzleout the subtlepatterus of other cultures, the elite interested in policy had at hand in thehierarchy of race a key to reducing other peoples and nations to readycomprehensible and familiar terms . Races were differentand unequal.Somewerecivilized or progressive, othersweremorebarbaricor backward"Challenge to this racist ideologymounted by a few white intellectuals and

progressives, black scholars, and national liberation movements, could notoverthrow this ideology; therefore, racism in different forms continues toinfluence US. policy elites who deal with the issues of the oppressedracial/ethnic groups in the United States and the Third World Themistreatment of Oromos by US. policy elites and the US. government bysiding with Tigrayansclearly shows this reality, As we will see below, theracist viewsofUS foreignpolicyelites towardthe Oromopeople are beingsolidifiedby the racist discourse in Ethiopian studies, and US.. support forracism in Ethiopiansociety..

61

The Impact ofa Racist U.S Foreign Po/icy on the Oromo Struggle

Racist Views in Ethiopian Studies and Ethiopian Society

As the names of different African peoples who were enslaved andbrought to America were changedto Negro." and as the names of variouspeoples in America were changed to Indian 74 with their colonization anddestruction,Oromoswere given the name Galla. ThenamesNegro, Indianand Galla werethe productsofthe fifteenth and sixteenthcenturies, and theywere externally imposed by slavers and colonizers. These names wereinvented in the process of removing these peoples from their respectivecultural and historical centers and making them the target of destruction,enslavement, colonialism, andcontinued subjugation. The appellation Gallawas given to Oromosas a name ofcontemptand derogation; it characterizedthem as slave, pagan, uncivilized or barbaric, inferior, and ignorant 75 ThenameGalla wasinvented to destroy Oromoness and to devalue Oromoculture,history, and tradition. Sorensonasserts that "the Oromo wereknown as theGalla, a term they do not apply to themselves and one that carries 'overtonesof race and slavery' as well as the imputation of a lack of civilization;according to myth, the Oromo weredescendants of'a high-bornAmhara ladyand a slave.. ",7. Galla is the name of racist ridiculein academic andpopulardiscourse..

In Ethiopian discourse, Oromos have been depicted as "somewhatdarker" than Amharas and Tigrayans77 althoughit is difficultto differentiatethe former from the latter by just looking at their skin color or physicalappearance. By using the discredited racist categorization ofhoman groups,such as Semitic, Hamitic, Negroid, and Cushitic, Habashas place Oromosbetweenthemselves and the peoplethat theywrongly call Shankillas that theyconsiderNegroid. 78 Despite the filetthat Habashas are black, they considerthemselves Semitic to associate themselves with the Middle East anddissociate themselvesfrom Africa whosepeoples they considerboth raciallyand culturally inferior. For instance, when Haile Selassie, the emperor ofEthiopia,wasinterviewed bytheNigelian Daily Times aboutEthiopian racialidentity in the 1930s, he said "that Ethiopians were not, and did not regardthemselves as negroes [sic], as they were a Hamito-Semitic people.""Sorensonexpressesthis racist attitudeas "a multiplicity ofEthiopians, blackswho are whites, the quintessential Africans who reject African identity'''''Since the concept of race is a socio-political construct, it is essential to

62


criticallyunderstand a historical contextin whichEthiopian racism is producedand reproduced to denigrate colonized peoples to deny them access toEthiopianstate power, In Ethiopian discourse, racial distinctionshave beeninvented and manipulated to perpetuate the political objective ofHabashadomination of the colonized population groups. "The fact that racialdistinctions areeasily manipulated and reversed indicates," Sorensonnotes,"the absurdityofanyclaimsthat theyhavean objective basis and locatesthesedistinctionswhere they actuallyoccur, in politicalpower.."'"

Habasha elites recognize the importance of racial distinctions inIinking themselves to the MiddleEast, Europe, andNorthAmerica to mobilizesupport for their politicalprojects.. Jews, Arabs, Europeans, and AmericansseeHabashas closerto themselves thanthe peopleswhomtheyconsider"realblack" Also theWest,particularly theUnitedStates,placesHabashas on "anintermediate positionbetweenwhitesandblacks"and considerthem closerto''the European race" or members of ''the great Caucasianfamily. ,>82 TherewereEuropeans whoconsideredHabashas asa veryintelligent peoplebecauseoftheir racial affinitywith the "Caucasianrace.?" Therewerealso who sawHabashas as "dark-skinned white people" and "racial and culturalmiddleman" between blackAfricaon oneside and Europeand the MiddleEaston the otherside..84 One Germanscholaradmired theintelligence ofHabashasand noted that he never saw such mental capability amongNegroes, Arabs,Egyptians, and Nubians.8s These racist discourses are unchallenged inacademic and popular discourse because they help reproduce Ethiopianethnocratic andcolonial state power. US. foreign policyelites,diplomats, andother officials recognize and defend such "racial pretensions of Ethiopia'sruling class.?"

Habasha racism prevents the peaceful coexistence of differentcultures as shown by the destruction of the Gafat and other peoples..Habashas seethemselves as a Semiticpeoplewho areraciallyand culturallysuperior to others in the Hom ofAfrica; Baxter explains thatthey ''used tostress theirMiddleEasternrather thanAfricanculturaI roots, as is so obviousin the reiteration of the Solomonic legend, taught in schools as history andjustificationof imperial rule. Justas the expansionof the EuropeanempireinAfrica coincidedwith that of Abyssinian, so the latter took on some of thesame sanctimonious assumptions of bringing civiIization to the savages

63

The Impact ala Racist US Foreign Policy on the Oromo Struggle

Menelik and his courtiers became honorary, if second-class, bearers of the'white man's burden in Africa".&1 Habashas have effectively used culturalracism" in destroying or suppressing otherpeoples. Cultural racism and itscontradictions may result in the extermination orland continued subjugationof the dominated population group. Racism does not necessarily manifestitself by the discourse of biological difference; usually it combines thediscourses ofbiological and cultural differences to justify unequal treatmentofdifferentpopulationgroups. The extermination ofJews by Germans, thecontinued subjugation of Palestinians by the Jews, the ethnic cleansingofBosniansby Serbians, the destructionof Tutsisby Hutus,and suppression ofHutus by Tutsis are examples of extremeforms of culturalracism.

As Eurocentric scholars have intellectually separated the originalblack civilization of Kemet (Egypt) and Kush or Nubia and linked to theMiddleEast to provethe racistnotion of superiority of non-blacks to blacks,"some Ethiopianists tried to provethe racial and civilizational superiorityofAmharas and Tigrayans by Semitizing and linkingthem to the MiddleEastand Europe. Baxter notes that "evolutionists and racist assumptions, mostlyunvoiced, havecontributed to thebeliefthat a Christian, Semitic culturewithMiddleEasternleanings hadto be superiorto a blackAfrica.. ,>90 Recognizingthe political and diplomatic significance of the nameEthiopia(the old namefor the blackworld),the Abyssinian state elitesreplaced the nameAbyssiniawith that of Ethiopia. The Ethiopian ideological historyclaims"the modernEthiopian state as the direct heir to the Ethiopia mentioned in biblical andclassical sources. EthiopianandWesternscholarspresentedEthiopia as anentitythat had existedcontinuously as an integrated and independent state forthreethousandyears.?" Successive Ethiopianstate elitesuse the African andSemitic discourses both regionally and globally Globally, they use theSemitic discourse andthediscourse of Christianity to mobilize assistance fromEurope,North America, and the MiddleEast.

Skillfully, theyhave usedtheirblacknessto mobilizeother Africansand the African diaspora'" and blackU.S.. policyelites against Oromos andother colonized peoples. By confusing original Ethiopia(the black world)with contemporary Ethiopia(former Abyssinia) Habasha elitesmisledsomehistorically naive people in Africa, Europe,NOIth America, and the worldMost people do not know the difference between ancient Ethiopia andcontemporary Ethiopia. Becauseof this historicalmisinformation, Africans

64


who were colonized and enslaved by Europeans, except those who wereenslaved and colonized by contemporary Ethiopians, wrongly consideredcontemporary Ethiopia (former Abyssinia) as an islandof blackfreedom sincetheymaintained formalpoliticalpower. Most blacks"knew very little aboutthe socialandpoliticalconditions of Ethiopia What theywroteor said aboutEthiopia wasatbest a manifestation of theiremotional state.,>93 Other Africanswere unaware that Ethiopia's political power Came from allying with thecolonizing Europeanpowers In reality, the Ethiopiathat participated in theslave trade and the "Scramble for Africa" was not an island of freedomInstead, it hasbeena "prisonhouse"in which Oromas and othercolonized andenslavedpopulations, were and are still brutalized

One wouldexpect that AfricanAmerican policyelites in the U S.State Department , including George Moose, Irvin Hicks, and Susan Rice,would think differently from their white counterparts and genuinely promotesocialjustice and democracy in Africa But AfricanAmericanpolicyelites,because of the distorted historical knowledge, and/orbecause of their classinterests,have accepted the ideological discourse on Ethiopia that presentedthis empire as the homeof black freedom when all blacks were under' EuroAmericancolonialism and slavery and endorsed the racist US. policytowardEthiopia and Oromia As some Africankings and chiefs participated in theslave tradewith European slavemerchants to commodify someAfricansandship them to North America and other parts of the world, these AfricanAmerican elites collaborate with racist structures that dehumanize Africanpeoples. It is an iron of history that the lack of criticalhistoricalknowledgeor class interest or the ideological confusion built into this racist policyhasbrought an alliance between the biological or ideological descendants ofslavers and the descendants of slaves to victimize people like Oromos whohave beenvictimized by colonialism and slavery.. CurrentHabasha elitesarethe ideological or actual descendants of Emperors Yohannis and Menelik whoparticipated in the massacre and enslavement of millions of Oromos andothers.

While glorifying the culture and civilization of Habashas, racistscholars, such as EdwardUllendorff, advanced the notion that Oromos as abarbaric peopledid not possess "significantmaterial or intellectual culture"that could allow them to "contribute to the Sernitized civilization of

65


Ethiopia"" To demonstrate the civilizational and cultural superiority ofAmharas and Tigrayans, racist scholars downplayed "the African-ness ofancient Ethiopia [Abyssinia}. . to emphasize its similarities to Europeansocieties..'>95 Sorenson expounds that "along with the emphasis on a GreatTradition in Ethiopian history, came a specific configuration ofracial identityAs in other discourses of race, this configuration merged power with

phenotypical features in order to devalue the Oromo and other groups as both'more African' and 'more primitive' than the Amhara [and Tigray]. TheOromo were presented as warlike, essentially 'people without history' andwithout any relationship to the land''''' In Ethiopian studies, Oromos weredepictedas "crueller scourges" and "barbarian hordes who brought darknessand ignorance in the train" to Ethiopia;" they were also depicted as evil,ignorant, order-less, destructive, infiltrators, and invasive."

Oromos also were seen as "a decadent race" who were "lessadvanced" because of their racial and cultural inferiority; therefore, theircolonization and enslavement by the alliance of Ethiopians and Europeanswere seen as a civilizing mission." Since in the racist and modernist thinkinghistorical development is linear, and society develops from primitive orbackward to civilized or an advanced stage, Oromos who have been seen as aprimitive people are also considered as a collection oftribes or a single tribeor a 'cluster' of diverse groups that cannot develop any nationalist politicalconsciousness except tribalism.. 100 Racist and modernist scholars have alsodenied the existence of a unified Oromo identity and argned that Oromoscannot achieve statehood because they are geographically scattered and lackcultural substance.'?' Since the creation ofthe Ethiopian empire in the secondhalf of the nineteenth century, Habasha elites claimed that they have asuperior religion and civilization, and even sometimes expressed that they werenot black and saw other Africans as "baryas" (slaves); in Abyssinia propel',Galla and "barya" have been used interchangeably 102 Sbacchi asserts thattheHabashas "have traditionally looked upon the darkskinned people as inferiorsand given them the name of 'Shankalla •[sic] The Black Americans wereknownas negro]sic], which in Ethiopia was associated with slavery. Hence tothe Ethiopians [HabashasJ the Afro-Americans were Shankalla ,,103 WilliamR Scott, an African American, who participated in a student work-camp inEthiopia in 196.3,expresses his painful encounter with Hobasha racism as thefollowing: "1was called barya (slave) by young, bigoted Ethiopian aristocrats,

66


who associatedAfrican-Americans with slaveryand identifiedthem with thecountry's traditional servant class. ,,104 The participationofHabashas in thescramblefor Africaand in the slavetrade and the commodification ofmillionsofOromos and others encouragedthem to associatethemselves with Europeand the Middle East rather than black Africans. "Western discourseduplicatedmanyof the asswnptionsand ideologies that had beenput in placeby the ruling elitesofEthiopia," Sorensonwrites, "constructing the latter asthe carriers of a Great Tradition which was engaged in its own CivilizingMission with respect to what it regarded as other uncivilized Groups inEthi ia,"IOSopia

The popular discourse on Oromos is full of racist prejudices andstereotypes. WhenHabashas want to show the inferiorityof Oromos on aracial/ethnichierarchy, or to deny the humanity of Oromos, they debase anOromo and his nationality by asking "sawn nawn Galla?" (Is he a hwnanbeing or a Galla?); this query shows that Habashas consider Oromos asinferiorhwnan beings) Becauseofsuch racist views the EthiopianOrthodoxChurch publication denounced sexnal relations between Habashas andOromos by sayingthat Jesus wouldpunish those who had sexual intercoursewith"the cursed, thedumb,the Moslems, the Galla,the Shankilla, the Falasha,the horse, the donkey, the camel and all those who committed sodomy."I06Thisreligious tractwas writtenin Geez(an oldAbyssinian language) and wastranslatedinto Amharic in 1968,but its originaldate ofwritingand its authorwere not known. But the piece was popular and widelyrecited by literateHabashas. Oromos, Ethiopian Jews, Muslims, and various peoples werecategorizedwith beasts, such as horses, donkeysand camels. Ofcourse, theimplicit intention of the Orthodox Church was to draw a racial/ethnicboundarybetweenHabashas and txm-Habashas to maintain the racial/ethnicpurityof the former.

Habasha stereotypes depictOromosas a dirtypeople;the expression"Galla na sagaraeyadare yigama!" compares Oromos to feces and claimsthatOromoscontinueto stinklikefeces withpassingdays. This expression warnsthat the closer you get to Oromos, the more you find how they are bad anddirty. This racial insult is used to create suspicion between Oromos andHabashas .Anotherexpressiondepicts Oromosas a rottenpeople ("timbi orbisbis Galla.") Yet anotherexpressionexplainsthat Oromos cannot be clean

67

The Impact ofa Racist US Foreign Policy on the Drama Struggle

even ifthey wash themselves again and again; it says that "Galla na Shinfilaayitaram," which literally means "Even ifyou wash them, stomach lining anda Galla will never come clean." Oromos have been depicted as barbarians andbackward people in popular discourse, too. A Habasha expression claims thatOromos' attempt to be civilized cannot be successful since Oromos arepredestined to fail in civilizational projects, The saying "Galla sisaltinbaeharaqa jantila yizo yizoral" attempts to show that even ifhe is civilized anOromo does not know the true essence ofcivility" Literally this saying means"when an Oromo is civilized he stretches hisumbrella in moon light and walksaround so that he can be seen by others"; simply put, since Oromos are stupid,they do not know how to behave in a civilized way., The expression "Ye Gallachawa, ye gomen choma yelewwn" depicts Or01OOS as a society that does nothave respected and notable individuals. Literally this expression means that"as there is no fat in vegetables or greens, there is no a gentleman in the Gallacommunity" Oromos have been seen as a useless people who do not deserverespect

Oromos have been insulted for even trying to assimilate to Ethiopianculture by speaking in an Ethiopian language" Habasha racists have expressedtheir anger toward Oromos who have mispronounced Amharic words bysaying that "Afun yalfata Galla; tabitaba Galla" (an Oromo who cannotexpress himself clearly) 10 psychologically demoralize Oromos, theHabasha discourse also depicts Oromos as a cowardly people who cannotresist subordination;' the saying "and Amhara matto Galla yinadal" clearlyshows the essence ofthis discourse" Literally it means "one Amhara can forceone hundred Oromos to submission or subordination" However, historicalevidence indicates that until they allied with Europeans and obtained modernweapons, Habashas saw Oromo fighters as their nightmare Even a poorHabasha or a leper claims that he is better than a Galla; the expressions"Even ifI am poor, I am not a Galla," and "Even ifI am a leper, I am not aGalla" clearly show how most H'abashas, including the sick and the poor,claim racial/ethnic superiority Generally speaking, Habashas have "lookedupon and treated the indigenous people as backward, heathen, filthy, deceitful,lazy, and even stupid - stereotypes that European colonialists commonlyascribed their African subjects."!"

Habasha social institutions, such as family, school, media,government, religion, reproduce and perpetuate these racist prejudices and

68


stereotypesamongEthiopiansociety.. I08 Explaininghow racial insultswoundthe colonized people,Delgadosays, "The racial insultremainsoneofthe mostpervasivechannels throughmuch discriminatory attitudesare imparted. Suchlanguage injures the dignity and self-regard of the person to whom it isaddressed, communicating the message that distinctions of race aredistinctions of merit, dignity, status, and personhood. Not only does thelistener learn and internalize the messages contained in racial insults, thesemessages color our society's institutions and are transmitted to succeedinggenerations."!" These prejudices and stereotypes consciously orunconsciously influencedEthiopian and Ethiopian studies, Ethiopians, andparticularly those Ethiopian scholars and Ethiopianists who have beeninfluenced by these racist assumptions, never respected Oromo culture andalso opposed the Oromo struggle for social justice and human rights underdifferent pretexts.

Some assert that since Oromos are dispersed among other peoples,the question of national self-determination is not applicable to their cause;others arguethat the assimilationofOromos to Habashas both biologica11yand culturallyprevent them from havinga cultural identity that enables themto have national self-determination.i'" Further, since Oromos are considered"invaders" ofEthiopia,someEthiopianelitescontest thatthey do not deserveself-determinationbecausethe region that they call Oromia does not belongto them III This assertion implicitlyassumes that Oromosmust accept theirsubjugation and secondclass citizenship,or theymust leave Ethiopia beforethey will be totally annihilated for continuingto demand self-determinationand democracy. The political agendaof the destructionofOromo society isnot a new phenomenon; this political agendahas been supportedby the WestThe massive killings of Oromos during Abyssinian colonialismwas never

condemned as ethnocide.. Leenco Lata notes that "despite its unparalleledbrutality, Menelik's conquest escaped condemnation as the only positivehistorical development in the Africa of the late 1800s.. To achieve this, theOromoweremade to appeardeserving to be conquered,,112 Justas ethnocidecommittedby Menelik and his followers escapedworld condemnation, so isthe ethnic cleansingthat is systematically committed by the Meles regime.. 113

According to Lata, "massacresof Oromos by anyone ofthe Ethiopianforcesrarely gets mentionedin Ethiopianor Euro-American writings. The slightest

69

The Impact ofa Racist US. Foreign Policy on the Oromo Struggle

threat to the Abyssinian by the Oromo, however, can throw up a storm ofprotest and condemnanon."!"

Denying the reality that contemporary AbyssinialEthiopia was theproduct of neocolonialism that was invented by the alliance of Ethiopiancolonialism and European imperialism, the West praises Abyssinia (laterEthiopia) as the COUDtJy that was never colonizedin Africa. The idea thatEthiopia was not colonizedlaid the cornerstonefor the ideologyof"GreaterEthiopia." This Ethiopia was seen as "[a] civilized nation of an immenseintelligence, the only one that is civilized without wearing trousers andshoes"l1SSince the U.S.. policy toward Ethiopia builds upon the Europeanpolicyestablishedbeforethe UnitedStatesbecameinvolved, it is necessary tobrieflyconsider the essence ofEuropean policytoward Ethiopia. Theideologyof Greater Ethiopia that has been accepted and developed by European andAmericanpolicyelites and their governments has beenthe bedrock ofracismon which Ethiopia was built and still maintained.l" When the French andBritishcouldnot decide whichofthemwouldget thiskeyregion,andwerenotwilling to go to war with each other over it, each backed a different proxyleader;the BritishchoseYohannis of'Tigray,and the FrenchchoseMenelikofAmhara. But when Yohannis diedin 1889,the Britishand the Italiansdeviseda differentsolution for sharing accessto the region.

The British and Italians struggled at Menelik's court to advise andcontrolhim and seek his favor; because ofMenelik's failing health in 1906,France, GreatBritain and Italydevisedthe policy behindthe TripartitetreatywithoutMenelik'sevenknowing aboutit Thistreatystates that"We the Greatpowers of Europe, France, Great Britain, and Italy, shall cooperate inmaintainingthe political and territorial status quo in Ethiopia as determinedby the state of affairs at present existing and the previous [boundary]agreements."!" The foreign policy experts of Western countries not onlyprovided technology and expertise in different fields, but they have beenplaying a critical role in formulating and promoting racist mythologies tojustify the colonization and continuedsubjugation of the colonizedsubjectsFor instance, the notionofclaiming AbyssinialEthiopia as an ancient kingdomwas originally suggested by an Italian expert in 1891: Francisco Crispiinstructed an Italian agent in Addis Ababa "to inform Menelik that theEuropean powers were establishing their boundaries in Africa and that theemperorshould,with Italian assistance, circulatea letter defininghis borders

70


in order to guaranteethe integrityofhis empire. Crispi suggestedthat in theletter,Menelikoughtto pointout thatEthiopiawas an ancientKingdom whichhadbeen recognized as independent by the Cbristian states of'Burope"!"

The racist idea that Habashas weredifferentfrom the rest ofAfricalay at the coreofEuropean justificationfor empowering them to colonize andrule Oromos and other nations who were seen like other colonizedAfricans..In the 1930s, whenHaile Selassiewentto Europe and becamethe darlingofthe Western media, the ideology of Greater Ethiopia was refined andcelebrated in Europe, America, and Ethiopian> He was praised for his"extraordinaryhandsomeface, next door to black, with high standing curlyhair, a crisp black beard, a fine hawkishnose, and large gleaming eyes"; hewas also glorified for his "devotion to modernization."I20 The Ethiopianempirethat was createdwith the alliance ofEuropeanimperialistpowers andHabasha warlordshas maintaineditself through an alliancewith successiveimperialsuperpowers, namely, GreatBritain,the SovietUnion, and the UnitedStates, that have providedprotectionto successiveEthiopianstate elites andtheirgovernments.. 121 Aftercolonizing Oromos andothernationswiththehelpofEuropeantechnology andexpertise, Abyssiniancolonialsettlersin Oromiaand other regionsjustified their colonial dominationwith racist discourseWith the establishmentof their colonial authority in the colonized regions,Habasha settlers "assumed that their own innate superiority over the Iocalresidents accountedfor this accomplishment ,,122 Since then Habashas andtheir Euro-American supporters have contributed to "Ethiopian mythology[which] consistsin part ofthe erroneous notionsthat [Abyssinian] societyhadreached a superior evolutionary stage at the time of conquest, making themable to move in and take over Oromiaand others The illusionplays acriticallyimportantrole in holding the entire complextogether, the ideologyofGreater Ethiopia"l23

The ideology of Greater Ethiopia124 claims that Ethiopia was notcolonized like other parts of Africa because of Habasha bravery andpatriotism that made this empire unique in Africa; Ethiopia was seen as asymbolof blackfreedom although it hadbuilt itselfon racial/ethnic inequalityby colonizingOromos andothers; Ethiopianhistorical discourseclaims thatEthiopianboundariesare sacred sincethey wereestablished for 3000 years;Abyssinian "society represented an advanced level of social and economic

71

The Impact ofa Racist US. Foreign Policy on the Oromo Struggle

organization" that enabledit to defend itself from Europeancolonialism byeliminatingslavery and protecting "all the peoples of greater Ethiopia fromfalling prey to European imperialism"; I2S and Ethiopia played a significantcivilizingmission by colonizingand dominating Oromos and other nationswho were backward, pagan, destructive, and inferior These racistmythologies of Greater Ethiopia helped the Haile Selassie government gainadmissionto the LeagueofNations in 1924 As a result, Ethiopiabegan toenjoymorerecognition in EuropeandNorthAmerica, and"therewas extendedpublic discussion of Ethiopia's place in the world community and a greatelaboration of the Ethiopian mythology initiated by European writers for aEuropeanpublic"l2E Byjoining the LeagueofNations, the Ethiopianempire,according to Evelyn Waugh, "had been recognized as a single state whoseintegrity was the concern of the world Tafari's own new dynastyhad beenacceptedby the busy democracies as !hegovernment ofthis area;his enemieswere their enemies; there would be money lent him to arm against rebels,experts to advisehim; whentroublewas brewinghe wouldswoopdownfromthe sky and take bis opponentsunaware; the fabulous glories ofPrester Johnwere to be reincarnated..."127

These essential components of racist discourseof Greater Ethiopiahave remained intact "Socialist"andthen "democratic" discourse havebeen

introduced by successiveHabasha state elites and accepted by their EuroAmerican supporters withoutchangingthe colonizingandracist structure ofEthiopian society As we will seeshortly,Ethiopianracismandwhite racismhave conveniently intermarried in the U.S.. policy formulation andimplementation in Ethiopia. When policy issues are discussed on EthiopiaSemiticcivility,Cluistianity,antiquity, bravery, andpatriotism ofAmharasand Tigrayans are retrievedto valorizeand to legitimizeHabasha dominanceand power;moreover the barbarism, backwardness, andthe destructiveness ofOromos are reinvented to keep Oromos from access to state power. Thecombined racist views about Oromos and the racist assumptions of U.S.foreignpolicyeliteseffectively mobilize the US. StateDepartment againsttheOromo people

U.S. Foreign Policy Elites and the Orome

The U.S Department of State believes that the Meles government

72

THE JOURNAL OF aROMa STUDIES

protectshumanrights andpromotes democracy. Rarely admitted weaknessesofthis government are attributed to the localgovernment officials. 128 StevensTrucker, democracy and governance advisor to the US AID Mission toEthiopia, claims that the Meles regime is committed to theestablishment of "afimctioning multiparty democracy within a federal structure"l29 despite thefactthatthe Ethiopian transition periodthat, as Terrence Lyonsconcluded, "beganwith a broadlyinclusive nationalconference ended. with a single-partydominantpoliticalsystem,,130 Despitethe rhetoricof democracy, theUnitedStates andotherWestern countries opeuly endorsed theemergence of Tigrayanethnicdictatorship underone party rule. l3l At the same time PrimeMinisterMelesengineers the killings of thousands of Oromos andcreatingofseveralconcentration camps in Oromia,132 Secretary of State Madeleine K Albrightbelieves thathe promotes humanrights inEthiopiaandAfrica Albright saysthat"The United Statesstrongly supports the PrimeMinister'sinitiative at theOAUto createan eminentpersons groupto study the recentgenocide in theGreat Lakes,examines the international community's response, and proposewayswe can alldo better in the future..,,1"

Her remark that the Meles regime has "a good human rightsrecord,"!" refuses to recognize reports of human rights organizationsregarding Ethiopia'sviolations of human rights. I3S In 1997Meles Zenawi was"regarded as one ofAfrica's 'new leaders': he recently won an awardin theUnited Statesfor goodgovernment . Their [Western] governments tendto give priority to the Prime Minister's economic reforms rather than hisrecordon humanrights.. ,,136 Susan E. Rice,Assistant Secretary ofState forAfrican Mairs, announced the end of wars in the Hom of Africa and theemergence of a democratic form ofgovernment in Ethiopia137 despitethe factthat almostall ethnonational groups in the Ethiopian empirecharge that theysufferundertheTigrayan ethnocratic andterroristregime.. '38 Sheclaimed thattheUnitedStates facilitates "Africa's full integration intotheglobal economy"through the promotion of "democracy and respect for human rights" andresolving conflict and promoting peace.. 139 There is no question that theglobalization of Africa is being intensified; but, as the conflict betweenOromos and the Tigrayan regime indicates, the United States has failed topromoteevenits policyof "democracy promotion.." Thegap existsbetweenwhatUS.. policyelitesclaimas theirpolicies and whattheypractice.

73

The Impact ofa Racist U.S Foreign Policy on the Oromo Struggle

Albright has emphasized the importance of democracy fordevelopment saying that " lilt is essential to sow the seeds of prosperity ifAfricais to becomea full participantin the worldeconomy. It is necessary tobuild democracy In this decade, people everywhere have learned thatdemocracy is aparentto development For peoplewhoarefree to choosetheirleaders,publishtheirthoughts, organize theirlaborand investtheircapitalwillbuild richer and more stable societiesthan those shackledby repression"140One ofPresident Clinton's four goals for his trip to Africa was to promote

democracy in Africa,141 bnt the US, government policy does not promotedemocracy in Ethiopia and Oromia Oromia has been integrated into theglobal economy without its own political leadership and democracy;consequently Oromos havebeenbrutalized andperipheralized, Unfortunately,the US" government contributes to the periphera1ization and misery ofOromos by supporting a regime that violates human rights through stateterrorism, MostAmericans haveno sympathy for the enslaved andsubjugatedpeoplessincetheysee them as inferior or uncivilized peopleswhodo not havethe capability to be like them, Since this mindset flourished with theideologies ofwhiteness andculturalsuperiority that causedthe destruction ofNativeAmericans and enslaved Afticans,andsincethese ideologies have beenalso"recycled"by American institutions, theydo not realize howUS foreignpolicy can have detrimental effects on peoples like Oromos AmericanPresident Theodore Roosevelt openlyjustifiedcolonial violence and expansionin a racist discourse. Considering Native Americans as an inferior race,Roosevelt argnedthat the elimination Native Americanswas necessary "forthe benefitofcivilisation andin the interestofmankind,"'42 Further,sincetheideologies of whiteness and cultural superiority devalued the humanity ofNativeAmericans, the treatiesthat weresignedwith themwerenot respected,In 1830, one US. politician said that "treaties were expedient by whichignorant, intractable, and savagepeople were inducedwithout bloodshedtoyieldup what civilized peopleshad a right to possess",43Probablythe reasonthat the US, governmentignoredthe violationof the TransitionalChapterofEthiopia and supported the emergence of the Tigrayan ethnocratic minorityregimewas that it made the same sort of assumption, i.e. that Oromos werenegotiating their defeatanddestruction "to yieldup what civilized peopleshada right to possess."

Marc Baas,US Charged' Affaires,on November 14, 1991 said that

74


"Oromos have been 'niggers' of this society. ,,144 Subsequent policyrevealsthat U.S. foreignpolicy elites and the U.S. government do not believe thatthese"niggers"of Ethiopia canplay a decisive role indetermining theessenceof the Ethiopianstate despitethe fact that the peoplethey call "niggers" area numerical majority and possess the major resources on which Ethiopiadepends for existence. This racist mindset allowsthe US. government toignorethe Oromopeople. Accordingly, Oromos whoare considered as realblack and"less advanced" deserve less thanHabashas who areconsidered asless black in the thinkingof U.S foreignpolicyelites. Theseforeign policyelites do not even bother to reconcile the contradiction that there is no skincolor differences between Habashas and Oromos,only cultura1 differencesIn the thinkingof most whiteAmericans, blackness deniesrightsand power..Since racismis a meansof phenotypically and culturally categorizing peoples

to justify their unequal treatment, Oromos are seen as darker and lessadvanced thanHabashas ..

Because of imperialist economic and strategic interests and theseracist assumptions, the U'S. government does not recognize the struggle ofOromosfor self-determination anddemocracy despitethe fact that theOrOInOpoliticalleadership endorsed its policyof "democracy promotion" Sincethebiological conceptof race canbe easilychallenged, U.S.. policyelitesmainlyapply "development theory" rather' than racist biological notionswhen theydeal with countries like Ethiopia Theydo this withoutchanging the longestablished American views on race. According to Hunt, "Policy makers,whose impulse to see the worldin terms of hierarchy was evenmore at oddswith the need for political direction, found their way out of their bind byrecastingthe oldracialhierarchy intocultura1 terms suppliedby developmenttheorists No longerdid leaders dare broadcasttheir views on barbarous orbackwardpeople,race traits, or skincolor. It was instead nowthe attributesof modernity and tradition that fixed a people's or nation's place on thehierarchy.,,14s The concepts of tradition, modernity anddevelopment areusedby U.S. foreign elites to support Ethiopianstate elites despite the fact thatHabasha and Oromo societies are on similar level of economic andtechnological development Oromos are assigned to serve the interests ofEthiopianandglobalelitesat their owncost Hence, throughtheprocessofracializationlethnicization of the division of labor, Oromos must be poor

75


fanners, servants andsoldiers andnot stateelites, intellectuals, policy makers,and traders..

Only a few Oromos who have subordinated their interests and theinterests of the Oromo people to that of Habashas are allowed to becomeintermediaries betweenHabasha elites andOromosociety. The Tigrayan-ledregimewith the tacit agreement of the West,particularly the United States,has targeted for destruction Oromo intellectuals and business elites whoattempt to play a decisive role in regional and global politics throughpromotingthe Oromostruggle for self-determination anddemocracy!" ThecurrentrefusalofOromos to accept the racializationl ethnicization of divisionoflabar and their attemptto achieve freedom and democracy have annoyedHabasha andUS policyelites. Therefore, it is tacitlyaccepted by the West,particularlyby the US., that the Tigrayan government suppress the Oromonationalmovement by destroying its leadership andOromoactivists. Despitethe fact that the OLF agreed to forma federal democratic Ethiopia, during thetransition period, the West, Particularly the United States, and the Melesregimerationalized their actions by labelingthe organization as separatistorterrorist Neighboring countries likethe Sudan, Kenya, Djibouti, Yemen, andsomefactionsin Somalia couldnot resist financial incentives and/orpoliticalpressures from the West, particularly theUnited States,to denysanctuarytothe OLF and to deport manyOromonationalists to Ethiopia evenif it meantbreakinginternational laws. Further,Oromorefugees have been threatenedwithrefoulement fromYemen, Germany, Israel,Djibouti, Sudan,and KenyasincetheUnited Nations HighCommission for Refugees (UNHCR) is "staffedby apologists for theEthiopian government" that donot protectOromohumanrights.. '·7 The refoulement ofhundred of Oromo refugees has takenplacefromDjibouti since the early 1990s with the "protection" of the UNHCR thatignoresthe violationof Oromo humanrights.. 148

The UnitedStates ignores the violationof'humanrights of Oromosand other colonized nations. According to Human Rights Watch WorldReport 1999: "With about$30 million in development aid and$66 million infoodaid,bringing the totalto about$97 million, Ethiopia remained thesecondlargestrecipientof US. aid in Sub-Saharan Africa, after SouthAfrica. TheUS. failed to use its privileged relations withEthiopia as a leverage forhumanrightimprovements Theonlypublic statement involving humanrights cameonAugust 6, [1998] whentheUS. government expressed deep concern at the

76


detention and expulsion of Eritreans in and from Ethiopia"I.9 The US.governmentis only concerned about the humanrights violationsofEritreanswhile ignoring the ethnic cleansing that the Tigrayan-led regime commitsagainst Oromos and other colonizednations. When Oromospresented theircause to the US. government indicatingthat it shouldsupport the struggleofOromos for self-determination anddemocracy ratherthan supporting1 igrayanethnocracy, they did not get a positive response. They were ignored. US.foreign policy elites seek advice from scholars who have acceptedwithoutinspection the racist assmnptions implicit in the construction ofEthiopiawhenthey formulate a policy toward Ethiopia They never have taken intoconsiderationOromo scholarshipand Oromo studies that have successfullyexposedthe deficiency in EthiopianStudies. ISO The StateDepartmentand itseliteswhodealwithEthiopianissues ignorethe voicesofOromoscbolars andpoliticians and other students of Oromo society. Racism has taken awayhumandecency from US. foreignpolicy.

Conclusions

Racism in US. foreign policy has discouraged the success of analternative leadership that can solve the problems of Oromos and otherpopulation groups who suffer under Ethiopian colonialism and globalimperialism. Both generous supportthe successiveHabasha elitesheaded byMenelik,Haile Selassie, Mengistu, and Meles have receivedfrom the West,particularly from the United States, and the East, and the institutionaIizeddistinctionsin the EthiopianempirehavemobilizedAmharas and Tigrayansagainst Oromosand othercolonized peoplesandeliminated the possibilityofforming a common political platform against the Ethiopian colonizingstructure.. The distinction betweenHabashas and Oromos is the outwardexpressionof the fundamental subjugation ofDromos and othernationsuponwhich Ethiopia is bnilt; to challenge it is to shake the vel)' foundation ofEthiopian colonialism

Combined Ethiopian policies and US. policies have frustratedOromosfrom democratically gettingaccessto Ethiopianstate poweror fromcreating their own independent state by keeping them in the position ofsecond-class citizens, Becauseofthis, the Oromo national movement must

77

The Impact oj a Racist Us. Foreign Policy on the Oromo Struggle

broadenits politicalbase bothregionally andgloballyby formingan alliancewith antiracist,anticolonial, and democratic forces to expose and removeallimpediments to self-expression through educational mechanisms andorganized struggle. As Oromos consolidate their national movement inOromia,Oromosin the diasporaandthe friends ofOromosin the worldmustbuilda globalnetworkthroughwhichtheycanexposeideologies that havehada seriousnegativeimpact on the Oromostruggle. Since the Oromo nationalmovement is graduallymaturing in Oromia, the building of an internationalbridgefor the Oromostruggle will shortenthepath to victoryby removing oneof the greatest obstacles to this movement

NOTES

I Thispaper was presented at the Forty-first AnnualMeetingof theAfrican StudiesAssociation, October29 - November I, 1998, Chicago, Illinois, I would like to thankBonnie K Holcomb, Chip Hastings, Wanda Rushing, Bill Robinson, and LennnuBaissa for providing comments on earlier drafts of this paper

2 See Kenan Malik, The Meaning ofRace, (New Yorlc New YOlk UniversityPress,1996).. Malik (1996:265) asserts that "the meaningof race' cannot be confinedto asimpledefinition or reducedto a singlepropertyor relationship Rather,race rises outof complexcontradictions withincapitalistsociety and articulates thosecontradictionsin complexways.. "

3. HowardWinant,Racial Conditions, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,1994), p. 24

4.. For detaileddiscussionofthese issues, see BenjanrinP Bowser and RaymondGHunt, eds. Impacts ofRacism on While Americans, 2"" edition, (Thousand Oaks,CA: SagePublications, 1996), pp 1-23

5 Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class AmbiguousIdentiliesibid, (New York: Verso, 1991)

6. EtienneBalibar and ImmanuelWallerstein, ibid, p. 6.

7. Explainingwhy it is difficult to define' race,' Malik mentionsthe followingpoints:"Geneticists have shownthat 85 per centof all genetic variationis betweenindividualswithin the same localpopulation A further 8 per cent is between local populationsor groups within what is considered to be a major race Just 7 per cent of geneticvariation is between major races." Kenan Malik, The Meaning ofRace, ibid, p 4

8. Robert Staples, "White Racism, Black Crime, and American Justice: An

78


Application of the Colonial Model to Explain Crime and Race," Sources: NotableSelections in Race and Ethnicity, (Guilford, Connecticut DushkinlMcGraw-HiIl,1998), pp. 280-281

9.. Ibid

10. See Leenco Lata. "Peculiar Challenges to Oromo Nationalism," in OromoNationalism andthe Ethiopian Discourse: The SearchforFreedom andDemocracy,edited by Asafa Jalata, (Lawrenceville: The Red Sea Press, 1998), pp 125-152; AJalata, "The Struggle for Knowledge: The Case of Emergent Oromo Studies,"TheAfrican Studies Review, vol. 39, No.2, (September, 1996), pp. 95-123; JohnSorenson, "Ethiopian Discourse and Oromo Nationalism," Oromo Nationalism andthe Ethiopian Discourse, pp 223-252; The Economist, "Ethiopia: Federal Sham."August 16, 1997,p 36

II.. V. Y Mudimbe, The Invention of'Afrioa: Gnosis, Philosophy, and the Order ofKnowledge, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,1988), p. 16.

12 See, for example, William 1. Robinson, "Global Capitalism and the OtomoLiberation Struggle: Theoretical Notes on US. Policy Towards the EthiopianEmpire,"The Journal ofOromo Studies Vol. 4, Nos .. 1 & 2, July 1997, pp.. 1-46;Bonnie K Holcomb, "The I ale of Two Democracies: The Encounter Between US··Sponsored Ethiopian 'Democracy' and Indigenous Oromo Democratic Forms," TheJournal ofOromo Studies Vol 4, Nos.. I & 2, July 1997, pp 47-82; Sisai Ibssa,"The Ideological Foundations of Current US Foreign Policy: the 'Promotion ofDemocracy' and its Impact on the Oromo National Movement," The Journal ofOromo Studies Vol. 5, Nos.. 1 &2,July 1998,pp.. 1-34..

13 See Asafa Jalata, "US-Sponsored Ethiopian 'Democracy' and State Terrorism,"Autopsy ofTerror: Human Rights andDemocracy in the Hom ofAfrica, edited byPat Laudetdale, Abebe Zegeye, et al, (Dartmouth Publishing: Forthcoming)

14.. Douglas Hellinger, "U.S. Assistance to Africa: No Room for Democracy,"Transnfrica Forum, vo. 9, no 2, Summer 1992, p 80.

15. For the connection between racism in U.S domestic and foreign policies, seeGerald Home, "Race for the Globe: U.S. Foreign Policy and racial Interests,"ImpactsofRacism on WhiteAmericans, pp. 88-112..

16 See Asafa Jalata, Oromia & Ethiopia: State Formation and EthnonationalConflic~ 1868-1992, (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. 1993), pp 88-99 Thisbook argues that the Haile Selassie regime was corropt and oppressive.

17. See Asafa Jalata, ibid; Bonnie K Holcomb and Sisai Ibssa, The Invention of

79


Ethiopia, (Trenton: NJ: lhe Red Sea Press, 1990)

18 Ihe policy of the Soviet Union was also racist toward the Oromo people; itsupported the Ethiopian colonizingstructure and suppressed the Oromo struggle forself-determinationand democracyalmost for two decades

19 See Asafa Jalata, Oromia & Ethiopia. pp. 178-181

20 Agency France Press notes that the United States "backed the I igre People'sLiberationFrODt (lPLF) for several years in their struggle against lieutenant-ColonelMengistn's regime and it was on Americanadvicethat the lPLF became the EPRDF,thooghfonner Tigrean guerrillas are still dominantin thegovernment" AFP (AgencyFrance Press), "Ethiopia-Politics". Nairobi, June 24, 1992.

21.. As the leaderof IPIFIEPRDF "Meleshad strongCIA supportevenwhenhe wasknown for his Marxist belief (8) He dropped it in exchangefor US support andmilitarypower ..... ''', The Oromia Support Group, September 1994, p. 6.

22. Paul Henze, Rebels and Separatists in Ethiopia: Regional Resistance to aMarxist Regime, (Prepared for the office of the Under Secretary of Defense forPolicy), (Santa Monica, CA: The Rand Corporation, 1985), P 74

23. Ibid, p 65

24 Ibid, p. 74.

25. Ibid

26. Ibid, p. 65..

27. For details, see Leenco Lata, "The Making and Unmaking of Ethiopia'sJransitional Charter," in Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse, AsafaJalata (ed.) , pp. 51-77

28 See Wi11iam I Robinson, ibid; Bonnie K Holcomb, ibid

29. Gorge E Moose, "Testimony of Assistant Secretary of State Before the HouseSubcommittee on Ethiopia," July 27,1994

30.. For example,see SusanRice,"Statementbefore theSubcommittees onMica andOD International Operations and Human Rights of the House International RelationsCommittee," Washington,DC, July 29, 1998

3L Secretary ofState Madeleine K Albright, "Departure Remarks," Addis Ababa,Ethiopia, December 10, 1997, as released by the Office of the Spokesman U'S.Department ofStale, htl://secrelaIy.stale.gov/www/statements/971210.html,p. I

32 Michael Sealy,"Cleating a Partnership: Ihe United States and the Black World,"Transnfrica Forum, vol. 9, no 4, Special Issue, 1993, p. 38

33. See Asafa Jalata, "US-Sponsored Ethiopian 'Democracy' and State Terrorism,"

80


ibid; William Robinson, ibid;Bonnie K Holcomb, ibid

34 Interview withMuhammed Abbas in Knoxville, TN, onMay 25 and 27, 1998; seealsoA Jalata,"US-Sponsored Ethiopian'Democracy' and State Terrorism," ibid; seealsolbssaGutama,"Ethiopia: The Transitionto Ethnic Dictatorshipunder the Guiseof Democracy," Paper delivered at 40" Annual Meeting of the Afiican StudiesAssociation, Columbus,Ohio, Nov 12-15,1997,

35" Interview with Muhammed Abbas, Ibid; A Jalata, "US-Sponsored Ethiopian'Democracy," ibid

36,. According to Fanon, "In the colonies it is the policeman and the soldierwho arethe official instituted go-betweens, the spokesman of the settler and his rule ofoppression Bytheir innnediate presenceandtheir frequentand direct action,theymaintaincontact with the nativeand advisehimby means of rifle-buttsand napalmnotto budge. It is obvioushere that the agentsof governmentspeak the language of pureforce." Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, (New York: Grove Press, Inc.,1966),p 31

37 See A Jalata, Oromia & Ethiopia, ibid, pp.. 178-186

38. See Ibssa Gutama,"The Transition to Ethnic Dictatorship," ibid

39. Theodore M Vestal, "Deficit ofDemocracyin the Iransitional GovernmentofEthiopia since 1991, OklahomaState University, 1994,p.. 19

40 Interview with MuhammedAbbas, ibid

41.. Interview with GadisaBula in Knoxville, IN, on May 22, 1998

42. History shows that in all colonized populations, there have been marginalizedindividuals whoparticipatedin theprojectsoftheir colonizers. For further discussioo,see Clovis E Semmes, Cultural Hegemony and African American Development,(Westport, Connecticut Praeger, 1992),p.. 6; LuanaRoss, Inventing the Savage: TheSocial Construction ofNative American Criminality, (Austin: UniversityPress ofTexas Press, 1998)

43. luana Ross, ibid, pp. 11-12

44, Maxanne is an Oromo concept that explains the attachment ofsomething tosomething else since it cannot exist by itself, here this concept indicates that theOPDO is an organization that is attachedto the Tigrayan-1ed EPRDF. Hence, it doesnot have an independent life and it serves mainly the interests of the enemies ofOromos

45.. Frantz Fanon, ibid

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The Impact ofa Racist U.S. Foreign Policy on the Oromo Struggle

46 OromiaSupportGroup, "Urgent Action-November 1997," p. 1

47. For example, see Bonnie K. Holcomb. Ibid.; Asafa Jalata, "Ihe Cultural Rootsof Oromo Nationalism," Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse, ibid, pp27-49

48 See Immanuel Wallerstein, The Capitalist World-Economy, (Cambridge:cambridge University Press, 1980); Walter Rodney, How Europe UnderdevelopedAfrica, (Washington, D. C: Howard University Pres, 1972); Nathan Irvin Huggins,Black Odyssey, (New York: Vintage Books, 1977); Stanley M Elkins, Slavery,(Chicago: Ihe University of Chicago Press, 1968).

49 .. Clovis E Semmes, ibid, p. I L

50. These countries were created by European colonial settlers who established a"democracy" in which ouly whites would participate by exclnding the indigenouspopulations that they considered nonwhite and inferior It is ouly recently that theseconditions began to change because of the national struggles of the respectiveindigenous populations ofthese countries

51.. According to Etienne Balibar, 'Ihe universalism of the dominant ideology is ..rooted at a much deeper level than the world expansion ofcapital and even than theneed to procure common rules of action for all those who manage that expansion. Itis rooted in the need to construct, in spite of the antagonism between them, anideological 'world' shared by exploiters and exploited alike" Etienne Balibar andImmanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation. Class:'Ambiguous Identities, (London: Verso,1991),p.. 4 ..

52. Immanuel Wallerstein, Historical Capitalism, (london: Verso, 1983),p. 102.

53. See Howard Winant, ibid

54. Robert J. C Young, Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture andRace,(New York: Routledge, 1995), p 64

55 David 1 .. Goldberg, "The Social Formation ofRacist Discourse," inAnatomy ofRacism, edited by David Theo Goldberg, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota,1990),p 295

56 Howard Winant, ibid, p. xiii:

57.. See Robert J. C Young, ibid; Edward Said, Orientalism, (New York: VintageBooks, 1978); Edward Said, "100 Politics of Knowledge," Race Identity.:Representation in Education, edited by Cameron McCarthy and Warren Crichlow,(New York: Routledge, 1993)

58. Robert A Huttenback, Racism and Empire. White Settlers and Colored

82


Immigrants in the British Self-Governing Colonies I83G-I9IO, (Ithaca,NY.: CornellUniversity Press, 1976)

59. Gloria Marshall, "Racial Classifications: Popular and Scientific," The "Racial"Economy 0/Science Toward A Democratic Future, edited by Sandra Harding,(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), p. 125.

60 See Robert I C Young, ibid, 64

61 See David R Roediger, The Wages ofWhiteness: Race and the Making oftheAmerican Working Class, (London: Verso, 1991)

62.. Ibid.

63 .. Ibid

64.. Bobby Wright and William G. Tierney, "American Indians in Higher Education:A History ofCultural Conflict," Sources: Notable Selections in Race andEthnicity,(Goilford, Connecticut: DushkinlMcGraw-Hill), p. 199.

65 .. Quoted in Michael Hunt, Ideology and UiS. Foreign Policy, (New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 1987), P 55

66. LauanaRoss, ibid, P 266

67. See Asafa Jalata, "African American Nationalism, Development, andAftocentricity: Implicationsfor the Twenty-First Century," inMolefi Kete Asante andAfrocentricity; In Praise and in Criticism, edited by Dhyana Ziegler, (Nasbhville, m:Winston-Derek Publishers Group, Inc)

68.. George Fishman, The African American Struggle for' Freedom and Equality,(New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1997), p. 3.

69 Michael Hunt, Ideology and Us. Foreign Policy, ibid, pp. 52-52.

70. Robert Staples, ibid

7L Ibid, p. 161

72 Ibid, p.. 52.

73. The African American peoplehood was mainly fonned from the melting pot ofvarious African ethnonational groups, such as Yorubas, Akans, Ibos, Angolas andothers who experienced a common horror ofslavery in the United States. The nameNegro was used by the Portugese slavers in the fifteenth century. Mongesasserts thatGomes Eaannes Aznrara, in the Chronicle 0/the Discovery andConquest a/Guinea,(1453), initially used this the name. Azurara mentions how one Portugese "passedthe land of the Moors and arrived in the land ofblacks, that is called Guinea But

83

The Impact ala Racist US Foreign Policy on the Oromo Struggle

when the negroes saw that those in the ship were men. they made haste flee. butbecause our men had a better opportunitythanbefore, they captured them,and thesewere the first to be taken by Christians in their own land" (Monges, 1997: 34)Explaining the negstive image attachedto this name by those who inventedand usedthename,Asante(1990: 132) arguesthat"There isnoetlmic group inAfricathatcaIJsitselfnegro or its languagenegro. Thetermis preeminently a creation ofthe Europeanmind to refer to any African group or people who correspond to a certain negativeimage of culture. The termismeaningless in realitybut has becomeausefulword forthose who would serve a political purpose by the term." Mariam Ma'at-Ka-ReMonges, Kush The Jewel ofNubia, (Trenton,NJ.: Africa WorldPress, Inc.., 1997,p.. 34; MolefiK Asante,Kemet, Afrocentricity andKnowledge, (Trenton, NJ: AfricaWorldPress, 1990).

74. Berkholfercontendsthat"NativeAmericanswere and are real,but the Indian wasa White invention." RobertF.Berkholfer, Jr.,The White Man ~ Indian; Images oftheAmerican Indian from Columbus to the Present, (New Y0Ik:RandomHousse, 1978),p.. 3.

75. See Asafa Jalata, "The Strugglefor Knowledge," ibid.; LeencoLata, "PeculiarChallenge to Oromo Nationalism," ibid.

76 John Sorenson,Imagining Ethiopia, (New Brunswick, NJ: RutgersUniversityPress, 1993), P 60

Tl. See for example,EdwardUlIendorf, The Ethiopians, (London: Oxford UniversityPress, 1965), p..4

78. See DonaldDonham,"Old Abyssiniaand the New Ethiopian Empire: ThemesinSocial History," The Southern Marches ofEthiopia, edited by Donald Donham andWendy Tames, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p.. 13; John HSpencer,Ethiopia at Bay, (Algonac: Mich: ReferencePublications, 1984),pp. 123124

79 Alberto Sbacchi, Legacy ofBitterness: Ethiopia and Fascist Italy, 1935-1941, (lawrenceville, NT: TheRed Sea Press, 1997),p.. 25

80 John Sorenson, ibid, p.. 29.

81 Ibid.

82. Quoted in ibid, p. 29; quoted in Harold G. Marcus, "Racist Discourse aboutEthiopia and Ethiopians before and after the Battle of Adwa," Adwa Conference,AAU, March 1996, p.. 5.

83. See Harold G Marcus, ibid.

84. Racist Euro-Americanscholarswho believe in racial distinctions use thesekinds

84


of racist phrases to show the significance of' whiten-nessand denigrateblackness inhumancivilizations. For further discussion, seeMariamMa'at-Ka-Re-Monges, Kush:The Jewel ofNubia - Reconnecting the Root System ofAfrican Civilization, (Trenton,NJ: Africa World Press, Inc., 1997).. pp. 23-29; see Harold G Marcus, "RacistDiscourse," ibid, p 7.

85 Cited in Harold G. Marcus, "RacistDiscourse," ibid, p.. 6.

86.. Cedric J Robinson,"The AfricanDiasporaand the ltalo-EthiopianCrisis,"Raceand Class 2, 1985, P 53

87. P..T,W. Baxter, "The Creation& Constitution of'Oromo Nationality,"Ethmcity& Conflict in the Hom ofAfrica, Katsuyoshi Fukui and John Markakis, (eds.),(Athens:Ohio UniversityPress, 1994)., p. 172

88. Culturalracismcan be definedas the conscious or subconscious convicticm of'thepoliticallydominantpopulationgroupthat imposesits culturalpatterns andpracticesthrough its social institutions in an attemptto destroyor suppressthe culturalpatternsandpracticesof thecolonizedanddominated population For detaileddiscussion, seeBenjamin P Bowser and Raymond G Hunt, eds.. , Impacts ofRacism on WhileAmericans.

89 For example see,MariamMa'at-Ka-Re-Monges, ibid; MolefiK Asante,ibid;Martin Bernal,BlackAthena The Afroasiatic Roots ofClassical Civilization, vol. IThe Fabrication ofAncient Greece, 1785-f985, (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers

UniversityPress, 1987).

90. P.LW. Baxter, ibid, p. 172

9L John Sorenson, "Ethiopian Discourse and Oromo Nationalism," in OromoNationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse, Asafa Jalata, (ed), pp. 233-234.

92. Habasha elitesseveraltimesattempted to use the Africandiasporafor theireconomicand political interestsby capitalizing on the emotiontheyhad for the nameEthiopia. See for example, WilliamR Scott,The Sons of Sheba's Race: AfricanAmericans andthe Itolo-Ethiopian War; 1935-1941, (Bloomington: InianaUniversityPress, 1993); Joseph Harris, "Race and Misperceptions in the Origins of UnitedStates-Ethiopian Relations," Transsfrica Forum, Vol 3, No.2 (Winter 1986), 9-23

93.. WilliamR Scott, ibid., p.. 26

94 Edward Ullendorff, The Ethiopians, (London: OxfordUniversityPress, 1960),pp.. 76 and 73 respectively.

95 See for example, John Sorenson, ibid; Jordan Gebre-Medhin, Peasants and

85


Nationalism in Eritrea, (lrenton, N.J.: lhe Red Sea Press, 1989)

%. John Sorenson, "Ethiopian Discourse and Oromo Nationalism," DramaNationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse, ibid., p.. 234

97 See WC. Harris, The Highlands ofEthiopia, London, 1844, vol. 3, pp .. 72-73;M.de Almeida, "History of Ethiopia," Some Records of Ethiopia 1593-1646,translated and edited by C F Beckingham and CWB and Huntingford, (London:Halduyt Society, 1954), 111-139

98.. See Abba Bahrey, "History ofthe Galla," Some Records ojEthiopia, ibid; CRMarkham, A History of the Abyssinian Expedition, London, 1869; James Bruce,Travels in Abyssinia andNubia 1768-1773, (Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black,19730, p. 86; Edward Ullendorf The Ethiopians (London: Oxford University Press,1960), p. 76; Harold G. Marcus, A History ofEthiopia, (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 1994),p.. 4.

99. See L Fargo, Abyssinia on the Eve, (London: Putnam, 1935), p. 45; CF Rey,The RealAbyssinia, (New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969), p. 47.

100. See Harold G. Marcus, ibid; p.. xii; Edward Ullendorf, ibid; ChIistopherClapham, Haile Selassie sGovernment; (New York: Praeger.), p 81; Patrick Gilkes,The Dying Lion: Feudalism and Modernization in Ethiopia, (London: JulianFridman, 1975), PP.. 204 and 206.

101.. See fore example, Margery Perham, The Government ofEthiopia, 2"" edition,(London: Faber & Faber, 1969), P 377; Christopher Clapham, Haile Selassie'sGovernment, (New York: Praeger, 1969), p. 81; C Clapham, "Ethnicity and theNational Question inEthiopia," Conflict andPeace in the Horn ofAfrica, edited byPeter Woodward and M Forsyth Brookfield, (Dartmouth: Vermont, 1994); DonaldLevine, Greater Ethiopia, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994; GebruTareke, Ethiopia: Power andProtest, (New York: Cambridge University Press).

102.. For further discussion, see Donald Donham andW James, (eds..), The SouthernMarches ofImperial Ethiopia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).

103. Alberto Sbacchi, Legacy ofBitterness, p. 22

104 William R Scott, The Sons ofSheba 's Race, p xv

105. John Sorenson, "Ethiopian Discourse andOromo Nationalism," ibid, P 232

106. Quoted in Leenco Lata, "Peculiar Challenge to Oromo Nationalism," ibid, p.143

10 7.. Quoted in Ieshale libebu, The Making ofModem Ethiopia 1896-1974,(Lawrenceville, NJ: The Red Sea Press, 1995), p.. 44.

86


108 In all racist societies, theseprejudices and srereotypes have beenreproduced anddisseminated to perpetuate racism For further understandingof the roles of theseinstitotions,seeAdalberto Aguirre,Jr. andDavid V. Baker, (eds.), Sources: NotableSelections in Race and Ethnicity, (Guilford, Coonecticut: DushkinlMcGraw-Hi1l, 2""edition, 1998), pp.189-310.

109 Richard Delgado, "Words 'Ihat Wound,"Sources: Notable Selections in RaceandEthnicity, (DushkinIMcGraw-Hi1l: Connecticut,1998), p.. 346.

110 See Leenco Lata, "Peculiar Challengeto DromoNationalism," ibid, pp. 139144.

III See for example,I eklu Gerbee, "The Geda Militarismand DromoExpansion,"Ethiopian Review, October 1993, p. 50.

112 LeencoLata, ibid., 135

113 A Jalata, "US-Sponsored Ethiopian 'Democracy' and State Terrorism," TheProceedings ofOromo Studies Association, Eleventh Annual Conference of the OSA,Universityof Minnesota,Minneapolis,Minnesota,August 9-10, 1997,pp 53-77.

114. Leenco Lata, ibid

115 QuotedinHaroldG Marcus, "RacistDiscourse",ibid,p. 7.

116. BonnieK Holcomband Sisai Ibsssa, The Invention ofEthiopia, (Trenton,NJ :The Red sea Press, 1990), p I WhenEuropean imperialistpowers, such as GreatBritain, France and Italy,were competingto partition northeastAfrica,according toHolcomb and Ibssa, they "were unable to resolve a stalemate over which of themwould claimthe area called the Hom of Africa Having occupiedthe rest of Africa,they clashed over the occupation of the region that was strategic dueto its locationnear the recently opened Suez Canaland near the headwaters of the Blue Nile. Thesolution to this conflict was to encourage, up to certain limits, the expansionistambitionsof the leadersof variousAbyssinian kingdoms, thento establish a collectiveagreement among themselves to recognize and assist the resultant entity as adependent colonial empire,claimingthat an ancient 'neutral' sovereign state existedthere Such a defensebecame the basis for the mythology of'Greater Ethiopia'"

117 Quoted in ibid, p.. 8.

118. Quoted in ibid, P 141

119 Ibid,pp.175..179

120 Quoted in ibid

121 Ibid, pp. 171-279; Asafa Jalata, Oromia & Ethiopia.

87


122. Bonnie K Holcomb and Sisai Ibssa, Ibid, p. III

123.. Ibid., p. 143

124.. For detailed discussion, see ibid, pp. 143-144; A Jalata, ibid; GemetchuMegerssa, "The Oromo aud the Ethiopian State Ideology in A Historical Perspective,"Papers ofthe xiiith International Conference ofEthiopian Studies, Kyoto, 12-17December 1997, vol IT, pp 479-485

125. DoualdLevine, ibid ., p.16

126 Bonnie K Holcomb and Sissai Ibssa, ibid, P 176

127. Evelyn Waugh, Waugh in Abyssinia, (Harmondsworth, Middlesex; PenguinBooks Ltd, 1985), P 16

128 USDepartmento/State on Human Rights, 1993,1994,1995, and 1997

129. Stevens Trucker, "Ethiopia's Democratic Transition Moves Forward AmidChallenges,''African Voices: A Newsletteron Democracy andGovernance in Africa,Winter/Spring, 1997, p. L

130. I errence Lyons, "Closing the Irausitiou: the May 1995 Elections in Ethiopia,"The Journal ofModem African Studies, 34:1, p. 142

131 Ibid

132.. A Jalata, "US-Sponsored Ethiopiau 'Democracy," ibid.

133. Madeleine K Albright, ibid

134 Secretary of State Madeleine K Albright, "Remarks at the Entoto CivicEducatiou Club, Entoto Secondary School," December 9, 1997, Addis Ababa,Ethiopia, htlp:l/secretarv.state.govlwww/statementsl971209ahtml., p..3.

135. See Human Rights Watch/Africa 1997, Amnesty International, Ethiopia:Accountability Past andPresent -Human rights in transition, 199.5, 1996, and1997;NewAftican, "Ethiopia, Around Africa: Persecution of Oromos Continues," June1998,pp.1-3; "Terror Against Oromos,' oct97-edhtm atwww.mdx.ac.ukpp. 1-3

136 The Economist, "Ethiopia: Federal Sham," August, 16, 1997, p. 36.

137. SusanE.. Rice, "A New Partoership for the 21" Century," ASA News, Volumexxxi, JanuarylMarch 1998, No. l,pp. 7-9

138 A Jalata, ibid

139. Susan E.. Rice, ibid

140. Secretary of State Madeleine K Albright, "Address on U.S. Policy IowardAfrica," George Mascn University, Fairfax, Virginia, March 19, 1998,htlp:/Isecretary.state. gov/www/ statementsl980319 .html, p. 3

88


141.. African Voices, "Clinton Pledges Help for Democracy in Africa," SummerlFall1998, P 6.

142 Theodore Roosevelt, ibid, pp. 56-57

143. Quoted in Michael H Hunt, ibid, P 53

144 Marc Baas,"Minutes ofBriefing to American community in Addis Ababa," 14November 1991

145. Ibid

146. See Hizbawi Adera an EPRDF political pamphlet, Tahisas-Yekatit, 1989 EC(1997)

147. Oromia Support Group, "Oromo Refugees Threatened with Refoulement,"Summary Press Release, August-September 1998, no 24,pp. 1-3.

148 Ibid

149. Human Right, Watch/World Report 1999: Ethiopia The Role of theInternational Community, http://www.hrw.orglhrwlworJdreport99/africafethiopia3.html.p 3

150 See A Jalata, "The Struggle for Knowledge" ibid, pp 95-123

89

•rormaupportroup

Sag;tiee Huru is the Newsletter of (he Oromta Support Group, OSG ;Unutopubltcltedle piighto(~l'preS$c~,"l#p~e.b1

F.thiop~, partirolarly the forgotten Oromo. OSG OOXIpalgIU for dtb.'U)O'aq, freedom .,from human r;ghl$.~$.·lnd ~If~

determmanon foraU peoples in F.tb.i.opia. lr alscabos to dissemtnalt io.formation aboutI,be nch Oromo b1&tory and culaee.Chair: Dr Trevor TruCD1lUl, Secretary: Wl Williams

The Willow" 6 Ordwd Road, Mol...... WO'ClI, WRI+ lOA, UK.websrre- www.Oremo.org

o0\

WESTERN FOREIGN POLICY, PROFITS AND HUMANRIGHTS: THE CASE OF ETHIOPIA

Trevor Trueman

Ihe Clinton administration has been sweeping aside constant criticism thatwhile the U S is genuinely committed to Africa's economic development,Washington has been glossingover the abusive practices of its newly foundallies such as Rwanda, Uganda and Ethiopia

Ihe U S. training gives the armed forces of developing nations significantnew skills that have been used 10 repress dissent. The US defended itscontinued involvement WIth some African dictators as 'constructiveengagement', ironically the same policyused to justifycontactwith apartheidSouth Africa in the 19805

[T]heAmerican-trained AfricaCrisis Response Initiative [includes] only onenation [which] can qualify as a democracy - Mali. For Americans toachieve genuine economic partnership with Africans, the U S. governmentshould listen to pleas b) grassroots organizationsthat the militaryget out ofpolitics, dictators be held accountable for their abuses, press freedom exist,women be given increased access 10 politics, and economic opportunity beincreased in urban and rural areas 10 make 1998 Africa's year.

Rich Mkhondo, The Star; Johannesburg, 8 1.98

Stated western foreign policy objectives include respect for humanrights and democracy. Critics claim that these concerns are not genuine butmere lip service. Despite the fact that Ethiopia massively violates humanrights, it receives more aid from western powers than any other country in theworld This paper examines in detail the human rights and democratizationrecord of the present Ethiopian government It argnes that it remains forwestern foreign policy to develop a real rather than rhetorical interest in humanrights The economic health of a country depends on good governance,democracy and respect for human rights

Because ofthe interdependence ofall cotmtries in the global economy,

The Journal ofOromo Studies, Volume 6, Numbers 1&2, pp 91-107

91


especially sincethe liberalization of financial flows in the 1970s, it is in thebest long- tenn interest ofwestern powers to promote respect forhuman rightsand democracy in all countries. Further, possible reasons for the failure ofwesternforeign policyto realize this arebrieflydiscussed. Futureprospectsfor the developing world in general and for Ethiopia in particular are grimuuless western powers convert their rhetoric on humanrights into practiceLongterm beneficiaries ofrespectfor humanrights include western powers.

Human Rights Abuses and Western Foreign Policy

The U'S. State Department,' European Union2 and the BritishDepartment for International Development' have publicly stated theircommitment to linkingaid and investment to human rights and democracyPublicand statedpolitical interest in human rightsis greater thaneverbefore.A plethora of human rights bodies exists within foreign ministries, theEuropean Commission and Parliament, United States Congress, Senateand

. Department of State,theUnited Nations andamong national and international,governmental andnon-governmental, organizations, TheU.S.African Growthand Opportunity Act and the administration's Partnership for Growth andOpportunity inAfrica initiative "constitute a collective American effortto helpfulfil the promiseof a stable,prosperous and democratic Africa .. [O]ulynations carrying out serious reforms will reap the benefits, according toPresident Clinton'" TheUnited Nations andthe U.S.DepartInent of Stateareperceived to be the two most reliable international arbiters of humanrightsThehumanrightsmechanisms of theUN areboundby signatory states to bepolitically independent and the StateDepartment country reports on humanrights practices are used as reference material by asylum and innnigrationdepartments throughout the westernworld

Despitethe abundance of humanrightsbodies,the commitments tohumanrights made by the West and the availability of reliable informationabout human rights abuses, non-governmental organizations and advocacygroupsquestion whether western powers are puttingtheir statedpolicies intopractice. The independence of the humanrights mechanisms of the UnitedNations is threatened by the politicalmaneuvering of memberstates whichabuse humanrights, according to the international organization Human RightsInternet. 5

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Western Foreign Policy, Profits and Human Rights. The Case ofEthiopia

The mechanisms are also threatenedby politicallymotivated votingtactics of other states whose economic and strategic interests are served byabusiveregimes The Geneva-based International Servicefor HumanRightsstates that becauseof "dominance of commercial relationsover humanrightsconcerns," the UN Commission on Human Rights has "almost becomeirrelevant in protectingvictims,,.

The reportson countryhumanrights practicespreparedby the US.Department ofState are biased and misleading according to the NewYorkbasedLawyers Committee onHuman Rights. Selective reporting andcarefullycrafted phraseology create very different impressions of the regime inquestion, depending on the strength of US. economic and strategic ties "TheCountryReports remainunwilling at times to hold 'friendly' governmentsovertly responsible for human rights violations" declining to "offeropinions about official culpability . even where the factual evidence isinescapable;"responsibility is ascribed to individuals in thesecurity forces "asif these entities were not accountable to the government;"the degree of"governmental complicity and culpability is obscured;" ". .internationalhuman rights norms can be compromised when larger political goals are atstake. ;" "Governments and non-governmental entities are not held to asingle universal standard of conduct;" UN. treaty bodies are not used asprimaryreference points, but areseenas optional, and information fromUNSpecialRapporteur is ignored'

The relevance of human rights to western foreign policy is thusbroughtinto question. Ethiopia, sincethe change of government in 1991,hasbeenthe subject of moreaid fromthe European Unionthan anyothercountryiII the world8 It is the second largest recipient of U S. aid iII sub-SaharanAfrica." In determining the roleof humanrights in westernforeign policy, itis therefore worthwhile analyzing the humanrightsrecordof Ethiopia andthecountry's relationship withthe West

93


Human Rights violations in Ethiopia

In 1991, at the invitation of the, then, U.S. Assistant Secretary ofState for Africa, Herman Cohen, the Ethiopian Peoples RevolutionaryDemocratic Front (EPRDF) set up a transitional administration includingrepresentatives of liberation fronts which had toppledthe communist militaryregime. Herman Cohen stated that U.S assistance was conditional ondemocratic reform, saying, "No democracy; no co-operation."? Allsubsequentelections have been strongly criticized by observers":" but since 1992, allhave beengivenwesternapproval 16

Regarding the Regional and Federal Elections in 1995, theU.S StateDepartment wrote: "most opposition groups chose to boycott the elections,despite a widespread finding that opposition participationwas possible.observers organized by Western donor governments, the Organization ofAfricanUnity,anda coalition of domestic NGO'sjudged the elections to begenerally free and fair " 17 However, the Norwegian Institute of HumanRights wrote that their observergroup "dismisses these elections as neitherfree, fair nor impartial, for several reasons," and the 1995 elections couldnot"be considered competitive" and excluded "manylegalpolitical actors [I]nall areas of observations violations of the electoral lawwerenoted."18

All partiesexceptthe EPRDF havebeenexpelled or havewithdrawnfrom government. The 1995 election put 90% ofparliamentary seats undercontrol of EPRDF candidates, the remainder goingto independent candidatesThe administration, security and armedforces are totallyunderthe controlofthe EPRDF, which is dominated by the Tigrean People's Liberation Front(TPLF)!9 The Norwegian Institute of Human Rights reported in 1997:"althoughEthiopia has constitutional features of electoral democracy,the current regime shows many authoritarian characteristics, and CaIIDot beconsidered as a 'democracy' in the liberal sense of the word.'?" Since 1992,humanrights organizations have been increasingly critical of the Ethiopiangovernment Extra-judicial political killings, disappearances, arbitrarydetention and torture and rape of detainees have been reportedby AmnestyInternational" and HumanRights Watch/Africa.'2

Even an Ethiopiancabinet minister, the legal affairs director in theCouncil of Representatives, AbdulazizMohammed, has admitted to human

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Western Foreign Policy, Profits andHumanRights: The Case ofEthiopia

rights violations in the country and stated in an interview with a Voice ofAmericareporter that citizens are being victimizedby the state. 23

Ethiopiahas imprisoned morejournalistsin the last threeyearsthan anyothercountry in Africa and Prime Minister Meles Zenawi ranks among the topenemies of the press in the world according to the Committee to ProtectJournalists." The State Department reports that "Nevertheless, the privatepress is activeandflourishing "25 "The socio-economic substructure has beentransformed into a web of ideologically'correct' organizations subservienttothe [EPRDF] party," according to Professor Vestal's statement before acongressional hearingon Ethiopia26 Centralcommittee members ofthe rulingparty and their friends are the dominant share-holders in newly privatizedcompanies. 27

In Hizbaawi Adem (The People's Custodian), an internal journalpreparedand issuedby the EPRDFfor its politicalcadres, therewas a call inearly 1997 to "defeat narrow nationalism particularly in areas such asOromia.. .. Here,theynot onlypromotenarrownationalism but also strivetobe rulers of their ownpeoples In order to have a lasting solution to ourproblem we have to break narrownationalisttendencies in Oromia weneed to smash it in a verydecisive manner fighting the higherintellectualand bourgeoisieextensively andresolutely. " 28

The EPRDFITPLF regime openly practices this declared policy..ThreeunarmedOromowerekilledby uniformed Ethiopiansecurityforcesonthe streets of AddisAbabain October 1997. Thesekillings and the subsequentdetention of 65 prominent Oromo in the capital were claimed by thegovernment to be part of a crackdown on 'terrorism'. The wave of arrestsincludes members oftheHumanRightsLeague (anorganisation committed tohuman rights education), members of the Macha-Tulama Association (anOromoself-help organisation), journalists ofthe independent Urjii newspaperand Oromo professionals and businessmen. These 'higher intellectuals andbourgeoisie' include prisoners of conscience, according to AmnestyInternational. If found guilty, as charged, of conspiracy, the detainees couldface the deathpenalty. 29

Oromo refugees are pursued by Ethiopian government forces inDjibouti and Kenya.30-32 "Never before, even under the Derg communistmilitary dictatorship, have Oromo been targeted for abuse to this degree,

95


merelyfor beingprominent Oromo Never before, haveOromorefugees beenhunted to the present extentin neighboring countries Even the Derg did notattempt wholesale destruction of the brightest and best of a single ethnicgroup," according to a respected Oromo historian and intellectual in exile inthe USA 33

Ethiopia's Relations with the West

Ethiopia enjoys a warmrelationship withtheWest. Apartfrom a fewmonths after a street killingby policemen, in which a British-donated LandRover was used, the British Department for International Development hascontinued its policetrainingprogramin Ethiopia34 Althoughthe EuropeanParliament haspassedresolutions criticizing the government forhumanrightsabuses," Ethiopia receives moreaid fromtheEuropean Unionthan anyothercountry in theworld36

Dr Susan Rice, Assistant Secretary ofStatefor Africa, has stated thatEthiopia is the secondlargestrecipient of US. aid in sub-SaharanAfrica andis to be applauded for its progress in human rights and democratization"Public statements by the US administration about Ethiopia are invariablypositive and misleadingly so The State Departmentreport on humanrightspractices in Ethiopiaclaimsthat abuses are few, that political killings were"unconfirmed or could not be substantiated" and that "[t]here were noconfirmed reports ... of alleged disappearances. Therewereno reports ofpolitical prisoners"" However, extra-judicial killings, disappearances, tortnreand arbitrary detention were reported by working groups and specialrapporteur at the UN. Commission on Human Rights," as well as byinternationally recognized organizations such as Amnesty Internationaf'O andHuman Rights Watch/Africa..41

The warm relationship with the USA extends to co-operation inmilitary and securitymatters.. Ethiopia is part of the U.Sc-sponsored AfricaCrisis Response Initiative, whereby pro-US. statesinAfricaareprovided withmilitarytraining andequipment for 'peace keeping' purposes The delivery ofmilitaryaircraft from the USA began in April 19984 2 Forty six Ethiopianpoliceandsecurity personnel received trainingin surveillance, intelligence andcounter-espionage activities in theUSAin19984 3 InNovember 1997,Dr Ricestated that oneof the most importantUS. foreignpoliciesis to provideanti-

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Western Foreign Policy, Profits andHuman Rights The Case ofEthiopia

terroristintelligence and training44 A monthearlier, the Ethiopian governmentannounced its crackdownon 'terrorists', openlykilling and detainingOromoin the capital 45

TheEuropean Commission delegate in Ethiopia has expresseda wishfor a closer development partnership with the country. On 20 May, KarlHabro, head of the European Commission delegation in Addis Ababa, saidthat Ethiopia would be a key development partner for Europe in the 21stcentury.. Heemphasizedthe importance of Ethiopia's mineral and agriculturalresources and its hydro-electric potential to the European EconomicCommumty." TheUS ambassador to Ethiopia at the 1998annualconferenceon US Trade and Investment in Africa, in April, exhorted Americanbusinessmento work in Ethiopia, stressing the investmentpotential and thepotential market for their products. He said "[W]e do a fairly good businessin sellingto Ethiopians,but we wouldlike to see more investorscomingintothe country. . Ethiopiais worth looking at for investors, on the onehand,orpeople trying to sell their products Ethiopia is a market of almost 60millionpeople..Last year, the United Statespurchased 17per cent ofits coffeecrop;we werenumber two after Germany"

Three years ago, there were ouly 40 US firms represented inEthiopia. His Excellency Mr Shinncontinued"We now have 180 Americancompanies that haveagentsin Ethiopia, andthe numberis growingliterally byfiveand ten every several months Clearly, therearesomebusinesspeoplewhothink that thereis something goingon in Ethiopiaand that it is worth lookingat, and I wouldargue that is correct. [S]o comeout and take a look andwe will be happyto helpyou at theAmerican Embassy. ,>4, NeitherMr Habronor Mr ShinnmentionedEthiopia's humanrights problems.

TheLome Convention, governing trade/aid relationsofthe EuropeanUnion with African, Caribbeanand Pacificcountries, states that respect forhuman rights and democracy are prerequisiteto development partnership 48

TheAfricaGrowth and OpportunityAct in the USA,similarly emphasizes thataid and investment are conditional on humanrights observance. 49

97


Constructive Engagement

A policy of 'constructive engagement' is pursuedby the EuropeanUnion and the governments of Britain, the USA and other countries..Responses of thesegovernments to critics ofEthiopia'shumanlights recordall claim that the partnership approach will benefit human rights anddemocracy in Ethiopia betterthan anyotherapproach.. In May 1997,when anunarmed humanrights defender and trades unionist was killedby police inAddis Ababa,a British-donated police Land Roverwasused in a supportroleTheDepartment for International Development threatened to withhold supportfrom major non-governmental organization projects and to stop its policetrainingprogramunlesstherewas an enquiry into the killing.

In defending the continuation of Britishtrainingfor Ethiopian policedespite the absence of an enquiry, a spokesman for the Department forInternational Development wrote; "The Ethiopian Government felt unable tomeet our desire for a full enquiry. Since then, we had a productiveexchange of views withthe Ethiopian Government We want to help theEthiopian Government improve its humanrights record. We believewe canbest achieve this, together withpromoting democracy and goodgovernment,by remaining engaged',so Similarly, an African reporter wrote in January1998: "The US defended its continued involvement with some Africandictators as 'constructive engagement', ironically the same policy used tojustify contactwith apartheid SouthAfricain the 1980s.-51

Conclusion and Discussion

Takingtheir relationship withEthiopia as an example, it is clearthatwesternpowershave yet to assimilate promotion of humanrights into theirforeign policies.. Despitesystematic andgross violations ofhumanlights inEthiopia, its government enjoys disproportionate moraland financial supportfromthe European Unionand USA. It is clear that westerninstitutions andpoliticians, although paying lip service to human rights, continue to allowshort term economic and strategic interests to dominate their thinking. Itremains for western foreign policy to develop a real rather' than rhetoricalinterest in humanrights,

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Western Foreign Policy, Profits andHuman Rights: The Case ofEthiopia

us foreign policy objectives

In 1948, George Kennan, one of the most important architects ofpost-World War II United Stalesforeign policy, asserted: "We have50 percentoftheworld's wealth, but only63 percentofits population . Inthis situationwe cannot fail to be the object of envy and resentment Our real task in thecomingperiod is to devise a pattern of relationships which will allow us tomaintainthis position of disparity -52 The recordsof the 1948 DepartmentofState PolicyPlarming Study also include a remark by the Director of PolicyPlarming: ''We shonld cease to talk about the raising of living standards,human rights and democratization. The day is not far off when we are goingto have to deal in straight powerconcepts. The less we are then hamperedbyidealisticslogans, the better. ,,53

Robinson54 and Chomsky'S express the minority view that U Sforeignpolicyis Indeed designed to maintaincontrol overthe globaleconomy,using 'straight powerconcepts'. 'Straight powerconcepts' may explainwhy"71% of3,408 African officers trained by the Pentagon between 1991-5served regimes that were not freely elected 23 of 33 Aftican armies toparticipate injoint military exercises in 1998havesubstantial political power',"accordingto a researchfellowin the Washington-based DemilitarizationforDemocracy." A comment from the directoroftheWashington-based AfricaResearch Project concerning the African Growth and Opportunity Billsummarizes the apparent aims of the USA:

This bill reduces obstaclesto Aftican tradewith the US, but only ifAfrican countries open their economies to being taken over byAmericanfirms and if they eliminate virtoallyall socialprograms. Afticans are thereforejustified in believingthat the new attention

that the UnitedStalesis devoting to theircontinentariseschieflyoutof an interest in getting control over a larger share of its abundantnatural resources, cheap labor andgrowingmarkets, rather than anyreal desire to help promoteeconomic development that will lift themout ofpoverty andmeet theirbasic needs 57

In otherwords, livesof peoplein the majority world, the developing countries,

99


are being sacrificed on the altar of westernaffluence.

Possible reasonsfor predatoryforeign policy

Themoralbankruptcy of predatoryforeignpolicyis kept awayfrompublicdebate and presumably escapesthe attentionof at least someof thosepeoplewhohelppromotethe ideathat western foreign policyis benigntowardthe developing world. Reasonsfor the continuation of malignforeignpolicyincludeits ownmomentum and the moral isolationof its chiefdesignersandsupporters. The momentum of large political institutions precludes rapidsshifts of policy. Donor commitment to regimes with substantial westernsupport, such as Ethiopia, also has its ownmomentum Decisionmakers areisolatedfromthe effectsoftheirpolicies on the developing world. Theyexistin a supportiveand cushioned milieu

Infomration on the effects of predatory policies onlyreaches decisionmakers by passing through fimctionaries who act as screens and filters.Decisionmakersand fimctionaries alikeare trainedto justify present polices,rather than be open to arguments for change.. Apart fromthe intellectual andmoral isolation of decision makers from the effects of their policies onordinary people, theirbeliefsystems arecushioned and strengthened by peopleand institutions withwhomtheyworkandsocialize Overhalf of the world'slargest one hundredeconomic units are trans-nationalcorporauons." Mediamoguls and corporate businessmen andwomenare a majorpart ofthe milieuin which seniorpoliticians exist Their aims are necessarily acquisitive andorientedto short term financial gain. Westernforeignpolicy is subjectto theinfluences of this milieu It is as removed from moral reality as it was in thedays of the slave trade.

Long Term Effects

Support from the West for kIeptocrats and dictators and westerndomination of the rules of international trade are major factors in theincreasing impoverishment of the 'developing' world. In sub-Saharan Africa,whiledebt has increased fromthe 1960s,averageGNP per. capitagrowthratefell from 2.9% between 1965 and 1973 to minus 2.8% between 1980 and198759 In the wake of increasing poverty, increased infant and maternal

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Western Foreign Policy, Profits andHumanRights: The Case ofEthiopia

mortality rates and decreased life expectancy will automatically follow. Twoof the 'world's richestcolonial prizes', Bengal andHaiti,are nowamongthepoorest areas in theworld" Professor Chomsky argues convincingly that Haitimaysoon be 'scarcelyhabitable' becauseof US predation."

In the long term, disregardfor humanrights is bad for business.. Itprovokes political and social instability, with associated poor returns forinvestment, reducedmarketsfor westerngoodsand restrictedaccessto thirdworldraw materials Systematic humanrights abuses are not committed bystable,freelyelectedgovernments. Humanrights violations are necessary toimpose authority against people's wishes. Only where there is publicdissatisfaction and resentment of those in power are human rights abusesprevalent Abuse provokes fiuther dissatisfaction and resentment until theregime is replaced, as happenedlast year in Indonesia

Human rights violations are therefore an indication of instability.They signal the unreliability of returns from investment and of access tomarkets and resources. In the Ethiopian context, according to the US,ambassador there,Ethiopia will succeed as a country onlyifthereis sustainedeconomic development anddemocracy, . Anykind of instability - political,economic, socialor religious - has a devastating effecton foreign, includingAmerican, investment , Instability is a killerin everysenseofthe word; itleads to humandeath, it soaksup precious resources formilitary expenditures,it stops foreign investment andtourismdeadin their tracks,and it consumesthe intellectual energyofa country's leadership.. , [A]llof the countries inthe Homof Africaneedto demonstrate that theyarepolitically stableandfreeof conflictif theyexpectto obtain additional foreign investment."

Inequity of wealth distribution, an inevitable accompaniment ofprevalenthuman rights violations, reduces the size of markets for westernmanufacturers. In manycountries, Ethiopiaincluded, systematic governmentviolations of humanrights arepreparingthe groundfor majorconflict Oncetheabusesprecipitate conflict, withassociated fiutherimpoverishment, returnsareagainreduced andaccessto valuable resources is furtherimpeded,

Therefugee crisisis another' consequence of humanrightsviolations,according to Amnesty International's research Thecrisis incurs significantcost in human and material resources. It interrupts and ultimately reducesreturns for western investors, whether or not the developed world has a

101


significanthost function for the refugees. Amnesty International studiedtherefugee crisisin Africaduring 1997andconcluded that nearlyallrefugees arefleeingfromhumanlights violations 62

Economic Miracles: Global interdependence

It is instructive to consider two examples of short term economicsuccessin the 'developing' world; the so-calledAsian Tiger economies andMexico. As wellas illustrating the importance of human rightsanddemocracyin long term economic growth, they show how instability anywhere in theglobal economic systemcan threatenwesterneconomies Massive westerninvestment enabledrapid economic growthin Southeast Asia but this couldnot be maintained without a foundation ofdemocracy and respectfor humanrights.. Mediacomment on the collapseofAsianeconomies in late 1997 wasthat lack of political development was one of the principal causes of thecrisis63 Lackof transparency and accountability of government, rule of lawand respectfor humanrights are all characteristics of thoseeconomies worsthit by the crisis..

Political pluralism is necessary for sustained economic growth,according to a research director for the British, Economic andSocial ResearchCouncil. Dr George Segal statedthat mostof the 19studies of the AsianTigereconomies he carried out over several years had identified the problemsleadingto the collapseof the Tigereconomies:

Muchof the region's investment hadbeenunproductive andpoliticallymotivated. It was cronycapitalism Butpoor managemeut ofresources was by no meansthe onlyreason Sustainedeconomicgrowthrequires fundamental politicalreform .. There is a lack oftransparency andpluralism at home .. Whatour studies showis thatyou can onlygo so far withan authoritarian system,and this is nowclear in what is happening. Take Taiwan: it has a lot more politicalpluralism than mostotherEastAsiancountries, andit is ridingoutthestorm a lot better 64

Dr Segal expressed surprise that theeffectonwestern economies wasas little as it was The Asianeconomic crisisis noprecedent. TheInternational

102

Western Foreign Policy, Profits and Human Rights: The Case ojEthiopia

Monetary FoodandWorldBankpraisedthe economic policies of Mexico, justpriorto its financial collapse in J994, as theydid thoseof the Tiger economies,including Indonesia, prior to the removal of President Suharto because ofpopular pressure and unrest65

TheMexicancrisisdestabilized American marketsfor several weeksbecauseof "the risk that several big WallStreethouseswouldbe seriously hitwhenthey failed to collecton their Mexican bonds, But the markets calmeddownas soon as the Clinton administration and the International MonetaryFood guaranteed loans big enough to cover Wall Street's exposure "66 Theserious effects ofthe Asianeconomic crisison stockmarketsandemploymentacrossthe worldare a clearwarning to thosewho iguore the interdependenceof western and other economies

Future U,S Security

A consequence of the 'constructive engagement' with abusive regimesis the increasing unpopularity of western powers, especially the UnitedStates,amongthe abusedpopulations By delay ingdevelopment in humanrights anddemocracy, and associated economic benefits for the peoples of Ethiopia,westernpolicymay drivetheoppressed anddisaffected youth toward MilitantIslam, andlaythe foundation for thesouring offuture 'economic partnership'.A majorfactorin the development of militantIslamic groupssuchas Hamas,was the lack of response by western powers to the, less extreme, PalestineLiberation Organization The bombing of the US" embassies in Dar EsSalaam and Nairobi in 1998 and, in response, the missile attacks onAfghanistan and Sudan are part of a cycle of international violence whichcannot but continue uu1ess there is a change of course in western foreignpolicy

Transnational Corporations to show the w~?

At the UK Royal African Society conference, Partnership in Africa'sDevelopment, in Cambridge, UK, 28-30 September 1997, the importanceofthe rule of law,democracy and respectfor humanrightswas stressed; not byhuman rights defenders, but by managing directors and officials of large

103


businesscorporations." Following discussions withAmnesty International,three large multinational companies - Shell, BP and Rio I into Zinc - haveadded responsibility forhuman rights to theirstatements of corporate principleand have publicly supported the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 68

Underpressurefrom Christian Aid campaigners, three British supermarketchains have signed an Ethical Trading Initiative, protecting the rights ofworkers in thirdworldcountries.69

It would be perversely ironic if trans-national companies, the veryfabricof the global economic system which is partlyresponsible for Africa'splight,werethe organs of real development anddemocracy in Africa. But, asthe power of individual national interests fades and if it is not replaced bydomination of the weapons induslIyover' the global economic engine, it isfeasible that the benefits of international co-operation and respect for thedemocratic process andhumanrights,will be first realized by trans-nationalcorporations, However, altering the course of thinking in western foreignpolicyinstitutions maytake longer. It maybe compared, in moreways thanone, with steering the Titanic through a ninety degree tum Unless such achange of course is forthcoming, however, disastrous consequences areinevitable. It is no exaggeration to statethat scenarios reminiscent of Somalia,Yugoslavia 01' Rwanda are feasible futures for Ethiopia, ifthe presentmoraland financial supportfromthe West is unconditionally maintained

REFERENCES

I. Afiican Growth and Opportunity Act, HR 1432, approved by House ofRepresentatives and submitted to Senate, March 1998.2 Fourth Lome Convention ofEuropean Union and Afiican, Caribbean and Pacificcountries, Brussels,19893 Department for International Development White Paper, Eliminating WorldPoverty. A Challengefor the sr Century, London, November 1997.4. Addis Tribune newspaper, Addis Ababa, 2.1985 V. Oosterveld,HumanRights Tribune.S, 1-2, p. 7, Human Rights Internet, Ottawa,April 19986 A-C. Zoller, Human Rights Monitor, 37, p. 92, International Service for HumanRights, Geneva, May 1997,7. Critique: Review ofthe U S Department ofState's country reports on humanrights

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Western Foreign Policy, Profits andHuman Rights.. The Case ojEthiopia

practices,LawyersCommitteefor HumanRights, New York, 1995, 1996 and 1997.8.. British developmentassistancein partnershipwith Ethiopia Summaryfact sheet:1997, Departmentfor International Development,London,May 1997.9. S. Rice, Presentation to African Stndies Association, Colombus, Ohio, 15November 1997.10 Personal Communication with participant of Conference on Peace andReconciliationin Ethiopia, London,May 199111.. T. Lyons, Closing the Transition: theMay 1995Elections in Ethiopia, The JournalofModern African Studies, 34,121-142,199612. K Tronvoll, Contextualising Human Rights and Democratization Support:External Aid to the NGO Sector in Ethiopia, Working Paper 1997:6, Norwegianlnstitute of HumanRights, December 199713 M Ottaway, TheEthiopiantransition: Democratization or new authoritarianism?,Presentationto African StndiesAssociationConference, 1994.14 K Tronvolland0 Aad1and, TheProcessof Democratization in Ethiopia,HumanRights Report, 5, Norwegianlnstitote of HumanRights, August 1995..15. S Pausewang, The 1994 Election and Democracy in Ethiopia, Human RightsReport, 4, Norwegianlnstitote of HumanRights, November 199416. Donor ElectionUnit, Chairedby HE Robin Christopher, BritishAmbassadortoEthiopia,Report on 1995 Elections,AddisAbaba, 199517 US. State Department Country report for 1997 on human rights practices inEthiopia,Washington, 30 January, 199818 K Tronvoll and Aad1and, ibid19. LookingFederal,Africa ConfuJential, 36, 19, 5-6, London,22 September 199520 The Norwegianlnstitute of HumanRights, 199721 Ethiopia Accountability past and present: human rights in transition, AmnestyInternational, London, April 199522 Ethiopia: Thecurtailment of rights, Human Rights Watch/Africa Report, 9, 8 (A),New York,December 199723 All AfricaNews Service,1 June 1998,reported inHom of AfricaBulletin, 10, J,13,Life and Peace Institute,Uppsala, Sweden,May-June 199824. Attackson thePress in 1997,P 126,Committee to ProtectJournalists, New York,March 199825 US, StateDepartment CountryReport, 1997, ibid26 T Vestal, Testimonyto US House of Representatives, Africa Subcommittee inHearingon Ethiopia, Washington, 27 July 199427 Indian Ocean Newsletter, Paris, France, 19 October 199628 Hizbaawi Adera (people's Custodian),4, 7, December 1996 - February 1997(Tabsas, 1989,Ethiopiancalendar), AddisAbaba, translatedfrom Amharic, extracts

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reported in Saga/ee Haaraa, newsletter of the Oromia Support Group, No 21,Malvern, UK, January/February 199829 Urgent Action, AFR 25II 7/98, International Secretariat, Amnesty International,London, 15 May 199830. Oromia Support Group Press Releases, for example, Press Release 23 JuneIJuly1998, Malvern, UK.31 Urgent Action, AFR 04/01/98, International Secretariat, Amnesty International,London, 20 January 199832 Ihe Forgotten People, Kenya Human Rights Commission report, Nairobi, Kenya,199733 M H Ali, Oromo Studies Association Annual Conference, Seattle, 25 July 199834 M Wrighton, Africa Department, Department for International Development,London, Letter to Netherlands citizen, 28 November, 199735. Minutes ofEuropean Parliament, Resolution on human rights in Ethiopia, 16(f)B4-0785/97, 18 September I 99736 British development assistance, 1997, Ibid37 S..Rice, ibid38 U.S .. State department, ibid39. Analytical Report of54"' Session of UN Commission on Human Rights, Geneva,1998, inHuman Rights Monitor, 41-2, pp 40-50, International Service for HumanRights, Geneva, 31 May 199840. Amnesty International, 1995, ibid4 L Human Rights Watch/Africa Report, 1997, ibid42. Addis Tribune newspaper, p 3, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 10 April 1998.43 Saga/ee Haaraa 23, newsletter 01the Oromia Support Group, June/July 1998,Malvern, UK44. S..Rice, ibid45. Urgent Action, AFR 25/04/98, International Secretariat, Amnesty International,London, 16 February 199846 K. Habro, Head ofEuropean Commission delegation to Ethiopia, Addis Tribunenewspaper, pi, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 8 May 1998.47 HE David H Shinn, US Ambassador to Ethiopia, Presentation to AnnualConference on US I rade and Investment in Africa, New Orleans, 16 April 199848. Fourth Lome' Convention, ibid.49. The African Growth Opportunity Act, ibid50 M Wrighton, ibid51 Rich Mkhondo, The Star, Johannesburg, 8 January 199852. WI Robinson, Department of State Policy Planning Study 23, 24.2.48, 194,quoted in Global Capitalism and the Oromo Liberation Struggle: Theoretical notes on

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We~tem Foreign Policy, Profits and Human Rights: The Case ofEthiopia

US policy towards the Ethiopian empire, Journal ofDrama Studies, 4, 1-2, p. 1-46,July 199753 Ibid54 Ibid55. N Chomsky, Profit over people: neoliheralism and global order, Seven StoriesPress, New York, 199956 Alexander Lofthouse, Washington Post newspaper, 5 1 9857 D Volman, Earth Times News Service, Washington, April, 199858 Red Pepper magazine 21, p. 19, London, August 1998.59. World Bank 1989, quoted in Seyoum Harneso, 1997, State, Society andDevelopment, rsc Publications, London, ISBN 0 9530204 1 X, p. 8260. N Chomsky,lbid, p. 10761 HE David H Shinn, Ambassador of the USA to Ethiopia, Addis Tribunenewspaper, Addis Ababa, 12 June 199862 Refugee Africa, International Secretariat, Amnesty International, London, June,199763 Editorial: No more talk of Asian values, p 4, Independenton Sunday newspaper,London, 11 January 199864 Dr George Segal, Independent on Sunday newspaper, London, 11.. 1.98, p. 15.65 N Chomsky, Debt: Ihe people always pay, p 7, Guardian newspaper, London,15 May 199866 Peter Koenig, City and Business Correspondent, Independent on Sunday, 11January 1998, London, p 2 (Business Section)67 Personal observation by author.68 Amnesty magazine, Amnesty International UK, London, Septernher 199869 Press Release, Christian Aid, London, January 1999

107

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A Short History ofOrama ColonialExperience 1870 's-1990's

A SHORT mSTORY OF OROMO COLONIAL EXPERIENCE1870'S-1990'S: PART ONE 1870'S TO 1935

Mohammed Hassen

Four remarks are requiredbeforeI embarkon the main subject First, itis not easy to presentthe Oromo colonial experience fromthe 1870sto I990sin an articleof appropriatelengthfor a singlejournal volume.. To avoid thatproblemI havedivided this article into twoparts. The firstpart dealswiththeOromocolonial experience from the 1870s to 1935.. The two dates that arecovered within the pages of this article are important because the 1870switnessed thebeginning of systematic conquest of the Ororno by KingMenelikof Shawa, while 1935 saw the replacement of the first phase of Ethiopiancolonialism in Ethiopiawith Italianfascism Duringthe six decadescoveredin part one of this article, the Oromo had two different types of colonialexperience underEgyptianandEthiopianArnhara administrations Egyptiancolonialism affected only a small segment of the Oromo popnlation inHararghie, whilethe EthiopianAmharacolonialism affected all Oromowhoare nowin Ethiopia, Part two of the article, whichwill be covered in the nextissue of The Journal oj Oromo Studies will deal with the Oromo colonialexperience from 1935 to the 1990s

My aim in writingthis article is simple and my purpose is clear It is toconsolidate someof my own writings and the writingof others in order topresentbrieflythe Ororno colonial experience and to suggesthowto dealwithit The detail of my argument as to how to deal with the experience will bepresentedin part two of the article Here it shonldbe adequateto say that ifhistorical knowledge is to be usefulas a guide for creatinga truly democraticfederal republic of Ethiopia, the issue of decolonizing Oromia carmot bedodged, but must be met head on Without a sound grasp of the Oromocolonial experience, which lies behind their long struggle for freedom andhumandignity, it is verydifficult to grasp theintensity anddepthofthe Oromoquestfor self-determination

Second, mydiscussion of theOromocolonial experience doesnot pretend

The Journal ofOrama Studies, Volume 6, Number 1 & 2, pp.. 109-158

109


to be comprehensive Anyone who is interested in the subject can consultamong others, Bonnie K Holcomb and Sisai Ibssa's The Invention ojEthiopia The Making ofa Dependent Colonial State in Northeast Aftica,andAsafa Jalata'sOromia andEthiopia State Formation and EthnonationalConflict 1868-1992. These two splendid books and severalother articlesandbook chapters, including the many works of Drs Mekuria Bulcha1

, AbbasHaji, Paul Baxter, Alessandro TriuIzi, Tesema Ta'aa and Getahun Deliboadequately documentthe Oromo colonial experience. Hopefully, my articlemakes not ouly a small contribution to the growing literatureon the Oromocolonial experience, but also suggests one possible scenario for finding alasting political solution to the Oromoquest for self-determination

Third, I maintain that the decolonization of Oromia and the selfdetermination of the Oromo are compatible within a democratic federalrepublic of Ethiopia. There are severalscholarswho argueforcefully that thedecolonization of Oromia and the self-determination of the Oromo areincompatible within the framework of a nnited Ethiopia Basing theirreasoning on theiranalysis ofthe Ethiopian colonization of Oromia, theyarguethat the Oromoself-determination requires the construction ofa self-organizedOromia, independent from Ethiopia, as a necessary part of decolonizationIhis is one possible scenario for finding a lasting political solution to theOromo colonialexperience

However,I believethat the self-determination of the Oromo is possiblewithin a democraticfederalrepublicof Ethiopia.. I maintainthis position forthe following broadreasons I am an idealistwho believes in the nnityoffieepeople in a free country Todaythe Oromoare not freepeople and Oromia isstill a colony That is why I argue that the decolonization of Oromia isabsolutelynecessaryfor peace, economic development, and democratizationin Ethiopia. However, in my mind, the decolonization of Oromia has to belinked organicallywith current reality in Africa in general and in Ethiopia inparticular Io me, there is no better prospect for the future of the peoples ofEthiopia thanthe establishment of a working federal system based on freedomwithjustice, peaceand equalityin that country. What is needed,in effect,is anew social contract with freedomas its essence I believethat ouly a federalsystem unites separate nations, nationalities, peoples and groups, withoutsacrificing the rights and vital interests of its members. I will discuss thebenefitsof a federal systemin part two ofthis article; hereit shouldbe enough

110

A Short History a/Drama ColonialExperience 1870's-1990's

to say thata federal arrangement cannotworkifit is designed and imposed bythe leadership of a single party as the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front(TPLF)government did inEthiopia' As it willbe demonstrated inpart twoofthis article, a federal arrangement works when it is designed by people andtheir representatives whoare free and equal, and is "implemented with theirfreely expressed consentfor its purpose and framework ,,3 In short, what isneeded is a universally designed agreement to establish a new statethat is notdominated by one ethnicgroup but collectively owned by all its citizens "insucha waythat all reaffirm their fundamental equalityand retain their basicrights.. '"

What is more, it is nowbecoming painfully clear' to anyone whofollowsthe sad realities in AfricathatonlythoseAfticansocieties thatareableto pulltogether theirhuman, intellectual, spiritual, andmaterial resources willbe ableto survivein the twenty-first century. Thetreesof a number ofAfrican states,rotten by corruption, ethnicconflicts and political tyrannies, have witheredaway The shadows of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 hover over' severalcountries in Africa, including Ethiopia The shadows of collapsed Africanstates, fromSomalia to Liberiahover overmanyAfrican countries, includingEthiopia. A Rwandan-type tragedywith the collapse of the state has to beavoided while thereis timeto avoidit Oncea tragedy happens it is impossibleto undo it Weknowthat thereare competing nationalisms in Ethiopia Theyinclude, Oromo, Afar,Amhara, Sidarna, Somali and I igrayannationalismsThe danger's from competing nationalisms are real -- endless war and itsconsequences -- disintegration into anarchy and chaos,collapseof the state,and the deathof civil society Suchdisintegration is not in the interestofanynationor nationality in Ethiopia, including the Oromo. In onewayor another',the peoplesof Ethiopiawill have to figure out how competing nationalismscan live together' or side by side without destroying the material basis andmoral foundations of our societies Only a genuine federal arrangementappears to me capableof doing that,

It has been,said and rightly, that idea move nations, Ideas also enablepeopleto seebeyondthe poisonous hatredplantedby thosewho flourishbydividing and turuing the oppressed peoples against each other The TPLFleaders, who are rightly blamed for lack of vision" are using the name offederalism as a tool for their monopoly of state power However, there is no

III


a better systemthan genuine federalism fordevolution of power lome, onlya genuine federal arrangement offers a better prospect for all the peoples ofEthiopia "Inessence a federal arrangement is oneof partnership, establishedandregnlated by a covenant [consent], whose internal relationships reflectthespecial kind of sharing that must prevail among the partners, based on amutualrecognition of the integrity of eachpartnerandthe attemptto foster aspecial unity among them"li Whatis really at issuein Ethiopia is the questionof finding a political structure (a federal arrangement) that guarantees thesurvivalofnationalidentities, whichnurtures the flowering oflanguages andthe renaissance of cultures, and above all, which allows diverse groups ofpeopleto exercisetheir democratic rightswithoutinfringing upon the rightsof others?

Since the 1950s,African political leadersopted for flag independence,whichhas so fill failed to deliver the promise of democracy and economicprosperityin thepast forty years Ontheeve oftwenty-first century, is it nottimeto venture outside the prevailing intellectual climate of flag independenceand to explore issues and articulate ideas that may deliver the promise ofdemocracy andeconomic prosperity? At least the ideas of genuine federalismenable us to see beyond the bitterness of what the successive Ethiopiangovernments did to the Oromoandopenour vision about a future, in whichthe Oromo will never allow any Ethiopian government to oppress them,control their resources, divide and turn them against each other' How thisconldbe donewill be addressedin part two of this article

However, I must admit that the realization of self-determination ofOromia within a democratic republic of Ethiopia will be fraught withdifficulties, Ethiopia lacks a tradition of tolerant political cnlture and theEthiopianrn1ing elites, those who are now oppressingthe Oromo and thosewho are so eagerto regaintheir lost power,will do everything in theirpower'to monopolize political powerandcontrol the resources of Oromia However',the Oromo and othercolonized and oppressed peoples of Ethiopiamust standtogether to end the Abyssinian elites' monopolization of state power inEthiopia, As anoptimist, I haveanundying dreamthat onedaythe Oromoandother peoples of Ethiopia will create a genuine federal arrangement inEthiopia, It is thishope and optimism whichinspiredmeto writethis article,I believe the article will servea useful purpose if it generates dispassionate andlively scholarlydiscussionof the two scenarios for findings solutionto the

Il2

A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 '8-1990 's

Oromo colonial experience -- namely, independent Oromia separate fromEthiopia or self-determination for Oromia within a democratic federal republicof Ethiopia

At tbisjuncture,it is important to notethat afterthe 1880s,the MedievalChristian kingdom known as Abyssinia wastransformed into Ethiopia, andthehistoric Abyssinians, thatis, theAmharaand Tigray people, weretransformedinto Ethiopians It was only in the Constitution of 1931, that conqueredpeoples of southern Ethiopia were defined as Ethiopians. In this article, for thetime period covered, I use "Ethiopian" and "Shawan Amhara" colonialisminterchangeably Afterall,it was Menelik, the Amhara kingof Shawa(18651889) and later the Emperor of Ethiopia (1889-1913) who conquered allOromo who are now in Ethiopia and colonized their land The Egyptiancolonial occupation ofHararghie wasa short-lived phenomenon, while the firstphase ofShawan Amharacolonialism was brought to an end in 1935 by theItalian occupation, of Ethiopiawhich will be discussed in part two of thisarticle

Fourth, Ethiopian elites and their supporters acknowledge Egyptiancolonization of part of eastern Hararghie," but deny the EthiopianAmharacolonization of the Oromo." However, I will demonstrate with evidence thatthe social force behind ShawanAmharacolonialism was as economic, as itwas withEgyptian colonialism and Italianfascism. Whatis colonialism? "Atits mostpowerful, colonialism is a process ofradicaldispossession ..10 For theOromo, colonialism meant more than political, economic, and culturaldispossession. It meantloss of sovereignty andindependence, lossofland andhuman dignity Once the Oromo lost their sovereignty, their culture wasexposed to attack; they were no longer in control of their own destiny; theywerereducedto objects of history ratherthan makers of their ownhistory, andtheir language was transformed from being a language of business andgovernment into language ofbackwardness and darkness

Interestingly, formostof Ethiopian intellectuals the Oromo experience isnot a colonial one. It is the experience of national and cultural dominationEthiopianintellectuals arriveat tbis conclusion becausetheydefinea colonyfrom a narrow perspective that limits its application only to those Africancountries that werecolonized by European powers.. For instance:

113


1 some have confined the definition of colonialism to thephenomenon of industrialcapitalism;

2 some claimit is a whiteman's phenomenon;3 others tie it exclusively to the 19th century Europeansearch for

raw materials and the philosophy that supportedthat search;and4 some havebecomeso specific that they restrict the definitionof

colonyformationto the crossingofsalt water."

However, For the purpose of this article, I adopt Bonnie Holcomb's andSisai Ibssa's verybroad definitionofthe phenomenonknownas colonialism

Colonialism is best viewed as one of several modes of interactionamong nations of people It does not occur' between individuals orgroups.. Rather, it involves a change in the entiresocialandproductivelife of people.. Each nation of people, through the process of livingtogether,develops a distinctive pattern ofproductionand a distinctiveset ofrules orwhat couldbe calleda codeofconductfor safegoardingthat particular pattern and for managing its affairs within givenboundaries.. Colonialism occur's whenthose boundaries arepenetratedbyoutsiderswho areproductsand carriersofa differentsystemintentupon forcefully changing the pattern of production and imposing adifferent set ofrules.. Put anotherway, colonialismtakes place wheninvaders use force to take possessionof elements vital to the economyof the invadedsocietyofpeopleand to reorganize those componentsaccording to a new forcefully imposed system of production Whatoccurs is that a colonizing society violently seizes the economicsubstructure of colonized society and rearranges it by replacing itsorganizingsuperstructure12

In the abovelong quotation, three elements are rightlystressed Theseare,first, conquest by force; second, expropriation ofthe economic resources oftheconquered societyby the conquerors; andthird, the imposition ofalienruleonthe conquered society. All these andmuchmorehappenedto the Oromo Afterhis conquest and occupation of Oromoland, Menelik gave both the Oromopeopleand their landto his armed-settlers knownas neftanyaand establishedthe gabar system(serfdom). Under this system, the armed-settlers, the state

114

A Short History ofOromo ColonialExperience 1870~s-1990 's

functionaries, the Orthodox Church establishment and the crown weresupported by the work and taxes of the Oromo gabars (serfs). In theconquered Oromoterritory, fortified garrisontownswereset up as centersforcolonial administration The fortified towns known as katammas wereseparated socially fromtheirsurroundings in that theirinhabitants were mainlyChristiansettlers,whothoughtof themselves as superiorto and despisedandlooked down upon the Oromo, whom they kept under their control withmerciless use offirearms 13 It has been said, and rightlyso that "thecolonialworld is essentially a compartmentalized one, a world divided into twomutually exclusive zones There is a zonefor thecolonizers, anda zonefor thecolonized Ihis zoning-in both its geographical and socialmanifestations -is maintained by a systemof coercion and brute force."14

In Oromia there was also a zone for the colonizers and a zone for thecolonized The contrast between the zone of the colonizers and that of thecolonized was striking. "There were power, glory, pride, wealth,deeply seatedfeelings of superiority, pomp, arrogance and luxury on the side of the[colonizers], while powerlessness, landlessness, rightlessness, suffering,injustice, poverty, allmanners of abuseand dehumanization werethe lot of theOromogabars, whowerephysically victimized, socially and psychologicallyhumiliated and devalued as humanbeings The political, economic, military,social and cnlturalprivileges of the [colonizersI were the kernel of colonialrelationship in the conquered Oromoterritory ,,15

For Gebru Tareke, a prominent historian and a leading Ethiopianintellectual, the superior-inferior complex that characterizes the relationbetweenthe Abyssinian conquerors and the conquered peoples of southernEthiopia "had a cnItural connotation only ,,16 "Paternalistic and arrogant,Abyssinians looked upon and treated the indigenous people as backward,heathen,filthy, deceitful, lazy, and even stupid -- stereotypes that Europeancolonialists commonly ascribed to their African subjects. Both literally andsymbolically, southerners became the objectof scornand ridicule."?

Interestingly, the stereotype which the Abyssinians constructed for theconquered people of southern Ethiopia, including the Oromo, was turnedagainst them by Europeans.. For instance, Gerald Portal characterizes theAbyssinians as "brutal savages"I' For Henry Dufton, the Abyssinians are"deceitful, lying, insincere; their breasts are seldom stirred by generosity

115


towards others,or ingratitude for benefits received. ,,19 Two Englishmen, whosaw the Abyssinian settlers in southern Ethiopia in their natural habitat"surrounded by slavery, conuption, intrigue and petty rascality,,,20

characterized them as "dirty, idle, and domineering [and] enslaving thepeople.. ,,21 It is interesting to note in passing that for both the conqueredpeoples ofsouthernEthiopia and for the Abyssiniansthe characterization as"backward" was an alien image constructed for them It was European

observers who ascribed the above-mentioned stereotype to the Abyssinians,while it was the Abyssinians who ascribed it to the conquered peoples ofsouthern Ethiopia

Teshale Tibabu, another prominent Ethiopian historian, stresses twointerestingpoints that have relevance to this discussion First, he argues, andrightly, that "[t]he rise of modern Ethiopia heralded the demise of Oromopower. ,,22 The following discussion demonstrates beyonddoubt that Menelik'scolonial empirewas built not onlyupon the demise of Oromo power,but alsothe destruction of Oromo lives and plunder' of Oromo property Secondly,Teshale Iibabu succinctly expresses the essenceofcolonialism by sayingthat"Colonialism is based on an unequal relationship ofpower between thecolonizer and the colontzed" Ihis is a most elegantone-sentence descriptionof the relationship that developed in Oromia between the Abyssinianconquerors and the conqueredOromo. And yet for this scholar, the Oromoquestion is not a colonial one It is rather a question of cnltural and classdomination."As far as I know(andI do not claimto haveconsulted the worksofevery Ethiopianintellectual)only Addis Hiwetwrites clearly and withoutany obfuscation that Menelik built his empire through "military-feudalcolonialtsm'i" in southern Ethiopia, According to Addis Hiwet, Menelik'sexpansion into Oromia "was not simple conquest for its own sake, or thesimplelure of empire-building, Themotiveswereprimarilyeconomic: thegreen and lush Oromo lands and their boundless commodities (gold, civet,ivory, coffee)and the prosperous markets"'"

While Ethiopianintellectuals go to great lengthto characterize Menelik'sconquestas feudal expansion,Meneliksawhimselfas a conscious participantin the scramblefor colonies.. In his famous circnlarletterof 1891to the headsofstate ofBritain, France, Italy, Germany and Russia, Menelikwrote, "I donot intendto remainsilent whengovernments from distant countriescome todivideAfrica amongthemselves ,,27 mthe same circular letter, Menelik laid

116

A Short History ojOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's

claimto all territories up to Khartoum and as far as LakeVictoria, with all theOromo.. In his ownwords, "[i]fGod grantsme life andpower,I wouldlike tocolonize the former Ethiopian territories as far as Khartoum, Lake Nyasa[LakeVictoria] and all the Galla" 2' This leaves no doubt that Menelik sawhimself as a colonial empire-builder in his ownright, and indeed he was

Discussionofcolonialism has becomepoliticallychargedboth for Oromoand Ethiopiannationalists .. Whilerevolutionary Oromonationalistsargueforan independent Oromia, Ethiopian nationalists deny the Oromo colonialexperience.. For the Ethiopian nationalists, the very mention of the phraseEthiopian colonialism, more appropriately Shawan Amhara colonialism,frightens and haunts them with the specter of the disintegrationofEthiopiaThis is generated by the Ethiopian nationalists' fear that the Oromo willdeclare an independent Oromiaandbreak awayfrom Ethiopia.. As a colonizednation, the Oromo have a legitimate right to self-determination. "Like thepeopleof I igrayandEritrea,the Oromohavea legitimate right to decide theirown destiny. It is their own business to decideabout their future and no onewill decide it for them ,,29

The challenge for the Oromo is to make a clearchoice: whetherthey wantto establishan independent Orornia, separatefromEthiopia, or an autonomousOromia within Ethiopia" The challengefor the TPLF regimeis to allowtheOromo to make theirchoicethrough a referendum r believe ifa referendumwasto be held today, the majority ofthe Oromo would vote for an autonomousOromia within Ethiopia. I will discuss in par two of this articlewhyI believethat the Oromo wouldvote for an autonomous OromiawithinEthiopiaratherthan for an independent Oromia Here it shouldsuffice to say that the key tothat end will be the peaceful self-determination ofthe Oromo In the past fewyears, the TPLF regimehas claimedthat the Oromo have already achievedtheir self-determination Ofcourse, this is a cruel and a nasty joke upon theOromo. Today such a self-determination in Ororniaconjures up images ofimprisonment, torture, disappearance, extrajudicialexecutions,confiscationof propertyand forced exilefor thousands ofthe Oromoandplunder ofOromoresourcesfor the development ofTigray,

To me, rightingthe wrongs inflictedon the Oromo by the TPLF regimewill be the first challenge facing an autonomous Oromia The basis of thatautonomy will be the withdrawal of TPLF militia and security forces from

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Oromia and Oromos'right to be theirownmasters in their own state In otherwords, Oromia must be as autonomous as Tigray itself. That is theprerequisitefor the realization of the ideal of self-determination in Oromia.Asis crystal-clear, such self-determination of the Oromo would not mean thebreak up of Ethiopia. It would mean creating a genuinelyworking federalsystem unlike the current federalism that exists mainly on paper as will beshown in part two of this article Tome, only a working federal system thatcombines a self-rule (whichsatisfies the aspirations of the Oromo and otheroppressed peoples) and shared rule (which takes into considerationthe unityand economic interdependence of the peoples of Ethiopia) offers a betterprospect for the future of all the peoplesof that troubledcountry. As I statedin 1966,

I sincerelybelieve that in a truly democratic federated Ethiopia, theOromowill lose nothingbut they"ill have a great deal to gain Whatis neededis to decolonize Oromia anddemocratize Ethiopia I considerthat the decolonization of Oromia is fundamental to the selfdeterminationof the Oromo and one cannot be achievedwithout theother. In short, the decolonization of Oromia will ensure selfdetermination for the Oromo, while democratization will create anecessary political climate in the country in which conflict will beresolved through dialogue, genuine searches for mutual benefitcharacterizedby the spirit of tolerance, consensus and compromiseThecreationof.a self-governing Oromostate is a necessaryconditionfor the establishmentof a federated democraticEthiopia. Because oftheir numbers, geographical position and rich natural resources ofOromia,the Oromoare destined to play an importantrole in the futureofEthiopia and the Horn ofAfrica Consequently, Ethiopians shouldmake an earnest effort to understand the reasons for, and come toterms with, the Oromo quest for self-determination."

It is with this goal in mind that I present the following short history ofOromo colonialexperiencefrom the 1870s to 1990s For that experience isnot what was, but also what is. As already indicated, my presentationdoes notpretend to be comprehensive However, whatever shortcomings it may have,it is based on facts that can be verifiedfrom the sources that were consulted

1I8

A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990's

Interestingly, the available Ethiopianistliteraturedescribestheprocessofthe colonization from the viewpoint of the colonizers; the Oromo are seenmerely as the object ofhistoricalprocess. While this literature mentions themassive slaughter that accompanied the conquest, it maintains silence aboutthe situationafterEthiopian colonialism was imposed on the Oromo However,I will demonstrate fiuther in the presentation that the colonialism that wasimposed on the Oromoby force was maintainedby violence

The Ethiopian elites, too often and too easily hypnotized by the sheermythsand legends of 3,000years of Ethiopianhistory,and stronglyassert thatEthiopia has existed as one united country in its present form for severalcenturies This is historically incorrectto say the least Addis Hiwetobservesthat "[t]hedeep-seated myth that has for so longenshrinedEthiopia - both thename and the country -- still blursgenuinehistoricalunderstanding Ethiopia'sexistence as a 'modemstate'doesnot -- as the ideologists ofthe ancien regimeclaim -- extend beyond the 1900s and into the limitless and ever-remotemilleunia The samehistoricalforces that created the 'Gold Coast', the 'IvoryCoast', the Sudan and Kenya, werethe veryones that createdmodernEthiopiatoo And a recognition ofthis factmakes modernEthiopiano older than theseAfrican states ,,32

This means what existed before the 1880s for several centuries washistorical Abyssinia,whichhas had a long and rich history, but formedonlya small part of what is today Ethiopia. Most Oromo were not a part ofhistorical Abyssinia The Oromo have had their own long and rich history,which was separate from that of Abyssinia in more ways than one. TheOromo, the Abyssinians and otherpeoples ofEthiopia werebrought under asingle administration with the creation of the present Ethiopia in the lastquarterof the nineteenth century, and onlyafter the conquestand colonizationofpeoples who now comprisesouthernEthiopia. 33

Finally, the restof this articledealswith (I) the conditionofthe Oromointhe precolonial period; (2) the beginning ofthe conquestofthe Oromo;(3) theEgyptian colonization; and (4) the Shawan Amhara conquest and thecolonizationof the Oromo from the 1880s to 1935.. I have stressed the lattertwo points partly becausetheydemonstrate the Oromocolonialexperiencesoclearly and partly becausethey are the main focus of the article itself

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The Condition of the Oromo in the Precolonial Period

The Oromoconstitute morethan fortypercentof thecurrentpopulation ofEthiopia. They are the single largest national group in the Hom of AfricaThey are also the second largest indigenous people of Africa The Oromoplayed an important role in shaping the history of the region and willundoubtedly play an evenmore crucialrole in the future of Ethiopia and theHom of Africa Ethiopianintellectnals and Ethiopianist scholars, especiallyUllendorff has chosen to consign Oromo historyto the margins of Abyssinianhistory 34 As if Ullendorff's distortion of Oromohistorywas not enough, theEthiopianruling class "systematically depictedthe Oromoas peoplewithouthistory, and belittled their way of life, and their religious and politicalinstitutions.v" And yet the Oromo have a long history, a rich culture andfascinating political and religious institutions. As one of the most ancientpeoples of Ethiopia,36 the Oromohave always beenpart of the history ofthepeoples of the Hom of Africa The implicationthat they are people withouthistory is a case of distortingand twisting facts to justify military conquest,politicaldomination and economic exploitationofthe Oromo.

Afaan Oromo, the Oromo language, is one of the forty or so Cushiticlanguagesspokenin and beyondthe Hom of Africa It must be stated clearlythat the Cushitic language-speaking familyof peoples livedfor thousandsofyears in what is todayEthiopia,predatingby a millennium the immigration ofSemitic-speaking groupsof peoplefromwhat is todayYemento Ethiopia after500 He This means that Cushitic languagespeakers me indigenous to theregionnowcalledEthiopia andto the HOIn of Africa." It hasbeen rightly saidthat more than half of the speakers of the Cushitic languages are Oromo 01'

speak Afaan Oromo, the Oromo language," which is also the third largestAfro-Asiatic language in the world, afterArabicandHausa." ThesignificanceofAfaan Oromo is not limited to the fact that it is the secondor third mostwidely spoken indigenous language in Africa,40 but it has also a rich oralliterature deeply rooted in the cultural heritage of a uniquely democraticOromocivilization. Afaan Oromo embodies the spiritof the nation. It hasbeensaid that "[i]t is the fountainof all the springs that givedynamism andvitalityto the Oromonation It is the most vital, the richest and the finest bond thatunites the Oromo into a singlehistoricalwhole. ,,41

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The Oromo now call their country Oromia, but this is not a totally newname. The earliest reference to this term in some form goes back to 1840(almosthalfa century beforetheconquest ofthe Oromoin the l880s). It wastheGerman missionary, Krapfwho lived amongthe Oromoin Shawabetween1839 and 1842, who first mentioned the term Ormania (see his map on thenext page) as the name of the country of the Oromo Krapf mentionedOrmania on the basis of the information he gathered from the Oromothemselves. Interestingly, Krapfprojected theOromonation's historical rolein Africa to be that of the German nation in Europe.. In his own words, "Iconsiderthem destined by providence after theirconversion to Christianity toattain the importance and fulfill the mission heaven has pointed out to theGermans in Europe. ,,42 However, the Oromonot only failed to perform thismission but also became victimsof colonialism to be discussedbelow Hereit should suffice to say that the term Ormaniawas already in the literaturearound 1840. Ormaniawas changedinto Oromia in 1974, by the men andwomen who formed the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) The change ofOrmania to Oromia was a major landmark in the expression of Oromonationalism and articulation ofOromonationalists' aspirationto create a selfgoverning Oromia In this sense, " . the nameOromiathus servesthe samepurpose andis asjustifiedas 'Ghana,' 'Benin,' 'Mali,' and 'Zimbabwe.v" Sincethe end of 1991, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia has recognizedOromia as the officialnameofthe Oromo regionof Ethiopia A briefglanceat theflowering literature on theOromo establishes conclusively that Oromiahas been embraceduniversally Consequently, in this article,Oromiais usedinterchangeably with theOromo nation and its geographical locationwithinEthiopia and the Hom of Africa. 44 It is precisely for this reason that AsafaJalata titled his famous book, Oromia and Ethiopia45 not onlyto emphasizethe root causesof conflict between Oromiaand Ethiopia, but alsoto stress thestrategicand economic importance of Oromiain the Hom of Africa

All theEuropean travelers and missionaries whovisitedOromia beforeitsconquest in general and Antoine d'Abbadie46 in particular were greatlyimpressedby the Oromoculture andits underlying unity. D'Abbadie wroteof"LesOromoGrandeNationAfricaine.,,47 European travelers and missionarieswere equallyimpressedwith the fertility of Oromia There were few regionsin Africawhichwere so rich as Oromia Its climate was ideal,water plentiful

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,~d'

-''-_-

Sketch Map of East Africa in lb. Mid.1850s

---,;r--,.-

,;I .....

11'O.UL J"t'a.

i:-!

.'+-"l~iI--------'7Jl1"~!t---i-/;;;::;=:'''"'--t-::;---;,:,----:--:,++'t"-;-, 'S..,:~:T~~ ....".

llA;l;°Jl' Al!'l!ill'CAC-.ol-l __ ....oI.J __

- ......-va.--"E.Il.__r.-..c.a.e-.-..r:G.lIo.~

Source. J. Lewis Krapf. Travels, R~searclu!s. andMissioNJry lAbours in East Africa (London:funk Cas, & Co Ltd, 1968) Reprintedwith permission

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A Short History ofOrama ColonialExperience 1870's-1990 's

and soil so fertilethat it producedanythingwith minimal labour 48 In Oromia,like the rest of Africa in the precolonial era, production technologies weresimple. The peasants' capital consistedoftraditionalimplements. Power' waslimitedto that providedby draught animals And yet the fertility of the landcombinedwith the intelligentactivityof its inhabitantsmade Oromia an areaofgreat agricultural wealth in the Hom ofAfrica

In the precolonialperiod, the Oromo had their own rich history, culture,religious and political institutions which flowered in patterns of their ownmaking and nourishedthe spiritual and material well-beingof the Oromo49

For instance, by the 1840s, forty years before their' conquest, the Oromosociety in the Gibe region was producing or capable of producing morematerial goods than Menelik's Shawa According to Beke, who was in theneighborhood of the Gibe Region in 1842 "[t]he inhabitants of the [Giberegion] enjoyed the reputation of being the most civilized andmanufacturing flourished here in a higher degreethan anywhere else in thisquarter ofAfrica ,,50 In filet, more than Shawa (and probably more than anyplace in the Horn ofAfrica) the Gibe region was the most famous center oftrade by 1840s This was for three basic reasons.. First, all the majorcommercial routeswhichconnected thenorthern and southern, theeastern andwesternparts of the Ethiopianregion led to the Gibe region, where most ofexport commodities wereproducedand traded Second,more than anywherein the Ethiopianregion, it was perhaps amongthe Oromo states in the Giberegion, that trading was a highly organized business in which governmentplayed a key role. Third, the prosperity of Shawa and that of the rest ofAbyssinia to a largeextentdepended on theproducts and lucrative trade of theGibe region,whichentirelyfinanced the importsofAbyssiniaitself This wasthe conclusionofBeke,who had first knowledge about the trade ofthe Giberegion. "In fact the sole source of the foreign trade ofAbyssinia,. . gold,ivory,coffee,spices, and civet whichindependent of the slaves, may be saidto form the only articlesgiven in return for manufactures of Europe, [camefrom the Gibe regionl"."

In somepartsofOromo landsuch as Wallo, the Gibe region, andWallaga,the Oromo developed a monarchial form of government For instance, theyestablished six monarchies in Wallo, namely, the Arreloch, theWarra Himano,the Yajjn, the Qallu, the House of Gattiroch, and the Borana 52 Of these

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dynasties twowere the most dominant Theywerethe Yajju,whichformedarelatively strongdynastyandthe Wallogroup that gaveits nameto the regionand formedthe longest-lasting Oromodynasty ofWarra Himano(ca 17001916). Whilethe Muslimmembers of the Yajjudynastywereassimilated intothe Amhara Christianpowerstructureat Gonda!and dominated the politicallandscape of Abyssinia from 1756 to 1853, the Warro Himano dynastychampioned the cause of Islam in the region. This was because "[flor theOromo in Wallo,Abyssinian domination and ChristianityweresynonymousAs Christianitywas one of the pillars of Abyssinian unity, Islam became amajor unifyingfactor for the Oromoin Wallo Fromthe begiuning, Islamforthe Oromo in Wallo was part of their cultural life and a mark of theirindependence.. It was a powerful symbol of their identity as a people and areliable fortress againstAbyssinian nationalism.,,53 It was onlyafter thedefeatof the Oromo and the desttuction of their Islamic establishments that theregion of Wallowas incorporated into the rapidlyexpandingEthiopianstateas will be shownshortly.

In the Gibe regiou, the Oromoformed five kingdoms, namely, LimmuEnnarya, Goma, Gomma, Jimma and Gem.54 Of these, the kingdoms ofLirnmu-Ennarya andthat ofJimma, werethe two most important. Until 1860,the former was the economic center and political powerhouse of the Giberegion, while after 1860 the latter eclipsed Limmu-Ennarya commercially,politically, culturally and militarily earning the reputation for possessing"sufficient culture to haveits capitaland its landandexample ofprosperity forall Africa to admire and imitate.. ,,55 In short, the Oromo societyof the Giberegion "witnessed a flourishing of trade, the spreadof Islam,the flowering ofcultureand the achievement of socialand economic progress unsurpassed inany OromoareasofEthiopia."56 In Wallaga, thereweretwo Oromokingdoms,namely,Leqa Naqamte and Leqa Qellam,both of which were rich in trade,ivory and gold. Thewealthof the Oromokingdoms both in the Gibe regionand Wallaga attractedthe envyof theirAmhara neighborsfromboth Gojjamand Shawa,as will be shownshortly,

Monarchic institutions developed among the Oromo in the regionsmentioned above, Outside these areas the vast mlliority of the Oromo livedunder a republicanform of government known as the Gada system, Here Iprovide brief information about the Gada system not for the purpose ofaggrandizing Oromo democratic heritage, but ouly to emphasize that Gada

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still constitutes a sharedpolitical idiomthat has relevance to the future ofOromo society. The Gada system was a participatory form of democracywhich enabled the Oromo to develop a fascinating system of checks andbalances that preventedthe emergence of despotism. "Oneofthe featuresofall democratic governments is that not only the polity is differentiated intomanycomponents which aregrantedsomemeasure of autonomous existence,but also power is shared. In Western democracies, this pattern of powersharing rests primarily on a territorial basis and on the vast complex ofvoluntary organizations that form the foundation of politicalparticipation InOromodemocracy power sharingrests on territorial kinshipand generationalentitiesthat forms the basis ofpoliticalparticipation."57

Among the Oromo, the remarkable system of power-sharing wasdeveloped by design and it was an integral part of the Gada system, thehallmark of Oromodemocracy.. Gada is a complex concept that encompassesthe political, religious, military, economic, social and cultural aspects ofOromosociety. According to AsmaromLegesse, a noted authority, "Gada isthe termemployed throughout the Oromo nationinthe Hom of Africato referto the organization of the Society intogeneration sets whosucceed eachothereveryeightyears in assuming politicalpower. It is one of the universalsthatbonds the entire nation into a coherent system and gives people commonpolitical basis for understanding each other It constitutes a shared politicalidiom,,58 Evenamong the Oromowhodeveloped monarchic institution, Gadaremained a sharedpoliticalidiom 59 The Gada systemenabledthe Oromotomobilize effectively their human, material and spiritual resources formaintaining law and order, resolving conflicts peacefully, and engaging inproductive activities. Thiswas donethroughthe Gada politicalprocess.

Trainingfor participation in the Gada politicalprocesswas an essentialaspectof Oromodemocracy. Trainingstarted earlyin life and it took thirtytwoyearsbeforean individual assumed highestpolitical office. Sixteenyearsout of the thirty-two were spent on the difIicult militarytraining, while theremaining sixteenyearswerespenton legal, political, administrative andritualtraining Exteusive election campaigns and election to political officescompleted themany years oftraining60 Election for leadership washeldeveryeight years The criteria for election to the political offices, among others,included oratory, knowledge of Oromo history, law, custom and tradition,

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bravery, past military achievement, and wisdomfor settling disputes 61 Theelectedofficials includedAbba Gada ("thefatherof the Gada in power")whowas the president of the Chafe assembly, famous Oromo Parliament TheAbba Gada was a singlepoliticalleaderof the nation. His residence was theseat of the government andthe capitalof the nationfor eightyears. Theotherelected officials were Abba Dula ("the minister of war"), Abba Sera ("theminister of law and justice"), Abba Sa'aa ("the minister of economicresources"), Lemmi (messengers and ambassadors), who dealt with foreignaffairs and traveledthroughout the territory to settledisputes amongvariousgroups62 It has beenrightlysaid that "[i]nthe Gada systemcan be observeda genuine traditional African form of democratic government where theexecutive, the legislativeand thejudiciaryfunctioned separately, but formedpart of a 'unitedbureaucracy ",63 After the election, there was a ceremony oftransfer of power, from the outgoing leaders to the incoming ones duringwhichtime the losers conceded defeat and blessed the winners. Thewinnersin turn praised their formerrivals in an unambignous manner, "Theelectionand the 'transferofpower' took place at the time ofJarra ceremony. Jarrawas the eventthat endedthe Gada ofthe previouseightyears and started thenew one. It was the beginning of the new period, the building of the newfuture, which European travelers andmissionaries of thelast centwycomparedwiththe GreekOlympiad.,,64 Thetrensferof powerwas a smooth andpeacefuleventthat expressed the democratic valuesof the Gada system. Comparethiswith the history ofmodemEthiopia thathasnot seena singletransferof powerwhich was not drowned with the blood of thousands of victims, Smoothtransfer of power was the strength of Oromo democracy, as the absence ofpeacefultransferofpoweris the hallmarkof Ethiopianpolitical culture.

As I have written elsewhere, "[tjhe transfer of power took place at thebeginningof the Oromo New Year at which the winners and losers jointlyreinstated the moral order of the nation, and resolved internal disputespeacefully The transfer of power ceremony was the time when theachievement and fairness of thepast eightyearsmepped, It was thetimewhenthe well-springof Oromo yearning for spiritual satisfaction, for peace andreconciliation were overflowed with prayers for peace, prosperity andharmony,,65 After the transfer of power ceremony, the Chafe Assembly(Oromo parliament)madelaws that lasted for the next eight years The lawwas issued out of and evolved with Gada democracy Theone blended and

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A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's

harmonizedwith the other so much that the history of the law is as well thehistory of Oromo democracy 66 TheChafe Assembly had the prerogative ofmaking laws, declaringwar, and concludingpeace. The laws passed by theassembly embodied the spiritof unit), peace,senseofidentily, code ofconductand th~ moral standard of the society

The authority of the elected leaders was based on the democratic will ofthe people. Under the Gada system, government was an embodiment ofpopulardemocratic will, andthosewho wieldedpowerwereaccountable to thepeople "Thesocietydelegates powerto a luba for a periodofeightyears, butthat power is always subject to the higher authority of the assembledmultitudes. Power emanates from the people and if those to whom it wasentrustedfail in theirresponsibilities, theycanbe removed.. The language theyuse to describe this removal of incompetent or unjust officers is instructive.They refer to it as 'buqqisu' which means 'to uproot ,,67 Under Oromodemocracy power and authority were relinquished after everyeightyears andpower was shared, not as a result ofweakness on the part of the leaders, butbecause power sharing was the ideal most manifested. In short, the Gadasystem was a participatory form of democracy, in which the unusualmechanism for powersharing was developed by designand it was the premiersymbolofOromo political institutions which articulated the richprinciplesofdemocracy ofwhich the Oromoare proud. 68

Is the Gada system relevant to the current situation in Oromia andEthiopia? The answeris yes andno Yes,because the Gada system canbe theindigenous basis for building a working democratic system both in OromiaandEthiopia. No, because some aspects of the Gada system (which cannot bediscussed in this article) that took shape more than five hundred years agocannot meet the needs of a very complexandrapidly changingsociety

Nevertheless, the Oromo democratic principlesof the accountability ofleaders which also limits their tenure of office to a defined period, theprinciples of checks and balances, the separation of power and authority,extensive political discussion, the spirit of compromise, concession andconsensus, whichwerethe hallmark of Oromo democracy arethe treasures thathave to be exploited if democracy were to flourish in Ethiopia. Thedemocratization of Ethiopia in every sense of the term is the essentialprecondition for the voluntary unityof the people[s1and the countryin which

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political oppression, cultural domination, physical destruction, perpetualwarfare, govemment-imposed famine andthe misery of millions will be thingsofthe past ,,69

The Beginning of the Conquest of the Oromo

For the greater part of their history, the Oromo led an independentexistence as masters of their own destiny and makers of their own historyEvensincethe 16thcentury, most Oromo livedas neighbors with,bnt beyondtheboundaries of;the Christian kingdom of Abyssinia, whichconstituted onlya small part of what is today Ethiopia. Some of the Oromo who settled inAbyssiniaduringandafter the 16thcenturywereassimilated into the powerstructure of and played an important role in the history of the Christiankingdom, an aspectthat was extensively discussedby Mordechai Abir in hisEthiopia: The Era ofThe Pnnces" Hereit shouldbe enoughto say that formore than three hundred years (from around the 1540s to the 1860s) theOromo remained powerful in theregion thatis nowEthiopia Theirpowerwasbased on their formidable cavalry, effective war strategy" and firmdetermination to remainfree According to a seventeenth centuryPortugueseeyewitness historian, "[w]hatmakes the Galla [Oromo] much feared is thattheygo to war and intobattle determined firmly resolved to conqueror to dieTheEmperor [Susenyos1recognized thisquality in themandin the most of theAbyssinians the exactopposite. To this he usedto ascribe the victories of theGalla and defeatsand routesofthe Abyssinians.t'? The adventofEuropeanweapons of destruction (gunsandcannons) in the Ethiopian regionin the 19thcenturyundermined the traditional Oromowar strategyand accelerated thedefeatof the once-mighty Oromocavalry,

In this, it was the Amhara princes of Shawa who first turned the tideagainst their Oromo neighbors This occurred during the reign of SableSellassie (1814-1848)who usedthe title of Negus (King) and also acquireda relatively large nwnber of European guns and cannons for the purpose ofdefeatingthe Oromo73 SableSellassie acquired weapons by writing letterstoEuropean powers andreceiving giftsfrom them,through missionary assistanceandmost of all by expandinginto Oromoterritory, whichgeneratedfor himivOIY, gold andcoffee, withwhich hepaid "forthe quantities of annarnents herequired,,,7' For instance, on January20, 1840he wrotea letter to the British

128

A Short History ojOromo Colonial Experience 1870 '8-1990 's

Government requesting " . . .. may it please you to assist me particularly insending guns, cannons and other things which I have not in my country ,,75SableSellassie was not disappointed, as European missionaries anddiplomatswhohadvisitedhim impressed upontheirgovernments the needto supplyhimwith adequate weapons; "so that he could spread the seeds of civilizationamong the Gallas,,76 and "in order for him to be absolutely superior to theGalla cavahy, we need to providehim with guns and cannons ,,77 When theBritish diplomat,Major Harris, visited Sable Sellassie in 1840, he gave theking a gift of 300 muskets, two cannons and a thousand pistols," while theFrench diplomatic mission led by Rochet d'Hericourt brought him 140muskets.. "Beforethe end of 1840, Sable Sellassiehad more thana thousandmuskets in good working order and several pieces of cannon, which werecarefullylooked after by the king's armorers, gun makers and smiths Theking's firepower was directed against the Oromo,who werevirtuallywithoutfirepower, and the consequences were dramatic.•19 Sable Sellassie led threeannualcampaigns against his Oromoneighbors, whichwerecharacterized byburning, looting and extensive destruction. According to an English eyewitness report, "the order was given ... to destroy and plunder Instantlyensued a rush from all quarters at full gallop. Flourishing fields of wheat,barley andbeans, the produceofthe toils ofthe . tribe, weresavaged, andoverrunby the locusthordes,and in the courseofhalfan hour, the soil beingstrippedof everyacreof cultivation There commenced a generalscrambleforthe rafters and ribs ofhouses,whereofthe skeletons werepresentlyconsignedto the flames. "so

For more than three decades Sable Sellassie led annual raids against hisOromo neighborsfor cattle and slaves. During the raids, 'Women and girlswere tom frorn their hiding places old men and young wereindiscriminately slain and mutilatedamongthe fields and groves, flocks andherds were driven ofr in triumph and house after house was sacked andconsigned to the flames ,,81 Thedestructive capacity ofthe king wasenhancedby the fact that he was regardedas a morepromising"tradepartner, thananyof the other Ethiopianrulers with whomthe Europeanswere involvedin the1830s and 1840s. ,,82 In short, Sable Sellassieinitiated a policyof expansioninto Oromo territory for the purpose of acquiring commodities (which hiskingdom lacked) butwith which he imported moreEuropean gunsandcannons

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for conquering the Oromo This policyof defeatingthe Oromo with their ownresourceswasperfectedat the end of the centuryby Menelik, the grandsonofSable Sellassie

In 1840 Sable Sellassie boasted to the visiting British diplomat, MajorHarris, that he had already conducted 84 raids against the Oromo. Accordingto Harris, in one of these regular expeditions in 1840, in which the Britishdiplomat himselfwas present, the king raided Meta Oromo and killed 4,500persons of all ages and took some 43,000 heads of cattle and more than onethousand captives, chieflywomen andgirls 83 This practiceset the pattern forfuture Amhara-Tigray leaders, who slaughteredthe Oromoindiscriminately,plunderedtheir wealthand attemptedto destroytheirpolitical,cultural,socialand religious institutions Sable Sellassie, who was able to field 30,000 to50,000 peasant soldiers for his annual raids against the Oromo, was neitherable to establishdirectAmhara political authority overthe Oromo in Shawa,84

nor able to break the backboneof the Oromocavalry. Both tasks were left tohis grandson Menelik, the king of Shawa (1865-1889) who was able totransform his campaigns from cattle and slave raids into conquest and thecolonization of Oromia However, before 1discussMenelik's conquest, and thecolonizationof Oromia, it is important to briefly mention; (1) the attempt ofEmperor Tewodros (1855-1868) to conquerthe Oromo,and (2) the Egyptiancolonizationof the Oromo in Hararghie(eastern Oromia).

Tewodre's Campaign Against the Oromo

Tewodros, who was able to destroythe Yajju Oromopower in Gondar in1853, defeatedhis Amhara-Tigrayrivals,crownedhimself Emperor in 1855and fleetingly united historical Abyssinia on anti-Oromo and anti-Islamicpolicies Hussein Ahmed writes that these efforts were "supported by thecontemporaryProtestant missionariesfor three reasons: firstly, because theyhoped that the subjugationofWallo wouldinauguratea period oftranquility;secondly,because they saw the struggle in terms of a confrontationbetweenCInistiauityand Islam; and thirdly, becausethey believedthat Wallo was thespearhead ofMuslim drive to take over Ethiopia ,85

For the Emperor who called himself "the slave of COOst,,86 the MuslimOromo in the region of Wallo posed danger to his kingdom. For Tewodros,accordingto Trimingham, "Christianityand Abyssinia were synonymous .,,81

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A ShOTt History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990's

Consequently, he consideredit his religiousand political duty to destroy thepower of the Oromo in Wallo by appealing to his Christian subjects toeliminate the "Oromospecter" and the "Islamic menace""" in keepingwiththeattitudeofAmhararulingelitesofhis day. Baxterhas observedthat "since the16th century, fears of Islam and of the Oromo have dominatedthe politicalconsciousness of the Amhara ruling elite, and the thought of the two incombination has been their recurring nightmare.. ,,"9 What was new inTewodro's anti-Oromo policywas his desireto either "impose Christianity onthe Muslim Oromo in Wallo"90 or expel them from the region. However, "asfar as his stated aimofforcing MuslimOromos in Wollo [sic] to eitheracceptChristianity or leavehis kingdomis concerned, he utterlyfailed He, not they,gave in. It is not an exaggerationto say that Tewodros committedsnicide in1868,not only becausehe hatedto fall intoBritishhands as a captivekingbutalso becausehe was virtuallyan Oromoprisoner in the mountain fortress ofMagdela Escape was wellneigh impossible."91

Nevertheless, I ewodros' anti-Oromo stance," affected the futureresistance of the Oromoin Wallo in five ways.. First, "the extent ofphysicaland material destruction and pillagingof the Wallo countryside affected thedemographic, economic and politicalvitalityofthe region, for the remainingpart of the century. ,,93 Second, it deprived the Oromo in Wallo of theirleadership, as most of their leaders were killed during the ten years ofI ewodros' campaignin Wallo94 Third,Tewodros' anti-Oromo stancebecamethe working modelfor EmperorsYohannes (1872-1889) andMenelik(18891913), ''based as it was upon the elimination of Oromo leadership, thedestruction of Oromo culture and the complete subjugation of the Oromomasses to [Abyssinian] colonial domination." Fourth, it encouraged thesurviving Oromo leaders both in Wallo and Shawa to ally themselves withMenelik, the king of Shawa, and the future conqueror of all Oromo inEthiopia And finally, Tewodros' violence forced thousands of Amhara warvictimsand famine-stricken people to seekrefugein Shawafueling Menelik'spolicy of plunderof Oromopropertyand occupationof Oromoterritory.'"

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The Egyptian Colonization of Eastern Oromia 1875-1885

On the history of the Cityof Hararandits people, wehave a good dealofinformation that cannotbe discussed in this article. Hereit shouldsuffice tosay that the works of Sidney WaldrOn,91 EwaldWagner" and Dr. CamillaGibb99 have addeda great deal to our knowledge of the historyof Harar, itsdynamic people and their brillianturban civilization.. Until the middleof thenineteenthcentury, the City-State of HlII'lII' had its own Harari or (Adare)administration whichhad supremeauthority withinand about 20 kilometersbeyond the city-wall.f" Outside this limit, the Oromo led an independentexistence underthe Gada system. Amir Muhammad (1856-1875),a man ofOromoorigin, established Oromo political supremacy within the cityofHararitself.'?' Muhammad, a highly educated man and a distinguished militaryleader, rebelled againstthereigning amir, whomhe overthrew withhis Oromosupport. After he seized power, Amir Muhammad followed a pro-Oromopolicy,whichwas hatedby the Hararisor the Adarepeople.

However, Oromo political supremacy was cut short by the Egyptiancolonization of thecityandthesurrounding areas It was in October1875thatColonel RaufPasha, commander of the 5,000-manEgyptian army, invadedOromoterritory, defeated an Oromoarmyat the Battle of Egu, capturedthecityof'Harar,executed Amir Muhammad,l02 andestablished Egyptian colonialadministration In 1876 the Egyptian force defeated the Oromo army at thebattles of Dire Gofile, Mount Qundudo, and at Chircha, where Oromoleadership was decimatedi" An Egyptian army officer discussed Oromomilitarytactics andbraveryin these words: "They always advance in a greatline often on a dozen ranks deep so that the first who fall are immediatelyreplacedby other fighters whocontinue to advance without beingin the leastdemoralized by thefalloftheircomrades They are hardyandbrave,takingdeathwith greatestboldness[;] their attack is terrible . It is necessaryfortroops to havepresenceof mind and coolness in ordernot to be frightened atthe first approachand to resist afterwards."?' In courage, the Oromomightwellhave been the equals of the Egyptians, in numberthey were superiortothe Egyptians, and inknowledge andskillful use of the terrainthey surpassedthe Egyptians.. However, the Oromo lacked firearms The Egyptian monopolyof modern destructive weaponry gave them decisive advantage at everybattlefield. TheEgyptians notoulyconquered the Oromo but also crippledthe

132


operation of their Gada system in that region,l05 imposed Islam on theOromo/06 expropriated their land,107 andreplacedelectedOromoleadersbyEgyptian-created hereditary chiefs 108 And yet, becauseof Oromoresistance,the Egyptians were never able to extend their authority more than 60kilometers beyondthe wallsof the cityofHarar. Evenwithin the area undertheir administration, the Egyptians werenot able to stop Oromoresistance.This was so much the case that by 1884, the Egyptian force that exceeded8,000 menwas besieged within thewalls of the cityofHarar itself. Bythen theEgyptiancolonial administration was even unable to collect taxes from theOromo As a result, themaintenance of Egyptianforce in Hararwas drainingthe treasury in Cairoby 33,000 English pounds annually l 09 Thefearof Oromoattackon the city, and the expenseof maintaining a besiegedforce in Harar,together with Egypt's problems in the SUdan,110 led to the withdrawal ofEgyptian forces fromthecityin 1885. Thatended the shortperiod of Egyptianexercise in the colonization'!' of theOromo Withthetermination of Egyptianadministration, the Oromoregained their independence.. This was cut shortwithKingMenelik's conquestofHarar and the surrounding Oromoin 1887

Menelik and the Colonization of Oromia

Menelik, whowas a prisonerin Tewodros' mountain fortress in Magdellafor a decade, escaped from it in 1865 withthe supportof the Oromo of WalloWith their backing, he became the King of Shawa (1865-1889). WhenYohannes, a self-made Tigrayan112became the Emperor ofAbyssinia (18721889), Menelik becamehis arch-rival.. After Yohannes defeated Menelik in1878, the two Abyssinian princes were reconciled and decided to destroyOromopowerand to imposeChristianity uponthe Oromoin Wallo In 1878,the two claimants to the throneofWarra Himano Dynasty(ca 1700-1916),Inram Muhammad Ali and Inram AbbaWatawwereconverted to Christianity"The former took the baptismal name, Mekael and his godfather wasYohannes, while the latter became Hayla Maryam and his godfather wasMerrilekn ll3 ThenWallowas divided into two parts, the northernpart cameunderthecontrol of Yohannes, while the southern part carneunderthe controlofMenelik

1.33


It was the irony of history that Menilekwho escaped from Tewodros'sprisonin 1865,gaining the throne of Shawa withthesupportof Wallo Oromo,nowjoined with Yohannesfor their destruction! The twoprincipal Christianprinces were quick to take cruel revenge on the Muslims who refused toconvert, and that revengereachedits climax in the 18805, at the time whenEuropean-supplied weapons of destruction enabledYohannes and Menilek tocreate the most formidable military machine in Africa. As in the days ofTewodros, massacre, plunder, burning, looting and wanton destruction ofpropertybecame the lot of Muslimsin Wallo..!!'

Althoughthe Oromoin Wallowereconquered byYohannes' attackfromthe north, andMenelik's attackfromthe south, the Oromoin Shawa, the Giberegion,Wallaga, Ami, Hararghie and Sidamowere defeatedby Menelikoneafter the other In this hugeunde:rtaking, Menelik had European arsenals at hisdisposal, especially from France.. As early as 1875, Menelik was alreadysaying that "the French are my friends; it is upon the:rn that I shall base thehope ofmy reign,"115TheFrenchprovidedMenelik not onlywithweaponsofdestruction but also trainedhis soldiers in more waysthan one "MenelikoperatedwithFrenchtechnicians, Frenchmap makers,Frenchadvice on the

management of a standing army, and more French advice as to holdingcapturedprovinces withpermanentgarrisonsofconscripted colonial troopsTheFrench alsoarmedhis troopswithfirearms anddid muchelseto organizehis campaigns Ihe Galla [Oromo] werethus conquered by the Abyssinians.Without massive European help the Galla [Oromo] wonld not have beenconquered at all -us

Lateron Menelik boughthuge quantities of weapons fromthe Italians, theRussians and otherEuropean nations It waswiththeresources plundered fromOromia, "including gold, ivory,coffee,musk, hides and skins and slaves"!"that Menelikpaid for this mode:rn Europeanweaponry. "These commoditieswere initially obtained throughraiding, property confiscation, enslavement,controlof trade routes and marketplaces, and tribute collection and exportedto Europeanmarkets,"118 Althoughthe Oromoput up heroic resistance, theylacked firearms and were defeatedby Menelikone after the other, By 1878Gobana Daache, Menelik's greatest Oromo general and e:rnpire builder, hadalready conquered the Oromo of Liban, Gulale, Yaka, Metta119 and othergroups for Menelik By 1882, Gobana by the policy of threat and reward,

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persuaded all the leaders of thefive Oromo statesin the Giberegionto submitto Menelik withoutresistance. The Oromoleadersof the Gibe:

[F]ound justification for their submission without resistance inGobana's promiseoflocal autonomy and on theirbeliefthat, whatevertheydid, ultimately the well-armed and ruthless Gobanawouldforcethem into submission. They saw their own salvation in theirsubmission withoutresistance Withhis ownsecretplan, Gobanadeceived and pulled the kings into his trap, without himselfunderstanding what the futurehad in store for him. . Theseshortsighted leaders realized onlywhenit wastoo latethat theyhadsoldnotonlythe independence oftheir peoplebut also theirown independeutpowel""l20

In 1882, Gobanawonfor Menelik the famous Battle of'Embabc'" overthe control of Oromoresources in whatis today Wallaga TheOromoleadersofLeqa Naqamte andLeqa Qellam in Wallaga submitted to Menelik withoutresistance because of Gobana's promise of autonomy, which was moreapparent thanreal. By threat and persuasion, Gobana broughtunder Menelik'scolonial administration the Oromoof Shawa, the Gibe region and Wallaga,and with the wealth obtained from these regions, Menelik imported hugearmaments, whichaccelerated the conquest of the restof Oromia Gobana, theformidable warlord, brought the Oromo of the regions mentioned-above"under Amharain fiveyears-a missionthat Amhara kingsand warlords triedandfailed in fourhundred years."l22

For his spectacular services, Menelik entrusted Gobana with theadministration ofthe Oromo Gibestates, andalsoappointed himas the Negus(king) of'Kaffa,123the province whichwas notyet conquered 124 But Gobana'sappointrneut backfired125 andeclipsed his illustrious political career. Meneliknot only withdrew the title of Negus of Kaffa from Gobana but alsoingloriously removed himfromhis administration of the Gibestates"Gobana lost bothhis powerbase andhis title. . . . Heexpected to be the kingof the Oromo confederacy he had created. He was even denied the title ofNegus of Kaffa In reality, he managed to destroy, disarm and diffuse the

135


Oromo forces, upon which his claim to kingly title would have beenestablished.,126

Likeall Oromoleaders whofollowed his example in betraying the interestand the causes of their people, for their personal ambition, Gobana realizedwhat had happened when it was already too late "It was too late to rebel:Menelik was powerful and Gobana was old [to rebell"127 Like all shortsighted Oromo leadersof the past and present, Gobanawas disgraced, onlyafterhe had accomplished the major task of subjugatinghis own people.12.

After his removal from the administration of the Oromo region, theconfederation he created in the Gibe region was aflamewith rebellion, forwhichthe Oromokings andcommon peoplealike "were put to the sword "129This was the price of treachery, and even today Gobana is regarded by theOromoas an arch-traitor130 In the following movingpoem, "Gobana, the SonofDacche," is referred to as mange dog,whobetrayed andworked againsttheinterestof his ownpeople

It is strange,it is strange, it is strange..women do not raid houses,she whogivesbirth to a dog is strangeRelatives do not burt each other,

the haft of an axe is strangepeopleofonestock do not sell each other

that ofthe son of Daccheis strange131

A!s in the Gibe region, so in Wallaga, Gobana deceived Moroda Bakare(1868-1889), the king ofLeqa Naqamte, and Jote Tulln, the king of'LeqaQellam,with the promise of localautonomy whichturned out to be deceptiveas "Menelik's overseers.judges andespecially customsinspectors" controlledLeqa Naqamte's finances,132 not to mention the heavy burden of imperialtribute1 33 In oneofhis letters,Moroda's son and successorDajazmach GebreIgziabiherdeclared that the heavyburdenof tributewas ruininghis territory;"the country is uncultivated this being the result of too much tribute, not

becauseof anywrongdoing on my part Andnow,ifl orderthe people to givethe .. overduetribute, the countrywillbe completely abandoned."!"

In Leqa Qellam (in southern Wallaga), "indigenous institutions werelargelydemolished or graduallytransformed. The indigenous leadership was

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A Short History ojOromoColonial Experience 1870's-1990's

. deprivedfrom taking independent action on any crucialmatters"135 Thehollow promise of local autonomy, under which Menelik's soldiers went onplundering Oromo peasants, gave way to direct Amhara rule in 1908 whenJote Tullu was imprisoned on a minor pretext The region was then[November 1908] entrusted to Fitawrari Sable Giyorgis, brother of RasTasama, the overall rulerofthe country Peoplereacted sharplyto the Amharatake-over and first rebellion took place in Gidami in February 1909,apparently ledby Jote'sownsonMardassa,whomanaged to scarethe Amharaout of town .. It appears that on this occasion2000 guns wereissued .. tothe Oromopeasantswho wentto the forest and started harassingthe Amharawho couldnot controlor tax the countryfor three years. ,136

Ironically, it was with the heavy burden of imperial tribute"? that theOromo rulers of Jimma, Leqa Naqarute and Leqa Qellaru bought illusoryautonomy These Oromo states were fairly commercialized and located neargold bearing areas.. Menelik, who "personally controlledmost of the trade ofhis state [and] was literallya merchantking,,,138 receivedthe largest and therichest tributesfromthese regions,consistingofgold, ivory,slaves,139 honey,cattle and Maria Theresa Thalers[currency]. The Dromo rulers ofthe abovementioned states were nothing but agents of indirect rule, who maintainedcoloniallaw and order and collectedcolonialtaxes from their people.

Unlikethe Oromoofthe Gibe regionand Wallagawho weredeceivedbyGobana, the Oromo of southern and southeasternparts of Ethiopia resistedMenelik'sconquest The longest and most bloody Oromo resistance (18791886) was registeredby the Arsi,140who were systematically slaughteredorsold into slavery. In the final decisive battle, it is estimated that Menelikconquered the ArsiOromoouiyafterkiIIing tens ofthousands, not to mentionthat the hands of thousands of men that were "cut off and the breasts ofthousandsof Oromowomen whichweremutilatedby the orderofMenelikatAnnole in 1886."141 An Englishtravelerwhopassed throughthe land of'ArsiOromo four years after its devastationhad this to say about it

Now was the time for the terrible Gallas [Oromo] to appear.. Where wasthe countryteemingwith /usty warlikepeople? Certainlynot here!What wefound as we progressedwas ouly a fewpoor villagesof a hundredhuts eachand the nativepresentingthe most abject appearanceimaginable.. Ouly fouryears agothey must havebeena fine raceofmen They lovedto tellus oftheir

1.37


formerglory; their eyes wouldlight up, and they wouldforget for the instanttheirpresent condition. Now the Abyssiniansare the masters and these poorpeople are ouly a remnant of a great tribe .. The Arussa [Arsi] Galla[Oromo] hereas elsewhere, wereregardedas slavesand wereeven soldin themarket as such The troops were thoroughly drilled and armed withRemingtons01' Frenchrifles142

Menelik captureda large number of Oromo prisoners ofwar during hisArsi campaign. His mercilessattack on the Ittu Oromoin Charchar,WesternHararghie "which preceded theoccupation of'Harar,left tracts oftheirterritorydepopulatedand lands uncultivatedv'" On January 7, 1887 at the Battle ofChallenqo, Menelikrouted the Muslim force,which includedOromo, Adareand Somali. A few days later he captured the city of Harar and became themaster of a rich,vast region,whichbroughthim closerto the sea fromwherehe was able to importlargeamountofEuropean weapomywhichenabledhimto create the largest armed force in Black Africa.l44 Oromo captives of theBattle of Challenqo were mutilatedby cutting off their hands or legs by theorderofMenelikwho made everyresisting Oromofood for wild animals 145"Atrocities occurredas " troops slayed [slain] adult men and women anddespatchedtheir children.into slavery herded in groups by their captors,enchained survivors marchedwith other prisonerstoward Harar The soldierssold their surplus to slavers in markets in and around the city" .146

The fate ofother conquered people in eastern and southern Ethiopiawasnot different from that ofthe OrOInO., Menelik's forceplunderedtheirproperty,burned their houses, slaughteredthem indiscriminately and sold into slaverytens of thousands of war captives, Let me mention just two examples tosubstantiate this statement First, when Emperor Menelik conquered theKingdom of Walayta in 1894, it was reported that almost 119,000 men,women and children were killed or wounded?" Menelik's army captured18,000 slavesand 180,000 headofcattle, 148 The victoriousemperorreturnedto his new capital, Addis Ababa (Finfinne) with 18,000 head of cattle and1,800 war captives, his share of the booty149 Secondly, when Menelik'ssoldiersconquered the Kingdom ofKaficho in 1897, it was estimatedthat thepopulation of that landwas reduced almostby two-thirds.. I50 It has beenrightlysaid that "Menelik's object was the permanent occupation of the conqueredterritories When they opposed him, his policy was one of ruthlessextermination, as manydistricts whichhavebeenamongstthe most fertile and

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A Short History ofOromo ColonialExperience 1870 ~s-1990 's

flourishing in allEthiopiabear witness. Thepopulation of Kaffa,for instance,is estimated to have been reduced by two-thirds Those who succeeded inescaping the slaughter weresold into slavery or reduced to the statusof gebbar[serfS]"151

After the conquest and occupation of Oromia, Menelik gave both thepeople and their land to his armed-settlers known as neftanya.. Theneftanyawhoplayeda pivotalrole in thepolitics and dominated thepoliticallandscapeof Oromia, ownedOromopeopleas they owned cattleandslaves.152 Since theneftanya were neitherpaid salary nor engagedin productive activities, theywere given Oromo gabars in lieu of salary The gabars worked for andsustained the luxurious existence of the neftanya. Burdensome andexhaustingobligationswereput on the Oromogabar

He had to surrender a portionof the produce of the land to the landlordastribute. The amountvaried between a quarter and a third but it was usuallymore, as the legalceilingwas that it shouldnot be more than threequarters!Besides, he paid a tenthofhis totalproduce forthe tithe. Hewas also expectedto providehis landlord withhoney, meat andfirewood, driedgrass andsundryotheritems Laborservice was an added burden, he hadto grindthe landlord'sshareofthe grain, transport it to hisresidence. buildhishouse, maintain hisfences, care for his animals, and act as a porter, an escort or a messengerTherewas an obligation to presentgifts on religious holidays andother socialoccasions. The multipleexactions imposedon the Oromo gabars meant theloss of a considerable portion of the [gabar!;1production, onerous laborserviceand manifoldother impositions. 153

It must be stated clearlythat Menelikgave two-thirdsof the conqueredOromoland to his colonial state,his armedsettlersand the Orthodoxchurch,whilehe allowed one-third of the landto beused by "theindigenous peopleonconditionthey suppliedforced labor for the settlers and various taxes, duesandtithes forhiscourt andthe church."I54 In the landof theirbirth theOromolost their rights, humandignity, and their lands and becamelandlessgabars(serfs) who had no protection against the excesses of brutal and arrogantneftanya (armedsettlers) The higherofficials amongthe neftanyahad theirprisons and they were governments unto themselves.. They were governors,judges and jury at the same time They imprisoned, fined and tortured1

S>

Oromogabars as they saw fit In the wordsof Getahun Delibo, "Gabars did

139


not have legal protection. It must be clear because Emperor Menelik, whileprotecting theconquered lands as thepropertyofthecrown, gavegabars to hisunsalariedofficers and soldiersas materialpropertyto be ownedand used aspersonal property ,,]56

Their position mad the Abyssinian conquerors to abuse arrogantly anddehumanize theirOromogabars "whowerephysica1ly victimized, socially andpsychologicallyhumiliated and devalued as human beings ,,157 Productive laborwas considered beneath the dignity of persons of social standing in theAbyssinianhomeland ofthe settlers. To the Abyssinian conquerors' thefruitofvictory is leisure Theyfought theirwars against theneighboring tribes,wonthem" , .throughsuperiorarms and organization, andfromthenonwards settleback to a lifeofease The idea of conquering a countryin order' to workthere,of treating an empire as a place to which things must be brought, to befertilized and cultivated and embellished instead of as a place from whichthings could be taken, to be denuded and depopulated was somethingwholly outside their range ofthought"IS8

Brutal conquest of Oromia, the alienation of Oromo land and the totalsubjectionof theOromoto thewhimsof the new masters, and the destructionofOromoculturalheritage weretheprice to he paidfor beingunderMenelik'scolonial empire.. Thus, contrary to the popular misconception which claimsthat Menelikunited Ethiopia, he created a colonial empire 'of which all themembers weresubjectsrather than citizens, but in whichalmostall theOromowerecolonial subjects." IS9 Oncecreated, Menelik's empirebecamea prison ofnations and nationalities,with the minoritywhoformedthe Ethiopianrulingclass oppressing and exploiting all, including the Amhara peasants andworkerswho did not cometo Oromia as settlers

As with all formsofcolonialism, the drivingsocialforcebehind Menelik'scolonialismwas economic.l'"The search for gold, ivory, coffee, slaves, newsourcesoffood for Menelik's soldiers, the plunderofOromoproperty,forcedOromo labor and the alienation of Oromo land was the economic motiveSome aspects of Menelik's colonialism have similarities with Europeancolonialism in other parts of Africa As European colonists dominated theeconomicresources and controlledthe military,judiciary and the politics oftheir' colonies, the neftanya (armed settlers)dominated theeconomic resourcesof Orornia and controlled absolutely the military, judiciaryand political power;institutionalizing the monopoly of their advantages. The political and

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A Short History ofDrama Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990's

economicprivileges ofthe neftanya were indicators, symbols ofthe colonialrelationship in Oromia

The writer was born and brought up in the countryside in the Hararghieregion where the neftanya settlers enjoyed unique privileges and excludedtotaIly the Oromofrom participation in thegovernment evenat the lowestlevelup to the 1970s In Hararghie, the Christiansettlersdespisedand lookeddownupon the Oromo as their inferiors The settlers thought highly of themselvesand acted as conquerors who were destined to rule with an iron hand, Theideological aggression with which the settler-eolonists dehumanized theOrornowas supported with the arsenal weaponryat their disposal, Up to the1970s, the poorest settler, even a leper, thought himself or herself to be"superior" to the colonized Oromo. In short, in Hararghie, the Amharasettlersbelieved and acted as colonizers while the Oromo knew the nature of thecolonialrelationship with their masters 161

Four defining characteristics ofShawanAmhara colonialismwere in thefield ofculture, language, control of land and the monopolizationof politicalpower First, Amhara-Tigray culture was maintained to be superior to theOromoculture, and it was imposed on theOrornopeople, TheEthiopian rulingclass demonstrated its deep-seated hatred for the Oromo, their culturalinstitutions and their way oflife This ruling class continuouslydepicted theOromo as people without culture and dismissed their cultural achievementsand democraticpolitical institution as "primitive" relics

In a frontal assault on Oromocultureand national identity,no stone wasleft untamed. Oromocultural andreligious shrines andplaces of worshipwerereplaced by those of the colonizers The Amhara ruling class introducedthepolicy not only of baptizing and Amharizing Oromo chiefs but also ofbaptizing and Amharizing eventhe land Oromovillage andtown names werereplacedby Amharaones For example, FinfinnebecameAddis Ababa,Ambowas changed to HagereHiwat, Haramaya to Alem Maya, Hademato Nazereth,Bishofteu to DebreZeit, Wallisoto Ghion, 162

Second, as Amharic was the language of Amhara rule, it was also thelanguageof educationat the lowerlevelin the schoolsystem Everythingthatwas taught in the schools in the nameofEthiopianhistory, culture or way oflife eitherdenigrated the Oromoor totallydenied their havingcreatedanythingofvalue, Ibis was to destroythe Oromoyouths' pride in the achievements of

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THEJOURNAL OF OROMO STUDIES

their forefathers and foremothers and keep them chained, with no faith inthemselves or in their cultural achievements. Since the entire governmentalbureaucracy, the court system, the industryand the moderneconomic sectorused the Amharic language alone, ouly Amharic-speaking Oromo wereemployed in Oromia andEthiopia, evenas guards, up to 1991. Third,in termsof the controlofland, the Amharasettlers and landlords, the church and thestatedispossessed the Oromoof their landsandmadethemlandless, rigbtlessgabars (serfs) who wereabusedand brutallyexploited.. Fourth, in terms ofpolitical POWeI', the Amhara elite monopolized the state power in its owninterestandbenefit forperpetuating the subjugation of the Oromo up to 1991.

Systematic efforts weremade to destroy the Oromodemocratic institution-. the Gada system Menelik abolished the chafe assemblyl63 The chafeassembly was the Oromo parliament which dealt with matters of highestimportance, themakingof laws,the declaration ofwar andthe conclusion ofpeace. Onceelection to Oromo political offices andthe gathering ofthe chafeassemblywereabolished, the Gada systemappearedto the Ethiopianrulingclass to have lost the raisond'etre (reasonfor existence) This is addressed inthe following short movingpoem by a contemporary oral poet who depictswhat happenedto the Oromoin Gullalleeafter they weredefeatedby one ofMenelik'sgenerals

Inxooxxoo daabatanicaffeegadlaaluun hafeFinfinnee loongeessanihora obaasuunhafeTulluu Daalattirrattiyaa'iinGullallee hafeGafarsattidabraniqoraancabsuunis hafeHurufa Bombirrattijabbileeyaasuunhafebarajarri dufaniloonteennasindurnaniidda Masasaandufebirmadummaanis hafe

142

No more standingon Intoto,to look downat the pasture below,No more taking cattle to Finfinnee,to water at the mineralspring.No more gatheringon TulluuDaalatti,wherethe Gullallee assembly used to meet,No more goingbeyondGafarsa,to chop firewood,No more taking calvesto the meadow of'Hurufa Bombi.Theyear the enemycame,our cattlewereconsumedSinceMasasaa'f"came,freedomhas vanished,lOS

A Short HistoryofOrama ColonialExperience 1870's-1990's

This means after their conquestthe Gullallee Oromolost their freedom ofmovement, their chafe assemblywas abolished,and their cattle were looted.Menelik's attack did not stop with the Gada system, which the Ethiopianruling class perceived as an important Oromo political institntion It wasextended even to traditional Oromoreligion.

By 1900 Menelikhad evenbanned the famous Oromopilgrimage to theland ofAbba Muda. l 66 By banningthe pilgrimage, Menelikwasattemptingtodestroythe unityand oneness ofthe Oromonation167 AbbaMuda (''the fatherto whom pilgrimageis due")was the OromospiritnaI leaderwho lived in theregion of Bale and Sidamoprovinces. Before Menelik officiallybanned thepilgrimage, Oromopilgrimsknown as Jila went to the land ofAbbaMuddafrom all corners ofOromia Through thepilgrimagetoAbbaMuda, Oromo inthe Hom of Africa,from the Somaliborder in the Eastto the Sudanborder inthe West, from Wallo and Tigray in the North to Kenya in the South,maintained contact with their spiritual father and with one another Theirregular pilgrimages to the land ofAbba Muda served as the focal point fortheir spirit of unity and oneness

Menelikand his successors justified theircrimes againstthe Oromonation,its cultural institutions, on what they called the mission to civilize thebarbarianGallas.!6S Thedestruction ofthe Oromocultwalheritage, the lootingand burning of Oromopropertywere undertakenin the name of a "civilizingmission". Thegabar system (serfdom) and slavery were maintained in thename of a "civilizingmission" The Ethiopian colonialruling class not oulyinvented the myth ofcivilizing the Gallas,but also elevatedit to the plane ofstate ideology which was uncritically repeated in the name of scholarship"The Galla had nothing to contribute to the civilization of Ethiopia; theypossessed no materialor intellectnaI cultureand their socialorganizationwasat a far lowerstage of development than ofthe populationamongwhomtheysettled"l69 Thesewordswritten in 1960by a well-known scholar,demonstratethat some foreign scholars who studied Ethiopia used the Ethiopian rulingelites' prejudice against the Oromo as a cover for their own and took on theperceptions of the Ethiopian rulers, and those perceptions were profoundlyanti-Oromo 170

For Menelik and the ruling class he headed, Oromo achievements in thefield of agriculture, industry, commerce'?' and, above all, in the field of

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democratic political institutions, were all categorized under the label of"barbarism." However, in reality, the charge of Oromo barbarism was aperverted colonial invention whichwas intended not onlyto denigrate Oromocultural achievements but also to hide the crimes the Ethiopian rulerscommittedagainst the Oromopeople. The fact that, on the eve ofMenelik'sconquest and colonization, the Oromo and Abyssinian societies were at asimilarstageofmaterial culturewasbrushedasideor denied. The filetthat theproducts of Oromosocietymet some ofthe needs ofAbyssinian societyandentirely furnished its foreign trade'? was brushed aside or ignoredNotwithstandingthe achievements ofOromo society,on the eve ofconquestand colonization, the myth of "Oromo barbarism" had to be fabricatedifthecrimesofthe Ethiopianluling class were to be hidden.. Thus, the "missiontocivilize the barbarian Galla" was a euphemism for the Ethiopian rulers' plunderof Oromo property, and their wanton destruction Menelik's colonialismbrought nothingbut destruction to Oromia It had nothingto offer in the wayofsocialprogress As Evelyn Waugh,a Britishwriterwho visitedEthiopiaasa journalist, observed in the 1930s, "[t]he Abyssinians had nothing to givetheir subject people, and nothing to teach them. Theybrought no crafts orknowledge, no new system of agriculture, drainage or road making, nomedicine or hygiene, no higherpoliticalorganization, no superiority except intheirmagazineriflesand belts ofcartridges Theybuiltnothing,. dirty, idleand domineering, burning timber,devouring crops, taxing the meagerstreamofcommerce that seepedin from outside, enslavingthe people ,,173

In Oromia, Ethiopian colonialism was built on twin pillars: the gabarsystem (serfdom) and slavery. The wealth created by the labor of Oromogabars constituted the backboneofEthiopia's economy. The overwhelmingmajority of Ethiopia's export items were produced in Oromia Most of theexpenses of the Ethiopian government were met by products and taxationraised from Oromo territory.. And yet the Oromo gabars did not have anyrecourseagainst the excessesof arrogantmasters.'?' Whatis more,observershave reported that when governorsand their followers weretransferred fromone region to another, they carried away with them their private gabars inchains175 In this sense, it is difficult to distingnish gabars as any differentfrom slaves.

This brings me to the question of slavery as the second pillar of ShawnAmbara colonialism It must be said that slavery existed in the region long

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before Menelikcreated his colonialempire. However, during his long reigo,slavery and the slave trade increased exponentially. This was for severalreasons. First and foremost, Menelik's war of conquestand continued raids insouthern Ethiopia "yielded thousands of captives for the emperor and hisgenerals ,,176 Second, and equallyimportant, Menelik was AEthiopia's greatestslave entrepreneurand receivedthe bulk of the proceeds. ,,1n Third, Menelik,the Cluistian Kingof Shawa (1865-1889) was the great sponsor ofthe slavetrade, who collecteda tax of two or 3 Maria Theresa Thalers pet' head forslaves sold in the market ofRogge!" Fourth, some ofhis own generals andsoldiers were slavers who depopulated a number of areas179 Fifth, whilepassing a number of proclamations abolishing the slave trade, Meneliktogetherwithhis wife,werethe richestslaveownersin the empirepossessingsome 70,000 domestic slaves at the beginning of the twentieth century 180

Finally, it has been said that "Menelik maintained slavery in colonies as ameans of makingthe conquered subjectspay by their labour all the expensesof his wars of aggression against them Second,Menelik used slavery as amethod of evangelismto teach his captive aremouyan (pagans) Christianvirtueand divinelove. Third,Menelik issueda seriesofproclamations againstthe slavetrade,whilehe maintained slavery as a meansofwar reparations andevangelism nISI

The Ethiopiancolonial rulingclassheadedby EmperorMenelikdevelopeda unique skill at deceiving and flattering foreigners with proclamations,promisingto abolishthe slavetrade withoutthe intentionofstoppingit Suchgestureswereintended to mislead foreign critics. ''Trickingthe European wasa nationalcraft, evading issues,promising withoutthe intentionof fulfillment,tricking the paid foreign advisors, trickingthe legations,tricking the visitinginternational committeesBthese were the ways by which Abyssinians hadsurvivedand proSpered"l82 Menelikdied in 1913, leavingbehind an empirebuiltupon the gabar systemand slavery. Inthe early 1920s whenthe LeagneofNationsbombardedEthiopiawith a barrageofcriticismfor the widespreadpractice ofslavery and the slave trade (thejoint successorswhodeposedLejIyasuin 1916)EmpressZewdituand Regent Ieferi (thefuture EmperorHaileSellassie)issuedthe following proclamation whichjustified the enslavementof the conqueredpeople, saying, that "let none sell or buy a man as a slave,and sincethen many othersuchlike proclamations have beenmade, The cause

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ofthese proclamations andthe reasonwhysomemenweredeclared slaveswasthat certain nations were at war with us, and this had caused money to [bespent] which these nations had to repay with their labour"l83

This quotationmakes it clearthat tenyears afterthe death ofMenelik,thecolonizedpeoples of southern Ethiopia were still paying with their labor fortheir own defeat and subjugation. As colonial subjects, the Oromo weresubjected to total domination in every aspect of life -- economic, political,social, cultural and religious. In a fertile land, they were doomed to live inabject poverty, under a crude system, inherently corrupt and incapable ofimprovingtheir lot In 1935 a Britishdiplomathad the following to say aboutEthiopian officialswho still practiced slavery: "As their appearance andmanners, their useless grandiloquent promises of future reforms and theirinability to tell the simplest truth, will completely deceive any Europeanwhohas not seen these same officials in their natural habitat. surrounded byslavery, corruption, intrigue and petty rascality such as ouly these sameofficialscan practice, whileprofessingvirtue from the Emperordownward."l'"

Finally, the twin pillars of ShawanAmhara colonial administration wereabolished duringthe short-livedperiod ofltalian occupationofEthiopia.. Parttwo of this articlewill coverthe Oromo colonial experiencefrom 1935 to the1990s Here it is adequateto mentionthat sincethe 1930s governments havechanged several times in Ethiopia Leadershave changed. Colonialpolicieshave changed Theideologies ofthe rulingeliteshave changed However, theOromo colonialexperience has continuedto this day In fact starting in theearly 1990s Oromo have again experiencedthe replacement of one form ofcolonial policy by another Leenco Lata observes that "[t]he emergingTigrayan colonial policyresembles the British policy of {indirect] rule to thesame extent that the one pursued by its predecessors used to approximate tothe French .. policy of assimilation The manners in which resources aresiphoned off from the colonial southern regions for the speedy developmentof Tigray makes the new relationevenmore glaringlycolonialthan what usedto prevail ,,185

Endnotes

I Among others see Mekuria Bulcha's "The Language Policies ofEthiopian

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Regimes and the History of WrittenAfaan Oromoo: 1844-1994," The Journal ojOromo Studies, Vol 1 Number 2 (1994): 91-115

2. See for instance, recola W Hagos, Democratization: Ethiopia (1991-1 994)? APersonal View (Cambridge,MA: Khepera, 1995): 27

3 Mobannned Hassen,"Ethiopia:Missed Opportnnitiesfor Peaceful DemocraticProcess," State Building and Democratization in Africa Faith, Hope, andRealities edited by Kidane Mengisteab and Cyril Daddieh (Westport, ConnecticutPraeger, 1999): 234.

4. Ibid, 4

5.. Professor AsmaromKidane, see "VisitEthiopia on the Web at URL; httpp: ll/www Ethiopians Com 9-30-1998, p 7

6 Daniell. Elazar, Exploring Federalism (Tuscaloosa:Universityof AlabamaPress, 1987): 5

7. MohammedHassen, "TheMilitarizationof the Ethiopian State and the Oromo"Proceedings of5th International Conference on the Horn ojAfrica, May 26-28,1990, (New York,New York, 1991), p. 100

8.. See for instance,Zewade Gebra Sellassie, Yohannes IVofEthiopia A PoliticalBiography, (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1975),288

9 Andreas Esbete, "TheProblems of Regionalismand Religion: Some TheoreticalConsiderations," Challenge: Journal ofthe World-Wide Union ofEthiopianStudents, vol. X, no I (1970): 15. In the same issue, see alsoHagos G. Yesus's"Problemof Regionalismin Ethiopia",p.. 22.

10 AliA &Alamin M Mazrui, The PowerofBabel Language & Governance inthe Africa Experience, (Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1998): 34, citingSemusDeane, in Nationalism and Colonialism and Literature, Eds TerryEagleton et al (Minneapolis: Universityof MinnesotaPress, 1990): 10

11 . See for instance,Abiyu Geleta, "The OromoPeople's Right to Selfdeterminationand the InternationalLaw,"Proceedings ofEleventh AnnualConference ojOromo Studies Association (Universityof Minnesota,Minneapois,August 9-10, 1997): 23

12.. Bonnie K Holcomband Sisai Ibssa, The Invention ojEthiopia The Making ofa Dependent Colonial State in Northeast Africa, (Trenton,NJ: The Red Sea Press,1990): 11-12

13. MohammedHassen, "Menelik'sConquestof Harar, 1887, and its Effecton the

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Political Organizationof the SurroundingOromoup to 1900," Working Papers onSociety andHistory in Imperial Ethiopia. The Southern Peripheryfrom the I880sto 1974, ed DL Donham and WendyJames (Cambridge: African Studies Centre,1980): 237

14 Mazrui, The Power a/Babel, p 58, Working Papers on Society andHistory inImperial Ethiopia; The Southern Peripheryfrom the 1880s to 1974, edited byDL Donham and WendyJames (Cambridge: African Studies centre, 1980): 237.

15. MohammedHassen, "TheMilitarizationof the Ethiopian State and the Oromo,"p 94.

16 Gebru Iareke,Ethiopia; POWe1 andProtest Peasant Revolts in the TwentiethCentury, (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress, 1991): 72.

17 Ibid,p 71

18 GeraldPortal, My Mission to Abyssinia(London.Edward Arnold, 1892): 240Quoted in I eshale I ibebu, The Making ofModem Ethiopia 1896-1974,(Lawrenceville, NJ: TheRed Sea Press,1995): xix

19 Heory Duflon,Narrative ojA Journey Through Abyssinia in 1862-3, (WestPort, Conn.., Negro UuiversityPress, 1970 reprint from 1867 publication): 92Quoted in Tibebu, ibid., xix-xx

20. Ihe British diplomatEN. Erskine, in a letterto the Foreign Office in 1935/36F0371150506 HN09582.

21 E Waugh, Waugh in Abyssinia, (London: Methuen, 1984, reprint): 25-26

22. I eshale I ibebu, The Making ofModem Ethiopia 1896-1974, (Lawrenceville,NJ: IheRed Sea Press, 1995): 39.

23. Ibid, 40

24.. Iibebu, ibid., 45

25. AddisHiwet, Ethiopiafrom Autocracy to Revolution (London: Review ojAfrican Political Economy, 1975): 3

26. Ibid, 4

27. For the copy of the originalAmharicletter, see British Public Record,F095n51. Ihe quoted translationis by Abdul Mejid Hussein, "TheEthiopianSudaneseBoundary: A Study in HistoricalandPolitical Geography," PhDUniversityofLondon, 1981, Vol. I, Appendix I(a): 454 For a copy of the Amharicoriginal,see Appendix I(b): 456-457

28 Ibid, It is important to note here that in the 1880s and 1890s Menelik and his

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top Europeanadvisorsbelievedthat Oromoterritorywas much larger than itactuallywas.

29 MohammedHassen, "EritreanIndependence andDemocracyin the Horn ofAfrica," in Eritrea AndEthiopia From Conflict To Cooperation, ed Amare Tekle,(lawrenceville, NJ: TheRed Sea Press, 1994): 106

30 MohammedHassen, "Ethiopia: Missed Opportunities for PeacefulDemocraticProcess,"in State Building andDemocratization in Africa..... , 255.

31. MohammedHassen, "TheDevelopmentof OromoNationalism," Being andBecoming Oromo: Historical andAnthropological Inquiries, ed byP.LWBaxter, Jan Hultin andAlessandro I riu1zi, (Uppsala:Nordiska: Africa Institute,1996): 80

32 Hiwet, Ibid, I

33 See for instance,BonnieHolcomband Siasi Ibssa, The Invention ofEthiopiaThe Making ofa Dependent Colonial State in NortheastAfrica, chapter 3..

34 See for instance,EdwardUllendorff, The Ethiopians: An Introduction toCountry andPeople, (london: OxfordUniversityPress, 1%0): 73

35.. MohammedHassen,The Oromo ojEthiopia. A History 1570-1860,(Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1990), 1-2

36. Darrel Bates, The Abyssinian Difficulty: The Emperor Theodorius and theMagdala Campaign, (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1979),7

37. FeyissaDernie, "Ihe Origin of the Oromo: A Reconstruetion ofthe theoryofthe CushiticRoots," The Journal ofOromo Studies, VoL 5, Nos. I & 2 (July1998): ISS

38 Muria Bulcha, "Checkered Contributions of OromoLiteracy: Ihe WritingsofOnesimosNasib and the AdventofModernEducationin Oromoland,"Proceedings ofthe Conference on the Oromo Nation held at YorkUniversityinloronto, Canada,August4-5, 1990, edited byBichakaFayissa. Murfreesboro:Middle TennesseeStateUniversity, 1991,51

39 Gene Gragg,Oromo Dictionary, (East Lansing, Michigan: MichiganStateUniversityPress, 1982), "Introduction.," xvi

40 MekuriaBulcha, "Language, EthnicIdentity andNationalismin Ethiopia," TheOromo Commentary, vol ill, no I (J993): 8

4L Iokkumma Oromoo, "TheGrowth of OromoNationalism," Waldhans-so:Journal ofthe Union ofOromo in North America, (Washington, DC) vol XII, no

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2 (1988): 54

42 J. 1. Krapf, Travels andResearch in East Africa, (London: Frank Cass andCo, Ltd., 1860), 72

43. Paul Baxter, "IheProblemofthe Oromo or the Problem for the Oromo?"Nationalism and Self-Determination in the Hom ofAfrica, edited by I M. Lewis,(London: Ithaca Press, 1983), 129-130

44. Surprisinglymost ofAmharic newspapers and magazinesstiII refer to Oromiasimply as Region 4. It appears that the Amhara elites have not yet accepted thereality that Oromia will remain permanentname of Oromo country

45. Asafa Jalata, Oromia and Ethiopia; State Formation andEthnonationalConflict, 1868-1992

46. Antoine d'Abbadie lived in the OromoKingdomofLimmu-Enarya between1843 and 1846.

47. Antoine d'Abbadie, "Sur la Oromo Grande Nation Africaine," Annales de 10Societe Scientifique de Bruxelles, vol IV (1880): 167-192

48. H S. Landor,Across Widest Africa; An Account ofthe Country and thePeople ofEastern Central and WesternAfrica, as Seen During a Twelve Months'Journeyfrom Djibouti to Cape Verde, (London, 1907), 120-121

49 Mohammed Hassen, The Oromo ofEthiopia A History 1570-1860, p. 2

50. C.I Beke," On the Countries South of Abyssinia," Journal ofthe RoyalGeographical Society, 13 (1843): 258-59

51 C.L Beke,Letters on the Commerce ofAbyssinia and Other Parts ofEasternAfrica Addressed to the Foreign Office and the Board ofTrade, (London: 1852):15

52 HusseinAhmed, "Clerics, Iraders and Chiefs: A Historical Study oflslam inWallo (Ethiopia) with Special Emphasis on the Nineteenth Century," PhDdissertation, UniversityofBirmingham, England, 1986,268-272

53. Mohammed Hassen, "Islam asa Resistance IdeologyAmong the Oromo ofEthiopia: Ihe Wallo Case, 1700-1900,' In the Shadow ofConquest Islam inColonial Northeast Africa, ed. by Said S. Samatar (Irenton, New Jersey: Ihe RedSeaPress, 1992): 84

54 On the Gibe states see,MohammedHassen, The Oromo ofEthiopia A History1570-1860 Chapter3,pp.. 93-113.

55. Max GruehI, The Citadel ofEthiopia the Empire ofthe Divine Emperor,translated by IF D. Marron andL. M. Sieveking, (London, 1932), 166

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56 Mohammed Hassen, The Drama ofEthiopia, 196

57. Asmarom Legesse, "OromoDemocracy" a paper presented at the Oromostudies AssociationAnnual Conference, Toronto, Canada, Angust 12-13, 1989, p7.. I am indebted to the author for givingme a copy of this paper.

58..Legesse, Ibid, 1-2 See also his Gada Three Approaches to the Study ofAfrican Society, (London: Free Press MacMillanLimited, 1973): 8

59. See for instance,MohammedHassen, The Oromo ofEthiopia A History 1.570I860 pp. 94-96, 152-53

60 For literature on the Gada systemamong others, see 1) AsmaromLegesse,Gada. Three Approaches to the Study African Society 2) E Haberland, GallaSud-Athiopiens (Stuttgart: 1963). 3) K E Knutsson,Authority and Change: AStudy ofthe Kallu Institution among the Matcha Galla ofEthiopia,(Gothenburg:1967).4) E Cerulli,Folk I iterature ofthe Galla ofSouthern Abyssinia (HarvardAfiican Studies 3, 1922), 5. G WE. Huntingford, The Galla ofEthiopia : TheKingdom, ofKaffa andJanjero, (London: 1955) 6 Paul Baxter, "BoranAge-Setand Generation-Sets: Gada, a Puzzle or aMaze?" in Age, Generation and Time:Some Feature' ofEast African Age Organisations, edited byP I.W.. Baxter andUri Almagor, (London: C Hurst & Company, 1978): 151-182

61 Martial de Salviac, Unpeuple antique au pays de Menelik: Les Galla,Grande Nation Ajricaine, (paris: H Oudin, 1901): 190-191.

62 MohammedHassen, The Oromo ofEthiopia: A History, pp 14-15.

63 Richard Greenfieldand MohammedHassen, "Interpretationof OromoNationality," Horn ofAfrica, vol 3, no. 3 (1981): 5

64. Quoted in MohammedHassen,The Oromo ofEthiopia p.. 15, from de Salviac,Les Galla, pp 188-89

65. Mohammed Hassen, "IraditioualMethods of ConflictResolutionAmong theOromo" The Drama Commentary Bulletinfor Critical Analysis ofCurrentAffairs in the Horn ofAfrica, Vol 1,Number 1 (1991): 19

66 VirginiaLuling, "Government and Social ControlAmong SomePeoples of theHom of Africa," M A Thesis, Universityof London, 1966, 87

67. AsmaromLegesse, "OromoDemocracy," p. 11.

68 MohammedHassen, "1raditionalMethods of ConflictResolutionAmong theOromo," The Oromo Commentary, vol I, no 1(1991): 19-20

69 MohammedHassen," Iraditional Methodsof ConflictResolutionAmongthe

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Oromo,"The Oromo Commentary, p21

70 MordechaiAbir, Ethiopia: The Era OfThe Princes The Challenge ofIslamand the Re-unification ofthe Christian Empire 1769-1855, (New York:FrederickA Praeger, Publishers, 1968) See chapters II, V and VI

71 MohammedHassen, 'The Oromo of Ethiopia, 1500-1850: With SpecialEmphasis on the Gibe Region," Ph D dissertation,Universityof London, 1983,158-160,250

72.M De Almeida, "TheHistory ofHigh Ethiopia or Abassia," in Some RecordsofEthiopia /593-1646, trans & ed by C. F.. Beckinghamand G.. W. BHuntingford (London: HakluytSociety, 1954), 136-137

73 Afrique Memoires et Documents Abyssinie 1838a, 1850 Archivesdes AffairsEtrangers,Folio 231 See also A I. A Gem 16A IndiaOfficeRecords,KrapfsLetterof3 July1840 fromAnkober,Folio 127-133.

74.BonnieHolcomb and Sisai Ibssa, The Invention ofEthiopia, p .83.

75. See for example, The Journals ofC. W Isenberg andJL .. Krapf, (London:1968): 197

76 Ibid, 251

77. AfriqueMernoireset DocumentsAbyssinie 1838A, 1850, ArchivesdesAffairesEtrangers, no. folio,281.. See also A I A Gen. 16A India OfficeRecordsKrapfs letter ofJuly 3, 1840 from Ankober folio, 127-133

78. The Journal ofIsenberg and Krapf, p 344

79 MohammedHassen and Richard Greenfield, " The OromoAnd Its ResistanceTo Arnhara ColonialAdministration" in Proceedings ofThe First IntemationalCongress ojSomali Studies, eds, HusseinM Adam and Charles1. Geshekter(Atlanta: ScholarsPress, 1992): 550

80 W. C. Harris, The Highlands ofAethiopia, Vol ill (London: Longmans,1844),191

81 Ibid

82. S Rubenson,The Survival ofEthiopia's Independence, (London: Heineman,1976): 145

83 Cited in GetahunD.elibo, "EmperorMenelik'sEthiopia, 1865-1916: NationalUnificationor Arnhara CommunalDomination?" PhD. dissertation,HowardUniversity, 1974,32..

84 Ed Simone, "Ihe ArnharaMilitary Expeditions againstthe Shawa Galla (18001850): A Reappraisal,"Proceedings ofthe First United State, Conference on

152

A Short History ofOromo Colonial Experience 1870's-1990 's

Ethiopian Studies, edited byHaroldG Marcus, (East Lansing: MichiganStateUniversity, 1973), 138

85 HusseinAhmed, Ibid, 331 See also DonaldCrummey, "Tewodros asReformerand Modernizer," Journal ojAfrican History vol 10, no 3 (1969): 466467

86 HusseinAhmed, Ibid, 329

87. J S Irimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, (London: OxfordUniversity Press,1952),118

88 M Abir, Ethiopia: The Era ojthe Princes, The Challenge afLslam and theReunification of the Christian Empire J769-J855, (London: FrederickA Praeger,1968), see Chapter VII

89 Paul Baxter, Ibid, 288

90 Mohammed Hassen, "Islam as a ResistanceIdeology amongthe OromoofEthiopia " Ibid, 89

91. Richard Greenfield andMohammed Hassen,"Interpretation of OromoNationality," Ibid, 8

92 It has been correctly said that Tewodros' anti-Oromo stancesurvivedto his lastbreath of life "Atthe last minuteof his lifeTewodrosreleased all the prisoners inMagdelaexcept the Walloand ShawaOromonumberingabout 1,000 He killedall the Oromoprisoners,not even a singleperson escaped his massacre. "Waldhansso: Journal ofthe Unton ofOromo Students in North America, vol 3,no. 3 (1979): 19-20

93. HusseinAhmed, Ibid, 333 See alsoDonald Crummey, "TheViolenceofTewodros," War and Society in Africa, ed by A Ogot (London: Longman, 1972),68

94. Waldhansso, Ibid

95 MohammedHassen, "Islam as an Ideology ofResistance," Ibid, 91

% GetahunDelibo,Ibid, 35

97 SidneyWaldron, "SocialOrganization and SocialControlin the WalledCityofHarar, Ethiopia" Ph.d dissertation, ColumbiaUniversity, 1975. See also his articleon" The PoliticalEconomy of'Harari-Oromo Relations, 1559-1874" NortheastAfrican Studies, vol 6, nos 1,7,2 (1984): 23-39

98 Ewald Wagner, amonghis manyworks, see his " ThreeArabic Documentsonthe HistoryofHarar." JournalofEthiopianstudies,Vol XlI, No. 1(1974): 213-

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222.

99 Camilla Gibb, "Religion, Politics and Gender in Harar, Ethiopia" Ph Ddissertation, University of Oxord, 1996

100 On the history ofthe city ofHarar until about 1600, see Mohammed Hassen,"Ihe Oromo ofEthiopia 1500-1850: With Special Emphasis on the Gibe Region,"24-36, 175-218

101 .Mohannned Hassen, "The Relation Between Harar and the SurroundingOrurno," BA Thesis, Addis Abeba University, 1973, 10-11

102. Ibid See also Richard Caulk, "Hararand Its Neighbors in the NineteenthCentury," Journal ofAfrican History, vol 18, no. 3 (1977): 381

103. Mohammed Hassen, Ibid, 23

104 Muhannned Moktar, "Notes Sur Le Pays de Harar," Bulletin de La SocieteKhediviole de Geographie, (Cairo, 1877): 386-387

105 I aurin de Cahagne, "InDer Umgegena von Harar," Mitteilungen derGeographischen Gesellschaft (fuel' Thuringen) zu Jena, vol. 1 (1882): 81-82;originally appearing as "Auteur d'Harar," Les Missions Catholiques (1882): 244246,261-263,270-271

106 Mohannned Hassen, tu«. 28

107. London Public Record Office, F0403182, Folio 126.

108. Major F M. Hunter, Reports on Somali Land and the Harar Province,Simla, 1885, 69

109. S. Rubenson, The Survival ofEthiopia's Independence, (London: Heinemann,1976),348

110. As a result ofMuhammsd Ahmed's Mahdist uprising, the Egyptian army inthe sudan was defeated in January 1885 and an independent Mahdist state wasformed in the Sudan

11L Zewade Gebra Sellassie, Yohannes IVofEthiopia: APolitical Biography,208

112. Since the fall ofthe Axurnite Kingdom in the middle ofthe 11th century,Yohannes was the first I igrayan to become the Emperor ofhistorical Abyssinia

113 Hussein Ahmed .. , Ibid, 344 See also Harold G Marcus, The Life and TimesofMenelikII Ethiopia 1844-1913, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975), 58

114.. Mohannned Hassen, "Islam as a Resistance Ideology," Ibid, 93

115 Harold Marcus, Ibid, 44.

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116 LordLytton,The Stolen De sert, (London: McDonald, 1966), 160.

117 Asafa Jalata, Oromia andEthiopia, 52

118. Ibid

119. Ibid

120 MohammedHassen and Richard Greenfield, , Ihe Oromo Nation and ItsResistance to Amhara ColonialAdministration,'Proceedings ofthe FirstInternational Congress ofSomali Studies, edited by Hussein M Adam andCharles L Geshekter Atlanta: ScholarsPress, 1992, 563

121. AddisHiwet, Ethiopiafrom Autocracy to Revolution, 4

122 GetahunDelibo,Ibid., 8 I

123 Bairn Tafla,"Ihree Portraits: Ato Asma Giyorgis, Ras GobanaDaci andSahafi I ezaz Gabra Selassie," Journal ofEthiopian Studies, vol. 5, no. 2 (1967):148. See alsoAlessandroTriuIzi, 'The Back-groundto Ras Gobana'sExpeditionto WesternWallagain 1886-1888: A Review of Evidence," Proceedings of theFirst United States Conference on Ethiopian Studies.Ibid., 143-156

124. Max GruehI,Ibid, 182.

125. Bairn Iafla,Ibid

126 Hassen & Greenfield, Ibid., 565

127 Ibid

128. GetahunDelibo,Ibid, 82.

129. Hassen & Greenfield, Ibid., 566

130. AsafaJalata, Oromia andEthiopia, 53

131 .. I am indebtedto 1ameneBitimafor providingme with this poem and severalothers

132 Alessandro IriuIzi, 'Nekemte and Addis Abebe; Dilemmas of ProvincialRule,' The Southern Marches ofImperial Ethiopia, eds DonaldDonham andWendyJames, Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress, 1986, 8 I-82

133 Ibid, 59.

I 34..!bid

135 Iesema Ia'aa, 'The PoliticalEconomyofWestem Central Ethiopia: FromtheMid-I6th to the Early 20th Centuries,' PhD dissertation, Michigan StateUniversity, 1986, 156

155


136. Alessandro Iriulzi, 'Social Protest and Rebellion in Some Gabar Songs fromQellam, Wallaga," Proceedings ofthe Fifth International Conference ofEthiopianStudies, ed Joseph I ubiana, (paris 1980), 178

137 lriulzi, "Nekemteand Addis Abeba," Ibid, 59

138 Czeslaw Jesman, The Russians In Ethiopia, (London: Chalto and Windus),1968,60

139 limothy D. Fernyhough, 'Serfs Slaves and Shefta: Modes ofPtoduction inSouthern Ethiopia from the Late Nineteenth Centuryto 1941,' PhD dissertation,University oflllinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1986, 186

140 R H. Darkwah,Shewa. Menilek and the Ethiopian Empire, (London:Heinemann, 1975), 108

141 Jalata, Ibid, 54

142. A Donaldson Smith, 'Expedition through Somalilandto Lake Rudolf;' TheGeographicalJournalI (1896) 123-127 For detailed description of theconquest ofArsi Oromo, see Abas Haji, 'The History ofArsi: 1880-1935,' BAthesis, Addis Abeba University, 1988, J8-43

143.. Femyhough,Ibid, 185

143. See, for instance, Robin Lukham and Dawit BekeJe,'Foreign Powell; andMilitarism in the Hom of Africa,' Review ofAfrican Political Economy, No 30(1984): 8-20

145 L Fusella (trans.), "Dagma wi Menilek,' Rassegna di Studi Etiopici 18(1961): 37. 1ranslation by Richard Caulk, 'Menelik's Conquest and Local Leadersin Harar," mimeographedpaper, 1976, 2

146 Femyhough, Ibid

147 Getahun Delibo, Ibid., Jl3··114

148 Richard Pankhurst, Economic History ofEthiopia 1800-1935, (Addis Abeba:UniversityPrinting Press, 1968), 105

149 J G. Vanderhaym, Une expedition de Negus Menilik, (New York: NegroUniversity Press, I%9; reprint; Paris: Librairie Vivian, 18%), 186

150 Jrimingham, Ibid, 128-129

151 Ibid

152 MohammedHassen, "Ihe Militarizationof the Ethiopian State and theOromo,"Proceedings of5th International Conference on the Hom ofAfrica,(New York:Marsden Reproductions, Inc., 1991),93

156

A Short History ofDrama Colonial Experience 1870 's-1990 's

153 Abdul Mejid Hussen, "The Political Economy ofthe Ethiopian Famine,'REHAB Drought and Famine in Ethiopia, ed Abdul Mejid Hussen, (London:International African Institute, 1976), 14

154 GetahunDelibo,Ibid, 198-199

155 Hassell, Ibid

156. Delibo,Ibid, 213-214. See also A W Hodson, Seven Years in SouthernAbyssinia, (London: I Fisher Unwin, Ltd., 1927),253

157 Hassell, Ibid, 94

158. E Waugh, Waugh in Abyssinia, (London: Methuen, 1984, [reprint]), 248249

159 Paul Baxter, Ibid, 288

160 Addis Hiwet, Ibid, 4 See also Mohammed H=-, The Oromo ofEthiopia,198-199

161. See for instance, Albert Memme, The Colonizer and the Colonized, translatedfrom the French by Howard Greenfield Boston: Beacon Press, 1967, 106-107

162 Hassen & Greenfield, Ibid, 576

163 See for instance.zlszac Giyorgis andHi' Work History ofthe Galla and theKingdom ofSawa, edited by Bairn 1afla Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag;Wiesbaden GMBH, 1987,134-135

164 Masasaa was one of the generals of Menelik who conquered the Oromo inGullallee

165 I amene Bitima, "On Some Oromo Historical Poems," PaideumaMitteilungen Zur Kulturkunde, 2a (1983): 318-319

166 K Knutsson, Authority and Change: A Study ofthe Kallu Institution amongthe Macho Galla a/Ethiopia, (Goteborg, Etnografiska Museet, 1%7), 147-155.

167 Mohammed Hassell, " Ihe Militarization of the Ethiopian State," ibid., 95

168 Please note that Galla was the name by which the Oromo were known to thenon-Oromo until recently Galla is a term ofinsu1tand abuse which was used bythe Ethiopian ruling elites to belittle the Oromo and denigrate their achievementsThe Oromo do not call themselves Galla and they resist being so called

169 E UIlendorf, The Ethiopians An Introduction to Country and People,(London: Oxford University Press, 1960), 76

170 See discussion in H=-, "Some Aspects ofOromo History Ihat Have Been

157


Misunderstood," The Oromo Commentary, vol. III, no. 2 (1993): 24

171 See for instance, Hassen, The aroma ofEthiopia, 114-150

172. Abir, Ethiopia, 88 See also C 1. Beke, Leiters on the Commerce ojAbyssinia and Other Parts ojEastern Africa addressed to [the British] ForeignOffice and the BoardofTrade, (London, 1852),33

173 Evelyn Waugh, tua, 25-26

174. Delibo, Ibid, 213-214 See also Hodson, Seven Year> in Southern Abyssinia,253

175. Femyhough,Ibid, 181-182 See also H. Darley, Slavery and Ivory inAbyssinia, (London: H F.. & G Witherby, 1926), 130-131.

176 Delibo, Ibid, 213-214 See also Hodson, Seven Year> in SouthernAbyssinia, 253

177. Harold Marcus, The Life and TImes ofMenelik11,73.

I 78 Delibo, Ibid

179. See for instance, R Darley, Ibid, 197-199,201 et passim

180 Parkhurst, Economic History ofEthiopia 1800-1935, 75

181 Delibo, Ibid., 219.

182 Evelyn Waugh, Ibid, 27.

183. Quoted in M. Perham, The Government ofEthiopia, (Chicago: NorthwesternUniversity Press, 1969), 225

184. Ihe British diplomat E. N Erskine, in a letter to theforeign office in 1935/36F0I37I/50506HN09582

185. Leenco Lata, "The Making and Unmaking ofEtbiopia's Iransitional Charter"in Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse The Searcb For Freedom &Democracy ed. by Asafa Jalata (Lawrenceville, NJ: Ihe Red Sea Press, 1998): 74

158

ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF GOLD MINING INOROMIA

Gobena Huluka

Introduction

The future of any nation is dependent on its natural resources Goldis one of themost important natural resources of Oromia, a regional state inEthiopia.. The current Ethiopian government has been selling, renting and/orleasing the land that belongs to the indigenous Oromo and other peoples tomultinational gold mining corporations in the name ofeconomic liberalizationModern gold mining processes involve use of toxic chemicals that are

hazardous for human and animal health Gold mining activities can polluteplant, soil, water and air thatthreaten the habitats and the ecological stabilityof the region The profit driven gold mining activities will do more damagesocially and environmentally to the indigenous peoples than the overalleconomic benefit that can be generated The complex web of development,environmental quality and economic sustainability of the region should becarefully considered before irreversible damages are done as the result ofscramble for Oromia's gold reserves. A chemical time bombwill start tickingas soon as the first chemical treatment takes place to produce gold. Theobjective of this paper is to provide some background information on thestatus of gold mining in Oromia in particular, and to highlight the potentialenvironmental pollution that could be produced from modern gold miningactivities

The Journal ofOromo Studies, Volume 6, Numbers I & 2, pp 159 - 172.

159

Background

According to modem anthropology, Africa is the birthplace of mankindAfrica is also the birthplace ofmining activity. 100 oldest known mine islocated io Swaziland, southernAfrica, thatwas operatedas long ago as 4500years.. ' Africaranks first io the worldio bauxite, chromate, cobalt, diamond,germanium, ferrochromium, fluorspar, gold, flake graphite, manganese,phosphate,platioum, uranium, vanadium, and others 2 It is also the dominantsourceofstrategicmetalssuchas chromium, cobalt,manganese and platioum,and the leading supplier of diamonds, gold, and uranium" These naturalreserves are found io different regions ofthe continent. As the result ofthesereserves, Africa is and for a long time will remaio one of the great miniogareas ofthe world

Ethiopia's mineralresources include gold,platioum,gypsum,nickel,copper; feldspar,iron,manganese, mica,phosphate,potash, sulfur, and otherores 4 Ethiopia was ranked sixth io gold production in Africa after SouthAfrica, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Zaire andZambia for the period of 1976-19855

During this period, Africa produced more than 76 million kg gold andEthiopia's contributionwas 3820 kg. From 1955-1974, Ethiopiaproduced5230 kg ofgold." The currentofficial productionfigurefor gold is about twotons, and it is expected to increasemanyfolds in the comingyears.. 7 Most ofthe gold has been mined by traditional means by crushing and grioding thecore io mills/mortar followed by gravitational separation involving simplepanning or washingto produce a gold-richconcentrate

As many iodigenous people around the world, the Oromos believethat they arephysically connected to theirnaturalenvironment 8 1hey believeio the interdependence of people and their environment for harmonioussymbioticunity. The Oromo traditionalso supports the wiseuse of the land,water, and forest for a sustaioableexistence.. The Oromopeople practiced atraditional democratic system called gada that addressed their judicial,legislative and security needs, and assured participation of iodividuals andcommunities at the grassrootslevelbeforetheir invasion by EmperorMenilekofEthiopia 9 Oromia's relatively "green" landscapecan be atttibuted to thistraditional culture that values the physical environment for sustaioablecoexistence.

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The Scramble for Oromia's Gold

The coalitionof guerrilla fighters that included the Tigrai PeoplesLiberation Front (TPLF), theEritreaPeople Liberation Front (EPLF), and theOromo Liberation Front (OLF) toppled the socialist-oriented militarygovernment of Ethiopia in 1991 The TPLF eventually ended up rulingEthiopia after Eritrea, one of the provinces of Ethiopia, proclaimedindependence in 199310 The TPLF,whichhadprofessedcommunism as itsguidingideology, wasconfronted withthe global decline ofcommunism at theeve ofits victory Theonlylogical choice for TPLFwasto abandon its longheld beliefs and pretend to embrace free market economy principles tomaximizeits ownbenefit Not surprisingly, the government adoptedwhat itproclaims a "free market economy" inorderto privatize the common propertyof the Ethiopian people nationalized during the preceding regime. Theprivatizationactually personalized the common goods for exclusive use ofmainly ethnic Tigrean aristocrats since the government controls the statepowerapparatus andthe economic sectors In addition, the TPLF governmentput all resources ofthe EthiopianEmpire up for sale to the highestbidder inthe nameof a "free marketeconomy."

The TPLF government opened Ethiopia's mining sector to privateinvestorsin 1993, allowing duty-free importsof equipment and repatriationof profits. It also cut miningincome tax to 35 percentfrom 45 percent,andreduced its free equity stake to 2 percent from a ceiling of 10 percent."Ethiopiahas identified potentialgoldreserves of more than 500 tonnes andviewsprospectsfor further discoveries as strong. 12 Ethiopia's government ispinningits hopesonmining as a futuresourceof hardcurrency earnings, nowdominated by coffee

Free market economy or economic liberalization of the TPLFgovernment has attracted many international corporations mainly fromdeveloped countries.. Morethan a dozen international goldmining corporationsoperate in Ethiopiatoday 13 Most of thesecompanies haveminingactivitiesin Oromia For example, the International Roraima won a bid for a 70 km2

land in the Adola GoldBelt, whichis to the southeast of Lags Dembi goldmine that produces 100,000 ounces (3779 kg) per year. I' Also, the SouthAfrican-based Johannesburg Consolidated Investment (ICI) Ltd gainedexclusive rightsto explore inWerseti-Gudba andCharnbi in the Boranaregionof southern Oromia, and in Wallaga, the western Oromia, to explore for

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precious metalsIS TheNational Mining Corporation, ownedby SaudiArabianSheikhMohamed HusseinAI Amoudi, paid $175 million to lease the LagaDembi gold mine for 20 years.16 Thecompanyhas the right to produce andsellgold fromdepositswithinan areaof85 square kill (52.7 squaremiles)ofthe plant, and is expected to increaseoutput five fold from the current threetonnes per year to 15 tonnes

Gold is a non-essential metal; the fewindustrialpurposes for whichgold'scharacteristics are essentialcouldbe met through the recycling ofgoldcoins and bars from what is alreadyavailablein the world market. At least80% ofall gold that is dugout ofthe groundends up esjewelry." Oromia'sgold is used for domesticconsumption and export purposes..

The gold minefields of Orornia belong to the indigenous Oromopeoplewho constituenthalf ofthe Ethiopianpopulationof 60 millionpeople..The TPLF governmentclaims to own all land of the empireby default since

the preceding socialistgovernment nationalized all landby decree. This leavesthe government as the oulypartner of mining companiesfor all agreements,including land appropriation and profit sharing The Tigrean-dominatedgovernmentis willingto exploitthe mininglands that traditionallybelongedto other ethnic groups by selling the land to the highest bidder. Also, thegovernment makes mining very attractive for companies who face strongenvironmental quality standards in developed countries. Most miningagreements are negotiated under great concessions amounting to gunboatdiplomacy

Mining resource colonization is accepted in today's society wheredeveloped countries are the sole source of capital and technology andunderdeveloped governments are simple landlords and guards for peacefultransfer ofwealth.. " This is sometimes termedas nco-colonialism, practicesofgrantinga sort ofindependence withthe covertintentofmaking a liberatedcountry into a client state through economic means. At times, internationalmining companies even raise a mercenary standing army to protect "theirmining fields" andkeep theircompradors andpuppet regimesin power. Thisis onlyan indication ofcomplex problems mostdeveloping countries dealwithon questions of national sovereignty and mining field entitlements. Since1994,more than 70 countries, including 31 in Africa, have changed their lawsto attract foreign investmentin gold mining19

The profit-driven nature of modem mining, accompanied with agovernment eagerto scramble for Orornia's goldat anydollar value, will resultin increased miningactivities Thepandemic spreadofgoldminingin Oromia162

will significantly affect the environment ofthe region. A majorityofOromosare farmers and dependon productiveland. Takingland from these peasantsfor miningpnrposes will decimateindigenous communities with disease andpollution. These local impacts are often excnsed as the price of economicdevelopment. Manycountries bowto the inertiaofthis conventional wisdom,despite growing evidence that exploitation of mineral wealth does notnecessarily convertto regional or national economic progress. All thatglittersis not necessarily gold. In the ethnically polarized Ethiopian Empire, manyoppressed nationalities, including the Oromos, do not benefit from stateincome They are in fact waging guerrilla war with the government fornational self-determination It is easy to imagine whowill get the lion's shareofthe goldminingrevenue, andwho will be leftwith the pollution

GoldMining andPollution

You who have priced 05, you who have removed 05: at what cost?What price the pits where our bones share a single bit of memory,how one centuryturns our deadinto specimens, our history into dust,our survivors into clowns?, MiwokIHopi, Native American TribalElder w

Gold mining generateswastes. Most ores are mined for as little as2% of the real "metal" producing wastes from exploration, extraction,concentrating andrefiningof precious metal." For everyton ofgold the US ..industry produces, it also generatesthree milliontons ofwaste rock" Onpersonal scale, an averagepair ofweddingbands couldmake a 6-foot wide,6-foot deep, 1O-foot long pile of tailings in the happy couple's backyardEquallyimportant is not only amountofwaste generated, but also degreeoftoxicity of the waste. Thewaste containsheavymetals suchas lead, arsenic,nickel, andothersthat areverytoxicfor humans andanimals Modernsciencehas also introduced the use of cyanide for extraction and mercury for theamalgamation of gold, These chemicals are lethally toxic They can alsotravel through air, water and sediments, and contaminate areas manykilometers away from their sources of origin unltindered by nationalboundariesand artificialbarriers

Cyanide Pollution The US Bureau of Mines perfected cyanideheap-leaching three decades ago 23 By spraying a solution of cyanide

163

(cyanidation) over crushedore 'heaped' into open piles,minerscan profitablyextract gold from ores bearing as little as half-a-gram per ton of rock Acyanidesolutionof 1-4 Ib per ton of ore is usually used. The gold is mostlyleachedfromthe ore using a cyanidesolution, and recovered by filtration andzincprecipitation. The waste ofcyanide solution is approximated at three gper ton ofore 2A A simplified chemical equationofgold extraction by cyanideis:

4Au + 8NaCN+2H20 + O2Y4Na[Au(CNhl + 4NaOHgoldamalgam + sodiumcyanide +water+oxygen y cyanide complex+ sodiumhydroxide

2Na[Au(CNhl +Zn Y2Au +Na2Zn(CN)4cyanidecomplex+ zinc)' gold+ cyanidecomplex

Gold is dissolved in sodiumcyanide, and gold will precipitatewhenzinc is addedto the solution Hydrogen cyanidecan be used in combinationand/or instead ofsodiumcyanide, depending on availabilityand cost Sincecyanideis a powerful but non-selective solvent, it also dissolves many toxicheavy elementsthat are present in the local geology. Cyanideis also a toxicchemicalthat causes neurological disorders, thyroiddisease, andother healthproblems. In Nevada (USA), 10,000 animals died between 1986-1991, dueto cyanide solutioningestion25 Deathsof birds, animals and fish are reportedaround the Adola Gold ExplorationEnterprisedue to chemicalpoisoning ofthe localwaterin Oromia." Cyanide is oneofthe main toxic residuals ofgoldmnung

Cyanide can migrate great distances through groundwater asdemonstrated in some Canadiangold mines reported in a study conductedin19892 7 The half-life of sodium cyanide under anaerobic condition isestimated to be 1-2years whilethat of thehydrogen cyanide is about267 daysin the air 28 Soil and sedimentsadsorb insolublecyanidecompoundssuch ascopper and silver salts with the potential to bio-concentrate. The USEnvironmental Protection Agency (EPA) maximum contaminate level forcyanidein drinkingwater is 0..2 parts per million,29

Mercury Pollution Mercury is an effective and very inexpensivereagent to extract gold, About one kg of mercurywill be used for everykg ofgoldproduced,and one kg ofmercurycosts as muchas one g of gold,'" Goldforms amalgam (admixture of metals) upon contact with mercury The164

amalgam is thenvolatilized to liberate gold. About 10%of the mercury usedis evaporated into the atmosphere I ests in severalmining communities inBrazil found that more than 30% of miners examined had mercury levelsabove the World Health Organization's (WHO) tolerable Iimit31 Watersamples analyzed at gold mining areas in Tanzania contained mercuryconcentrations above the WHO maximum concentration Iimit3 2 Similarresults were found in gold mining fields of China33 Mudroch and Clairanalyzed drainage from an old gold mine, whichhad been operatedbetween1860-1930 in Canada, and found that significant amounts of arsenic, mercury,lead,andzincwerecontaminating lakesandrivers nearby34 A comprehensiveanalysis of mercury contamination of ecological systems fromgoldandsilverminingSOUIceS is described by de Lacerda and Salomons 35

Acuteexposure of mercury cancausekidney damage fromshort-termexposures at levelsabovethe maximum contaminant level. Acidification ofa body of water might also increase mercury residues in fish even ifno newinput ofmercuryoccurs, possibly because of lowerpH. LowerpH reducesgrowth and reproduction of fish, increases ventilation rate and membranepermeability, and accelerates the rates of methylation and uptake. It alsoaffects partitioning between sediment and water. The maximum contaminantlevelfor mercury in drinking water is two parts per billion 36

AcidMine Drainage Extreme acid rock drainage is the dominantlong-termenvironmental concern at gold miningfields. Extensive remedialeffortswill be required to minimize weathering anddissolution of unweatheredsulfides andsoluble metalsalts Acid minedrainage is produced whensulfidereacts with air and water to form sulfuric acid which then dissolves othersolids. Dueto leakage from natural discharge pointsandthewide distributionof acid-generating material throughout gold mining sites, it is likely thatnatural contamination adversely affects water quality and habitats. Lead,nickel and arsenic are ouly few of the toxic heavy metals discharged to theenvironment in acidicdrainage

Acidminedrainage has significant effecton soil biota. Soilcontainsextensive populations of microorganisms, such as, bacteria, fimgi, algae,protozoa,nematodes, earthworms, insects and burrowing animals. Manyofthese organisms participate in One of the variousnutrient cycles, which areresponsible for decomposition of organic matterandfixation of atmosphericnitrogen Theseare all essential for themaintenance of soil fertility Miningdrainage usually contains toxic levels of lead, arsenic, nickel, mercury, and

165

other metals that will adversely affect the soil biota population resulting indecreased soil qualityandproductivity

Plant tissue composition can be affected by acid mine drainagePlants arenot completely indiscriminate absorbers of soilmineral ions. Mostof the timemetal ions that are concentrated at a root zone are taken up morereadily Toxic levels of some of the heavy metals mentioned above couldaccumulate in plants,whichthen transferto humans and animalsthroughthefoodweb sincebothhumans andanimals directly or indirectly dependon greenplants. Also toxic level of these metalscan hindernormal plant growth thatwill make mining fields unfit for agricuItoraI activities unless properlyrestored

Health Effects ofLead. Acute lead exposure cancause a variety ofadversehealtheffectsin humans.. 37 At relatively lowlevels of exposure, theseeffectsmay include interference withredbloodcellchemistry, delays in normalphysicaland mental development in babiesand youngchildren, slightdeficitsin the attention span, hearing, and learning abilities of children, and slightincreasesin the blood pressureofsomeadults It appears that someof theseeffects, particularly changes in the levels of certain blood enzymes and inaspects of children's neurobehavioral development, may occur at blood leadlevels so low as to be essentiallywithouta threshold Chroniclead exposureto leadhas beenlinkedto cerebrovascular andkidneydiseasein humans. Leadhas the potential to causecancerfrom a lifetimeexposureat levelsabove themaximumcontaminant level, which is 20 parts per billion in drinkingwateraccording to USEPA'

Health Effects ofNickel. Acuteexposureof nickelhas a potentialtocause health effects at levels above the maximum contaminant levelLong-term acute exposures of nickel mayresult in decreasedbody weight;heart and liver damage; dermatitis, and abnormalities.. 39 The maximumcontaminantlevelof nickel in drinkingwater is 50 parts per billion.4O

Health Effects ofArsenic Chronic ingestionof inorganic arsenictypically results in skin lesions, peripheral neuropathy and anemia. Inorganicarsenicis suspectedof causingcancersof the lung, liver,bladder, kidneyandcolonby ingestion." The level of arsenic in drinking wateraccording USEPAis 50 parts per billion."

Gold Mining and Water Hydraulic miningof gold, performed bydirectinga highvelocityjet of water at an unconsolidated deposit is a recenttechnique that candepletewaterresources. Waterreaches the mining plantbyinterception or diversion of all or part of the waterresources that are available166

for use In the US, gold mining used 4260 liters per tonne of ore or 109

liters/annum43 Use and diversionoflarge quantities of water may result inscarcity of water. New hydraulic technologies can dump billions of tons ofsedimentwaste into local rivers.. Water is also usedfor coolingof equipment,mineral beneficiation, IIansportation, and others Lakes, streams, sea andgroundwater aregeologically connected andpollutantscan easily transfer fromone to the other. The well-being of a given community in underdevelopedcountries likeEthiopia is directlydependent on the quality of water availablein their environment Gold mining can pollute water by introduction ofpollutants. This can result in total or partial unsuitability of water andecological damage of the environment Acid mine drainage, heavy metal,eutrophication and deoxygenation are among the major water pollutionproblemscaused by mining

A Stake in the Future

The existence and the quality of life for the people of Ororuia isinseparable fromthe watertheydrink, the airtheybreatheandlandthey farm.Pollutionfrom gold miningcan significantly affect these natural resourcesSincepreventionofa problemis muchbetter than correctingit, all interested

parties should be concemedabout the scramblefor Oromia's gold. In mostunderdeveloped couutrieslikeEthiopia,governments are the partners as wellas the regulators ofruining companies. This creates a conflict of interest Thegovernment'swishto sharelargerprofits results in very littleorno regulationof miningcompanies. It is also clearthatwhat attracts the miningcompaniesto underdeveloped and developing counties is not ouly the quantity and/orquality of the mineral ores, but their marginofprofit Moneywhich shouldhave been used for cleaningup toxic mining pollutants is very likely to bepocketedby a government that is readyto do anythingfor hard currency, andby mining companies whose ouly interest is to increase profit for thestockholders

The gold greed and genocide are spreadingin manyunderdevelopedanddeveloping couutries. Due to the questfor a highermarginofprofit froma cheap local labor market and the expropriation of local property rightswithoutcompensation, Oromia's peoplehealth andenvironmental qualityarebeing made dispensable The indigenous people should not be madeexpendable or a dollar value used to decide on their fate It is morally

167

indefensible to knowingly exposehwnansto lethal chemicals in orderto makemore profit

Evidence from around the globe shows that the indigenous peoplewho own and live on the land, have kept the waste while governmentrepresentatives and miningcompanies havetaken the profit The profit shouldbe computedouly after the polluted air, waters, and soils are restored to theirpre-mining conditions. Since restoration, rehabilitation, and reclamation ofmining fields are expensive, the scramble for mining in underdevelopedcountries like Ethiopia will continue until the indigenous people of eachlocalitypress for their right to liveand workin unpolluted environment, whichis a basic humanright

Grassroots challenges of mining companies by environmentalmovements areflourishing around the globe.. For example, the NigerianOgonipeople and other indigenous communities in the Niger Delta led by activistKen Saro Wiwa, did manage to get the attention of the internationalcommunitywhenthey protestedShell Oil Company's environmental genocideactivities" Unfortunately the Nigerian junta arrested the protesters, andexecutedKen Saro Wiwa and eight others against internationalpleas. Whendictators rule, the voiceless can only speak through death to protestenvironment abuses. One of the greatest problems of Ethiopia today isnational oppression, not necessarily mining, technology and industry whichwhen properly managed are indispensablefor better quality of life all peoplein Ethiopia

A great deal is at stake for the future. Oromia's tropical ecosystemis fragile. Disturbances from mining activities can result in a disastrousecological imbalance and land fragmentation Therefore, sustainabledevelopmentshould be given priority as opposed to mining dependencyon aresource that would be depleted within a short period of time. The futurebelongs to those people who care for their environment, wisely utilize theirnatural resources, and value the well-being ofall habitats in the ecosystem Itis not too late in Oromia to address someofthe basic problems that could beinduced by mining activities. This concern has forced the Oromo StudiesAssociation(OSA)to writea protest letterto the EthiopianMinistryofMines,with copies to many government representatives and environmentalmovements (see Endnote) in order to avert the catastrophic environmentalcrisis that would necessarily follow reckless mining activities" The OSAhighlighted the major environmental concerns in Oromia, and suggestedalternatives that can be mutuallybeneficialto all interestedparties.

168

Concluding Remarks

Underdeveloped and developing countries with very little or noenvironmental lawshavebecome a Meccaforgoldmining companies Today'sEthiopiais ethnically polarizedand for practicalpurposes run by the TPLFwho benefits from state revenues for the exclusive development of TigrayTherefore, is not difficult to imagine who will get hard currency fordevelopment andwhowill be leftwithmining pollution for long suffering andslowdeathsincepollution from Oromia'sgoldmining fieldscankill humans,animals and plants, and poison rivers and soils. Environmental genocideand/or terrorism can be replacedby environment justice if the governmentwhich assumed full responsibility in managing mining activities, devisesinternationally acceptable and enforceable mining and environmentalprotectionlawsthat protect the habitats andecology of the region

The indigenous people and their political organizations cannotreasonably expect such an important issue to be addressed by the samegovernment "no benefits fromthe exploitation of theirresources. Therefore,theenvironmental issuesfacing the Ororno people should be part of the overallstruggle for self-determination There are many balanced sustainabledevelopment mechanisms that are morally, socially and economically soundif thepeoplewhoaredirectly affected aregiventhe chance to decide freely ontheir political and economic future including miningactivities, developmentandnatural resource management

Endnote

The tenpoints raised by theOrorno Study Association were: (l) Initiate properscrutiny of mining companies operating in Ethiopia, and demand that theyprovidetheir codes of conducts, environmental and bio-diversity protectionguidelines, insurance backups, and independent reviews of environmentalperformance; (2) Affirm a plan for reclamation, rehabilitation, anddecommissioning of mined lands, (3) Create the means of providing freeinformation on healthimpacts of mining waste,andeducate the peopleaboutconsequences of exposure to hazardous wasteincluding the impactof miningon the local geography; (4) Require mining companies to abide byenvironmental regulations for waste disposal, victim compensation, and

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corporate responsibility; (5) Establish an independent environmentalmonitoring agency that will evaluate confoonance with adopted handling anddisposalregulations. Theagency wouldalsoassessproblems associated withhazardous waste disposal in Ethiopia to account for accurate quantities ofdisposed mercury, cyanide, etc., and their impacts on regionalJIocalenvironment and population; (6) Update environmental regulatory controlprocedures, establish effective environmental quality controlpolicies, adoptinternational laws and gnidelines on miningand its unsafe by-products; (7)Replace all acutely hazardous chemicals immediately with less hazardous andmoreenvironmentally friendly chemicals for mining; (8) Providefree accessto hazardous wastemanagement information (right to know)to all interestedcitizens and agencies; (9) Allocate a reasonable bond deposited in anindependentIy owned bankforrehabilitation of the land,andto coverpotentialre-mediation, compensate for human exposure, air, water and sedimentcontamination; and, (10) Promote public understanding and involvement inplanningand implementing programs and proposedactions

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28 Korte, F. and Frederick Coulson 1998 Ibid29. De Zuane, I 1990 Handbook Drinking Water Quality: Standards and

Control Van Nostrand Reinhold, New York30 Korte,F. and Frederick Coulson 1998 Ibid31 Branches, FJ.P, r Erickson, SE Aks, and D 0. Hryhorczuk 1993 The

price ofgold: Mercury in the Amazonia Rain Forest I Clin Toxicol

171

31 :295-30632 Ikingura,JR,MKD MutakyahwaandJ.MJ Kahatano 1997 Mercury

and gold mining in Africa. Water~ Air and Soil Pollution 97:223-23233 Lin Y Guo M Gan W. 1997 Mercury pollutionfrom small gold mines in

China Water, Air~ & Soil Pollution 97 (3-4):233-23934. Mudroch, A., and LA Clair. 1986. Transport ofarsenic and mercuryfrom

gold mining activities through an aquatic system. The Science ofthe TotalEnvironment: 57:205-216.

35 De Lacerda and W Salomons 1998. Mercuryfrom Gold and SilverMining A Chemical Time Bomb? Springer-Verlag, Berlin, Germany

36 Zuane, J 1990 Handbook Drinking Water Quality: Standard. andControl Van Nostrand Reinhold, New YOlk

37. Cook, M, Chappell, W, Hoffinan, R, and Mangione, E Assessment ofblood lead levels in children living in a historic mining and smeltingcommunity. American Journal ofEpidemiology, 137(4): 44 7-455

38 De Zuane.J. 1990 Ibid39. Pickering, QR. Chronic toxicity ofnickel to thefathead minnow. J. Water

Pollu Control Fed. 46:760-76540 De Zuane, J 1990 Ibid41 Bates, Michael N.; Smith, Allan H ; Hopenhsyn-Rich, Claudia

19%. Arsenic Toxicity. American Journal ofEpidemiology 135(5): 462476

42 De Zuane, J 1990 Ibid43. Kaufman,A,andM Nadler 1966 Water Use in the Mineral Industry, US

Burea ofMines, I C 8285 .. Washington, D.C44 Robinson, W L 1997 "The Agoni, the Envirooment,and the Transnational

Corporations," Lecture Presented in Commemoration ofthe Agoni day atUTK, Sponsored by Amnesty International, March 17.

45 OSA 1998 The Oromo Studies Association Newsletter, No 4

172

STRUCTURAL AND WORD STRESS PATTERNS INAFAANOROMO

Tilahun Gamta/Xilaahun Gamtaa

1 Introduction

1..1 Background

Oromia is the largest (600,000 sq. meters) of the so-called fourteenautonomous regions in Ethiopia Oromia's indigenous inhabitants, the Oromopeople,are also the largestethnicgroup,comprising half ofabout 60 millionpopulation of Ethiopia. Theirlanguage, AfaanOromo, is one of the Cushiticgroupoflanguages (e..g. Afar -Saho,Beja, Sidarna, Somali), a branchof theAfro-Asiatic or Harnito-Semitic language family.

1.2 The Purpose of the Study

The majorpurposes of this paper are (a) to show the patterns in whichOromo words or structures are organized, (b) to propose rules forsyllabication; and (c) to presentthe observation of the writerregarding wordstress

1.3 The Importance of the Study

Regarding purpose (a) above, it is believed that afterbeing conclusivelyestablisbed, eachcategoryof a structural patterncouldserveas a template onthe basis of which all the untapped Oromo words canbe compiled, used, andtaught

By focusing attention on one template at a time, it is possible for a

The Journal ofOromo Studies, Volume 6, Number 1&2,pp 173-194,173


lexicographer to produce the words subsumed under that template Forinstauce, on the basis of a evC/CVVC, one of the structwal patterns ofmonosyllabic words, one whoknowsMilan Oromocangeneratemeaningfulwords such as dur (before) andfoon (meat) Of course, a computer,too, canlist an array of both meaningful and nonsense words on the basis of thetemplate evaCVVc. Forexample, whenboth theC's in the evc /CVVCtemplate are"b", it willlist bab, baab, beb, beeb, bib, biib, bob, boob, bub,buab. If the "C" thatfollows "VNY" is "g", however, it will list bag, baag,beg, beeg, big, biig, bog, boog, bug,and buug all of which are nonsensewords in Afaan Oromo Thus,for eachof the 23 consonantsand I0 vowels,a computer willlist a total of5290 (23xl0x23) both meaningful andnonsensewordsbased on the evC/CVVC templatealone Obviously, a lexicographercan easily discard the nonsensewords and save the meaningful ones Thisway, taking a pattern at a time, it is possible to producealmost all the wordsin the language"

Concerning purpose (b), it is useful, especially for teachers ofpronunciation, to know the syllabication/syllabification patterns of thelanguage" In this paper, the dot (.) shows where a word is divided into itsseparate syllables For instauce, the dot between ka and rra (ka.rraev.CCV) indicates that the correct pronunciation ofthis word is to arrest thesyllableka first beforereleasingrra.

With regards to the questionof word stress, i.e. purpose (c), should theprimarystress, written in uppercase letters throughout this paper, fallon thefirst syllable KA or on thesecond, ie RRA? In otherwords, shouldthewordbe pronouncedas KArn or kaRRA? To answerthis andsimilarquestions,an attemptwillbe madeto providesomerules for wordstress However; therules that willbe presented shouldnot be considered conclusive anddefinitiveuntil further research, whichis enhanced by constructive feedback, is done,

1.4 Qubee, i.e. the Oromo Alphabet

Thereare ten vowel soundsandtwenty- threeconsonant sounds in AfaanOromo. These 33 phonemes are always repeatedlypresented in all linguisticrelated papers written by this researcher. This is deliberately done topopularize qubee and at the same time teach those who are determined to

174

Structural and Word Stress Patterns in Afaan Dromo

learn, develop, and Ultimatelyperfect our writing system. It is hoped thatthose Oromos who once upon a time inured themselves to writing in brokenAmharic and have now shifted to writing in botched up English, would beginto realize the importance and the joy of expressing themselves clearly andalmost effortlessly in their own native tongue

The Oromo Alphabet

Phonemes As in Oromo Approximate CommentsA. Vowels English

Equivalenta dafu ( to be such When "a"

soon) occwswordfinally, it ispronouncedschwa.

aa daafuu (panic) farme xebbe (plate) tentee beela (hunger) ache1 bifa(form) sit11 biifuu (spray) seat0 bona (summer) DotBBC

English00 boontuu RoadVOA

(proud) Englishu butii foot

(abduction)uu buutii (snake) fool

B. Consonants

b bakkee (field) bat

175


c

chNot commonword initiallyddhfg(h)V

JkImnny

phqrsshtwx

176

cufnn(shut)

gaalcha (trend)dabaluu (to increase

dhuguu (to drink)fago (far)gaagura (bee hive)(h)obsa (patience)

jajuu (to praise)kutuu(to cut)larna(two)madaa (wound)nafa (body)nyaara (eyebrow)

tapha (play or gameqaru (to sharpen)reeffa (corpse)saba (a lie)shifii (tiny or small)tufuu (to spit)waamuu (to call)xuuxuu (to smoke)

chaindumb

facegunhot

jogkillluckmadnuts

ramsonshaketuftwake

Glottalized,palatal

Glottal stop

Depending on thdialect spoken ,''h'' maor may not bpronounced. e..g(h)ordofuu (to followmay be pronounceeither as "ordofuu" 0

as "hordofuu". In thipaper "(h)V" is used tindicate the two options

As the "n" m thSpanish word "senor"Glottalized, labial stopGlottalized, velar stop

Glotta1ized, dental stop

Structural and Word Stress Patterns in Afaan Drama

y yabbuu (thick) yet

2. Structural or Word Patterns

2.1 Definition

A structureor a word is a unit of language comprising one or more soundsthat can stand independently and make sense. For example, as a verb suffix,"-e" makes sense; it indicates "simple past tense," as in Kaleessa dhufe (Hecameyesterday) But since"-e" cannot stand independentof a verb, it is notconsideredas a structure in this paper

2.2 Abbreviations

C = a single Consonant, as in bilisununaa CVCVCVCCVV (freedom)CC= ConsonantOusters, as in Ib/mm in the wordsjilba CVCCV(knee) andbilisummaa

V = singlevowel,as in (b)ana (b)VCV (me)VV = long vowel,as the aa and the uu (h)aamtuu (b)VVCCV (sickle)

2.3 The Structural Patterns of Monosyllabic Words

In monosyllables, Milan Oromo permits four meaningful, independentstructural patterns indicatedbelow:

2.3,,1 (b)VV B as in (b)oo (yes, i e showing that onehas heard a call). In suchsingle-vowel expressions the vowels are usually long Single-vowelexpressions are very rare in the language

2.3.2 (h)V0 (h)VVC - as in (b)ol (up) or (h)oosh)(take it easy, an expressionused with horses,mules,etc) This is a structurein whicha singleconsonantis precededby a short or a long vowel

2.3.3 CV/CVV B as in ko (mine)or dhaa (for, from)2.3.4 CVC/CVVC B as in kant (which) or foon (meat)

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There are only few monosyllabic structures in the language. Of the wordstallied from every101h page in Oromo-English Dictionary(1989) by TilahunGamta (Addis Ababa, Addis Ababa University Printing Press), only 5 havebeen recorded.. The five are: af, al, oosh, reef, and foon,

Polysyllabic Structures

Polysyllabic structures are by fill the most mnnerous in the language,accounting for 973(97%) of the total 998 words tallied. In the tally, onlystructures made up of syllables ranging from two to five appeared In thelanguage, however, it is possible to come across six- and even seven-syllablestructures such as eveeveveevecvvev qabbaneffachchiisu (causeto rest) and eveeveveeveevcvvev qabbaneffachchisiisu (causesomebody to relieve someone else ofwork). The following two sentences aregiven by way ofillustration:

Situ na qabbaneffachchiise (You are the one who relieved me ofwork soI conld rest)

Situ na qabbaneffachchisiisee? (Are you the one who made somebodyrelieve me?

Of the total 998 structures tallied, 20 are compound words such as eveeveev cal jechchu (to be quiet) and abbaa manaa (husband) The 998structures have been analyzed and classified. For each category ofstructures,one word is given as an example.. For instance, the word al illustrates aVepattern that has appeared three times in the tally This way, all the structurestallied are listed in an ascending order without implying that thelist representsan all-inclusive classification The breakdown of the structures by syllablecomposition is given below. It is hoped that this raw data would be of someinterest at least to those who are lingnistically oriented

178

Structural and WOld Stress Patterns in Afaan Drama

Number of Total andComponents of percentageand Patterns Tallied

One-syllable words

5 (0.50%)

Two-syllable wordsCVCCV dhanna (body) 51CVCCVV bowwaa(clifI) 47CVVCV diina (enemy) 43CVCVV bitaa (left) 41CVCV nama (person) 37CVVCVV buusii (contribution) 30CVVCCVbaanne(ifnot) 21(h)VCCV (h)anga (until) 17(h)VVCVV(h)aaduu (to groan) 12(h)VCCVV (h)wwii (wish) 12(h)VCV (h)ala (out) 9CVVCCV miilla (foot) 9CVVCCVV booyyee (pig) 8(h)VCVV (h)adii (white) 5(h)VCCVC (h)akkas (this way) 5(h)VVCCVV (h)eengee (weed) 5CVCVVC bishaan (water) 4CVVCCVVC millaan (on foot) 2(h)VCVC (h)isin (you, plural) 2CVVCCVC miillas (at that time) 1CVCCVC kurkur (expression for callingdonkey) 1CVCCVVC tokkoon (at one) 1CVCVC bushush (expression of contempt) 1(h)VCVVC isaan (they) 1

179


365( 36,.5%)

Three-syllableWordsCVCCVCW dhimmisuuj to leak) 62CVCVCV galata (gratitude) 47CVCCWCV (hjandhuura (navel) 30CVCVCW gatamaa (a kind of tree) 25CVCVCCW banachchuu (to open for self) 24CWCVCW buusisuu (euse to pour) 22CVCCVCCV dabballe (cadre) 22CVCCVCCW dondhummaa (miserliness) 21CVCWCV galaana (sea) 20CWCCVCW dheekkamuu (to scold) 16(h)VCCVCV (h)angafa (elderchild) 16

CVCCVCW shumburaa (chickpea) 12CVCWCW gabaabaa (short) 11(h)VCCWCV (h)andhuura) (navel) 11(h)VCCVCW (h)andaqii 9CWCVCCW dhaabachchuu (to stand) 9CVCWCCV bitaachcha (left) 9CWCCVCCV dheekkamsa (scolding) 9CVCVCCW misingaa (sorghum) 8CWCVCCW daagujjaa (millet) 7(h)VCVCV (h)alana (this time) 7CVCCWCCW wawwaachchuu (to scream) 7(h)VCWCW (h)adooduu (to go to sleep) 6(h)VCCVCCW (h)addunynyaa (world) 6(h)VCCVCCV (hjanfarro (mustache) 5(h)VCWCCW (h)inaaftuu (jealous) 5CVCCWCW dimbiitii (robin) 5(h)VCVCCW (h)amachchuu (to backbite) 4(h)VCVCCW (h)adurree (cat) 4(h)VCVCW (h)isinii (Is it you?) 3CVCWCCW bitaattii (left-handed) 3

180


CVCCVVCCVV cancaanfuu (twilight) 3(h)VCCVVCCVV (h)akkeessuu (mimic) 2(h)VCCVVCVV (h)akkaataa (situation) 2(h)VCCVCVVC (h)akkanaan (in this way) 2CVVCVCVV taasisuu (causeto fit) 1CVVCVCVV beedarii (thresholdor doorway) 1CVCVCVC banadir (dress) 1(h)VVCVCV (h)iita'u (to swell) 1(h)VCVVCVV (h)akuurii (peanut) 1(h)VCCVVCCVV (h)urgeessaa (a kind of tree) 1(h)VVCCVCCVV (h)oollachchuu (shiver) 1(h)VVCVCCVV (h)iixachchuu (to stretch) 1CVCCVCVC gordoman (beehivestructure) 1CVVCCVCCVV qaallumrnaa (hallucination) 1

464(46.5%)

Four-syllable words

CVCVCCVCVV bececceruu (shred) 9CVCCVCCVVCVV qaqqabsiisuu (makereach) 8CVCCVCVCCVV bayyanachchuu (improve) 7CVCVCVCVV dabalamuu (to be added) 6CVCVVCVCV dabaaqula (pumpkin) 6CVCVCCVVCVV faranqaaquu (be unrurly) 6CVCVCVCCVV garagalchuu (tum upside down) 5CVCCVCCVCCVV dorbobbessuu (causeweals) 5(h)VCCVCVCCV (h)akkanatti (in this way) 5

CVCVVCCVCV foraanfoxe (poor quality) 5CVCCVCVVCVV sirbisiisuu (causeto dance) 4(h)VCCVCVVCVV (h)iddisiisuu (causeto sting) 4CVCCVVCVCCVV bowwaafachchuu (to ache) 4CVCCVVCCVCVV wal'aalchisaa (bafiling) 3(h)VCCVCVCV (h)akkanuma) (as it is) 3

181


(h)VCVVCCVCVV (h)ijaarsisuu (causeto build) 3CVCVCVVCVV mujujaawuu (bother) 3CVCVCVCVV fosoliyaa (kindof beans) 2CVCCVVCVCVV qaxxaamuruu (take a short-cut) 2CVCCVCVVCVV konkolaataa (vehicle) 2CVVCVCCVCCVV diimeffachchuu (makebe red) 2(h)VCCVVCVCVV (h)awwaalamuu (be burried) 2(h)VCCVCVCVV (hjergaramaa (wretched) 2(h)VCCVCVCCVV (hjakkifachchuu ( clear throat) 2(h)VCVCCVCVV (h)amaccaraa (dry twigs) 2(h)VCCVCCVCVV (h)akkessituu (impersonator) 2(h)VCCVVCCVCVV (h)awwaalsisuu (make bury) 2CVCVVCVCCVV galaafachchuu (provision self) 2(h)VCVVCVCV (h)amaamota) (women) 2CVCVCCVVCVV sarandiidaa (wealthy) 2CVVCVCCVVCVV dhaabachchiisuu (makestand) ICVVCCVCCVVCVV dheekkamsiisuu(makescold) 1CVCCVCVCVV gurguramuu (to be sold) 1CVCCVVCVCVV tattaafataa (onewho strives) 1CVCCVCVCVV biskiletii (bicycle) 1CVVCCVCCVCCVV naanneffachchuu(tbink over) 1CVCCVCCVVCCVV sinsinnooftuu (faddy) 1CVCVCCVCCVV safeffachchuu (to be polite) 1(h)VCVVCCVCVV (h)adeemsisaa (diarrhea) 1(h)VCVCCVVCVV (h)akorbaashii (whip) 1

(h)VCVVCVCCV (h)adoolessa (July) 1(h)VCCVCVCVVC (h)akkasumaan (for nothing) ICVCVCVCCVV garagalchaa (bread) 1CVCVVCCVCCVV dunuunfannaa (closingeyes) ICVCCVVCVCVV qaxxaamuraa (short-cut) I(h)VVCVCVVCVV (h)aamaraawuu (be tangled) I(h)VCCVCVCVV hammawayii (giraffe) I(h)VCCVCCVVCCV (h)ambabbeessa(kind of tree) I(h)VCCVCCVVCVV (h)onossaawuu (be rotten) I(h)VCVCCVVCCVV (h)ijibbaachchuu(filil to find) I

182

Strnctural and Word Stress Patterns in Afaan Oromo

(h)vevcvvev (h)isilaama (Muslim) 1(h)VevCVVev (h)isiniina (Monday) 1(h)Vcevcvvcvv (h)issilaalee(anise or dill) 1(h)VCcvvcevccvv (h)urgeeffachchuu(to snifI) 1(h)VVevCCVVCVV (h)iixachchiisuu(makestretch) 1evevcvvccvv mujujeessuu (to stunt) 1(h)VVcevcCVVCVV(h)oollachchiisu(make shiver) 1

139 (14%)

Five-syllable Words

evcevcvvcevcvv konkolaachchisuu (to drive)evevcevcvvcvv bitintiraawuu (stagger)evccvvevccvvcvv bowwaafachchiisuu

(cause headache)evevevcevcvv garagalchituu (pedlar)evcvvcevcccvv galateeffachchuu(to thank)

5 (0.50%)

Compound Words

11

111

evc evcvv qub lamee(liquor) 4evc evccvv cal jechchuu (be quiet) 2evevc evccvv dabaq gochchuu(devour) 2evevc evcevev gidir sambata (Saturday) 2evcev evcvv dakku butee(association) 1evcevc evccvvc danqar fullaas (snake) 1cvvcev cvvev goorre duuba (living room) 1(h)VCVV CVVCVV (h)aluu baasuu(make perform ritual) 1(h)VCVV evcvv (h)a1uu bawuu (performritual) 1(h)Vcev CVVCCVV (h)idda reeffaa (vine) 1evev cvvevccvv jela buufachchuu (to snack) 1

183


cvcv (h)VeCVV muka (h)arbaa (kind oftree) 1cvvcvve CVCV (h)VCVVCVV nyaaphaan nama

(h)ilaaluu (frown at) 1cve cvcvecv cvecvv shir namatti jechchuu

(make feel tipsy) 1

20 (2 %)

3.. Syllabication and Stress Patterns in Maan Oromo

Definition of Syllable: In the American Heritage Dictionary, a syllable isdefined as "a unit of spoken language consisting of a single uninterruptedsound farming a whole word, such as now, or part ofa word, such as per- andson in person." In other words, it is a word or part ofa word in which a vowelis heard

In Afaan Oromo, there is no silent, superfluous symbol such as, forinstance, the "e" in the English word "make" and the "b" in "dumb" Everysymbol seen is pronounced because there is one- to- one correspondencebetween sound and symbol For example, none ofthe two vowels in the twosyllable word "qabee" CVCVV (gourd) and the seven vowels in the sevensyllable structure "qabbaneffachchisiisuu" cvecvcvecvecvcvvcvvis silent

3.1 Syllabication or' Syllabification

Syllabication means formation of or division into syllables" Knowledgeof syllabication could enhance the pronunciation oflearners ofMilan Oromo.Where does a pause normally occur when, for example, bara CVCV (year)is pronounced? Should one pause after uttering ba. (CV.) or after utteringbar" (CVC)? In other words, is the correct pronunciation ba.ra (CV. CV)or is it bar.a (CVCV)? The following rules of thumb are recommended aspossible answers to such questions,

Rule 1 In polysyllabic words that are made up of a single consonant (C) asopposed to the consonant clusters (Ce), the basic syllable division rule isCV.CVN,CV or CV..CVCN.CVC Obviously, the V in this rule can also

184

Structural and Word Stress Patterns in Afaan Oromo

be the long (VV) depending on the pronunciation of a structure involvedAlso, it is useful to note that the pattern CV.CVCN.CVC is more commonat a grammatical level than it is at a lexical level.

Example: wa.raa.nanlu.taa.Ian CV.CVV.CVCN"CVV.CVC (theystabbed/theyjumped). More examples follow.

Two-syllable Words:ma.Ia CV.CV ( tact)ma.Iaan CV.CVVC (by tact)a.Ia V.CV (outside)aa.laan VV"CVVC (through gesture)

Three-syllable Structuresba.ra.na CV.CV.CV (this year)ta.pha.tan CV.CV"CVC (they played)a.la.na V"CV.CV (this time)a.ba.dan V.CV.CVC (never)

Four-syllable Structuresba.ree.di.na CV. CVV.CV.CV (beauty)boo.ji.sii.san CVV" CV.CVV.CVC (they caused somebody/them to rob)a.maa.mo.ta V.CVV.CV.CV (women)a.raa.ra.man V.CVV.CV.CVC (they are reconciled)

There are no five-, six-, and seven-syllable words without at least one setofconsonant clusters (CC's) in them. Therefore, rule I applies only to two-,three-, and four-syllable structures.

Rule 2. In polysyllabic words with geminates or doubled consonant sounds,CV"CCVN"CCV or CV.CCVCN"CCVC syllable division pattern issuggested.

Examples follow.

185


Two-syllable Wordsga.nna ev.eev (winter)mii.llaan cvv.ecvve (on foot)a.mma v.eev (now)i.yyan v.eeve (they hollered)

Three-syllable WOldsga.bba.taa ev.eev.cvv (chubby)da.lla.nan ev,eev.eve (they were offended)a.bbuu.quu v.ecvv.cvv (to sip)aa.mma.tan vv.eev.eve (they hugged)

Four-syllable Structuresdha.ggee.ffa.chehuu ev.ecvv.eev.ecvv (to listen)

u.ggum.sii.suu v.eevc.cvv.cvv (cause to bow)u.ggum.sii.san v.eevc.cvv.eve (they caused to bow)

Five-syllable structuresdhu.kkub.sa.chchii.suu ev.eevc.ev.ecvv"cvv (to nurse)qa.bba.aee.ffa.tan ev"eev.cvv.eev.eve (they rested)a.yyaa.ne.ffa.chchuu v.ecvv.ev.eev.ecvv (to celebrate)Lrraanfa.ehchii.san v.ecvvc..ev.ecvv.eve (cause to forget)

Rule 3, In polysyllabic words the consonant cluster ofwhich is made up ofdifferent components as in farso (beer), evc.ev NCev division patternis suggested,

Here are some words that illustrate two- to five-syllable wordsTwo-syllable Words

bul.guu evc.CVV (bogeyman/boogeyman)toI.chan eve.eve (they made)ul.fa Vc.ev (pregnant)adman Vc.cvve (by hand)

Three-syllable Words

186


bar.sii.suu CVC.CVV.CVV (to teach)dan.fi.san CVC.CV.CVC (theyboiled)ur.gu.fuu VC.CV.CVV (to shake)el.ma.tan VC.CV.CVC (theymilkedfor self)

Four-syllable Wordsbar.ba.dee.ssuu CVC.CV.CVV.CCVV (to annihilate)du.nuun.fa.tan CV.CVVC.CV..CVC (theyclosed their eyes)ar..gan.sii.suu VC.CVC.CVV.CVV (to cause to pant)a.lan.fa.tan V.CVC.CV.CVC (theychewed)

Five-syllable Wordstar.kaan.fa.chchii..suu CVC.CVVC.CV.CCVV..CVV (to cause tostride)qul.qu.llee.ssi.san CVC.CV..CCVV.CCV.CVC (cause to clean)on.ko.Ioo..Ie.ssa VC.CV.CVV.CV.CCV (October)e.Ien.fa.chchii..san V.CVC.CV.CCVV.CVC (cause to milk)

When speakingrapidly, however', peopledo not pause afterutteringeverysyllable. To maintainnormal speed, they usually utter at least two syllablesin successionbefore they pause, Instead of pausing before each of the firstthree syllables in tar.kaan..fa.chchuu CVC.CVVC.CV..CCVV, for instance,they prefer to say tarkaan.fachchuu CVCCVVC.CVCCVV, thus reducingthe four chunks to just two. Sometimes, they pause afterutteringtwo or threesyllables as in aara.galfa.chchiisuu VVCV.CVCCV.CCVVCVV oraaragaI.fachchiisuu VVCVCVC.CVCCVVCVV.

3.2 Word Stress Patterns

In the case of Afaao Oromo, stress should be understood to mean arelativesyllable strengththat depends on the qualityandquantity ofthe vowelOneofthe major shortcomings ofthis aspectofthe study is that the writer hasnot surveyed the individual variation in the way speakers in all parts ofOromiyaa indicate this relative degree of syllable prominence in a word..Therefore, this section of the study is only a proposal intended to generate

187


discussions that wouldlead to a morecomprehensive analysis than what hasbeen attempted here

It is in spiteofthis drawback that the following word stress rules,basedon the writer's idiolect, are presented

Rule 1. ill a CV.CVN.,CVNV.CV pattern, where the final V is Ba, thestress usuallyfalls on the first syllable

Examples:Two-syllable Structures

MA,na CV.CV mana houseA.la V.CV ala outAA.ra VV.CV aara smoke

Rule 2 ill a CV.CCVN.CCVNV.CCV pattern, wherethe components ofCC aredoubled consonants and where the final V is -a, the stress falls on thefirst syllablein a word

Examples:GA.nna CV.CCV ganna winterA.dda V.CCV adda foreheadEE.bba VV.CCV eebba blessing

Rule 3.. Likewise, in a CVC.CVNC.CVNVC.CV pattern, where thecomponents of theCC aredifferent consonants andwhere the final V is -a, thestress falls on the first syllablein a word.

Examples:GAL.ma CVc.CV galmahalIUL.fa VC.CV ulfa pregnantAAL.cba VVC.CV aalcba prospect

Rule 4. ill a CV..CVN.CVNV.CV pattern,wherethe final V is other thanthe singlevowel-a, the secondsyllable is stressed.

188


Examples:bi.TAA CV.CVV bitaa leftqu"BEE CV.CVV qubee alphabetbuu.TII CVV.CVV buutii pythonbo.ROO CV.CVV boroo backyardla.Goo CV,CVV Iaguu abstinenceo.RAA V.CVV oraa lakeu.LEE V.CVV ulee stick

Rule S. In a CV.CCVN.CCVNV.CCV pattern where the CC componentsare doubled consonants and where the final V stands for any of the othervowels other than the single vowel -a, the stress usually falls on the secondsyllable

Examples:bo.KKAA CV.CCVV bokkaa rainbu ..QQEE CV.CCV buqqee pumpkinda..MMEE CV.CCVV dammee sweet potatogaa.FFII CVV.CCVV gaaffii questionIa.KKOO CV..CCVV rakkoo problemu"DDoo V.CCVV udduu buttocks

Rule 6 In a CVC.CVNC.CVNVC.CV pattern where the CC componentsare different consonants and where the final V is not the single vowel-a, thestress usually falls on the second syllable"

Examples:bul.CHAA CVC.CVV bulchaa administratoraI,GAA CV.CVV argaa giftsom.BEE CVC.CVV sombee lung disease ofcattlebuI.TII CVC.CVV bultii marriagetam.BOO CVC.CVV tamboo tobacco

aar.Tlll) VVC.CVV aartuu irritable person

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Three-syllable Structures

Rule 7. When a three-syllable structure ends in -a, the stress usually occurson the penult.

Examples:ba.RA.na CV.CV.CV barana this yearan.DHUU.I'a VC.CVV.CV andhuura naveldhee.KKAM.sa CVV.CCVC.CV dheekkamsa scolding

Rule 8. When a word ends in vowels other thanBa, the last syllable in a wordis usually stressed

Examples:ga.baa.BAA CV.CVV.CVV gabaabaa shorta.du.RREE V.CV.CCVV adurree catan.da.Qff VC.CV.CVV andaqii matan.fa.RROO VC.CV"CCVV anfarro mustachetaa.si.Slffl CVV.CV.CVV taasisuu cause to fit

FOUI'- and Five-Syllable Words

Rule 9 In a structure that ends in a single vowel-a, the stress usually falls on the t'V"'--

Examples:a.waa"NNI.sa V.CVV.CCV.CV awaannisa locustan.da.RAA"fa VC.CV.CVV.CV andaraafa breast beefdi"mi,MMI"sa CV.CV.CCV.CV dimimmisa duskkon.ko.Iaa.aICHI"sa CVC.CV"CVV.CCV.CV Inkonkolaachchisa.. He makes it roll

Rule 1O. When a structure ends in vowels other than the single Ba, the stressusually falls on the final syllable ..

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Examples:an.ga.fu..MMAA Ve..CV.CV.CCVVangafumrnaa primogeniturefo..raan"fo.xEE CV.CVVC.CV.CVV foraanfoxee uglyqu.mu.xxu.LII CV.CV"CCV"CVV qumuxxulii stickwi.xxi ..fa.CHCHUU CV.CCV.CV.CCUU wixxifachchuu wrigglega.Ia.te.ffa.CHCHU CV.CV.CV.CCV.CCVV galateffachuu to thank

Ihere is an exception to rules 4, 5, and 6 above.. There are few twosyllable words the meanings ofwhich seem to be distinguished on the basis ofstress For example, the word daakuu can mean either to grind or flourdepending on which syllable is stressed. Ofcourse, to avoid ambiguity, it isalways better to put such words in a context Listening to the way a nativespeaker pronounces such words and distinguishes their meanings is alsoimportant The meanings of the following pairs of words seem to bedistinguished by stressing the first or the second syllable and by arresting andreleasing the first syllable either in place VV.CVV NVC.VV, CV.CVVICVe.. VV, CVVC.CVV/CVVC.CVV, CVV.CVV/CVVC.VV, or VC.CVVNCC.VV.

aa.DAA VV.CVV aadaa cnltureAAD.aa VVC.VV aadaa Groan/Shave (you, plural/honorific)aa.DUU VV.CVV aaduu to shave/to groanAAD.uu VVC.VV aaduu knife

ba.DAA CV.CVV badaa manyBAD.aa CVC.VV badaa hot ash

ba.NAA CV.CVV banaa open (adj)BAN.AA CVC.VV banaa Open (You, plu/hon).

bi.TAA CV,.CVV bitaa leftBIT.aa CVC.VV bitaa Buy(you, plulhon).

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caam.'sAA CVVC.CVV caamsaa dry seasonCAAM.saa CVVC.CVV caarnsaa Stop the rain (you, pl/hon)

cu..FAA CV.CVV cufaa doorCUF"aa CVC.VV cufaa Close (you, pllhon)

cunn,FAA CVVc.CVV cuunfaa beer blended with honeyCUUN"faa CVVc.CVV cuunfaa Wring out liquid from (you, pllhon)

daa.KUU CVV.,CVV daakuu flourDAAK.uu CVVC.VV daakuu to grind

dhu.GAA CV.CVV dhugaa truthDHUG.aa CVC.VV dhugaa Drink (You, pl/hon)

er.GAA Vc.CVV ergaa messageERG.aa VCC.VV ergaa Send (you, pllhon) ,

ga ..LAA CV"CVV galaa provisionGALaa CVC.VV galaa Enter (you, pl/hon) ,

go"RAA CV.CVV goraa raspbenyGORaa CVc..VV goraa Stop ofli'over (you, pl/hon)

lo.LAA CV"CVV lolaa floodLOL.,aa CVC.VV lolaa Fight (you, pllhon)

ma.LAA CV.CVV malaa pusMAL"aa CVC.VV malaa Devisea strategy (you, pllhon)

oo"LUU VV.CVV ooluu to be absentOOL.uu VVC.VV ooluu (of plant) ban-en

tu,MAA CV.CVV tumaa lawTUM.aa CVC.VV tumaa Hit (you, pl/hon)

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waa..DAA CVV"CVV waadaa Fry (yon,pl/hon).WAAD.aa CVVc.VV waadaa a solemnpromise

4. Conclusions

Thispioneeringwork in structural, syllabication, and wordstress patternsin Afaan Oromo wouldmake it easier for those who wish to inquire furtherinto the area Thefour categoriesofstructuralpatterns for monosyllablesareall-inclusive and mutually exclusive, and they are easy to remember Bycontrast, it has not been possible to reduce the too many,varied categoriesofthe polysyllableword patterns to a manageable, easy to remember formulaIn fact, so manyof them had to be listed randomlybecause,without them, itwould not have been possible to indicate where syllable division and stressoccur

Theexistence ofstress as a featureofAfaan Oromowasrecognized abouttwenty-five years ago. The anonymous authors ofHirmaata Dubbii AfaanOromo (1973) mentioned, in passing, the words qooqa gadii (unstressedsyllable) and qooqa olii (stressedsyllable)on page 7 of this excellentOromogrammar book They werebaffled,as this writer is, by the word biraa in thesentence"Macaafa isa biraa fidi." In this sentence,the word biraa has threedifferent meanings: (a) from (b) other, and (c) the one which is with Thisambiguoussentencecouldmean (a) "Get the book from him and bring it," or"Bring the other book," or "Bring the book whichis with him." The authorssuggested stress,pause,andcontext as a solution to this ambiguity Accordingto them, to convey meaning (a), biraa is written without any stress, formeaning (b) it is written as bi.RAA, and for meaning (c) it is written as bi pause - raa. They concluded that in a case like this, the best solution, ofcourse, is to provide a context thatmakes the meaningof the sentenceclear

The author's ambiguous sentenceinspiredthis writer to attempt to studyword stress. It is hoped that this paper, thoughby no meansdefinitive,has atleast elaborated on the meaningof qooqa gadii and qooqa olii. The nativespeakerhas little difficulty in applyingtherules withoutbeingable to explainthem, and sometimes withoutevenbeingawareofthe existenceofsuchrulesThis studyhas exanrined the structural, syllabication, and wordstress patterns

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of Milan Oromo with a view of making the native speaker rediscover theexisting rules implicitin the usageof the language. More detailedstudies ofthis type that examine thedifferent linguistic aspects of Milan Oromopart bypart wouldgreatlyenhance our understanding of how the language functionsas a whole.

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BOOK REVIEWS

An Africanist DeTocqueville at Jootee's Court

W James. G Bauman, & D. Johnson, (eds.), Juan Malia Schuvers Travelsin Nonh East Africa 1880-1883 Cambridge: Cambridge University Pressforthe Hackluyt Society. 1996 pp.. cvii, 392, cloth £35

Juan Maria Schuver was a late nineteenth centurytravelwriter. Aftertraveling in Europe and working as a war-correspondent in the Balkans andSpain,he visitedTurco-Egyptian Sudan. HecrossedOromolandon his waytothe East Afiican Coast,and spent onemonth,August 1881,at the court of thethen independent Oromo king,JooteeTulluu. Jootee, thenknown as kingBulaa,ruled the Leeqaa kingdom, one of the many Oromo states of small-scaleterritorialunits. Schuver documented his observations of the Leeqaa and theadjacent Oromo, His descriptions of the political,cultural, social, economic,and technological aspects are representative of most contemporary Oromogroups

Amongthe manyEuropean travel-writers in the 1880son theOromoSudan borderland,no one has capturedthe political dilemma of the period,including the looming colonization itself, as remarkably as SchuverSchuver's writings wereandare central to the peoples of this region Schuverwas one of the first travel-writers to reject physical features and chooselanguages as a basis for classifying peoples. Yet a combination of factorsobscuredSchuver'sworkfor morethan a century. Schuver's travelsoccurredafterheroicdayswhenexplorers located terra incognita onworldmaps.. Mostof his early publications were written in German, but German interest inNorth East Africa was minimal in contrast to British, French, or ItalianFollowing the European partitionof Africa,the region Schuver exploredlosthistorical recognition "due to the definition of politically significant past"

The Joumal ofOromo Studies, Volume 6, Numbers 1&2,pp.. 195-220195

JOURNAL OF OROMO STUDIES

(p Ix). The colonizations of the 1880sandthe 1890sdividedthe Oromo-Sudanborderlands between Great Britain and Ethiopia, and by 1902/3 aninternational boundarycut throughtheseregions.Sudan'scolonial officialsandscholars considered the peoples of the borderland unimportant foradministrative policyformulations, and Schuver'spublishedethnographic datawere ignored. On the Ethiopian side of the boundary, the Oromo, the Koma,the Sinicho (Shinasha),Amam(Mao) and Berta were considered peripheralpeoples ofpolitical insignificance. Scholars continued to reproduce the victor'sversion of history,withfewexceptions. Above all, Schuver'spapers followinghis untimely death in 1883, at the age of 31, in the Upper'Nile More than acentury later, scholars fortnitouslydiscoveredhis papers and published themin English as a three-bookset Booksone and two document Schuver's travelsfrom the Sudanto Jootee's court in Qumbaabee,northwestofDambidollo, andthence among the Berta, Gumuz, Shinasha and the Oromonorth of the BlueNile.. The following paragraphs summarize Schuver's major observations andreview books one and two..

Schuver's 1880s travels in the Oromo-Sudan borderlands coincidedwith the unfolding of great regional upheavals Schuver documerrted the

evolution offorces that regionallysupplanted Egyptian imperialismwith thatofGreat Britain Egyptianconquest ofthe Sudan andmisrule sincethe1820s,generated resistance in the form of religious nationalism The search forlegendary gold mines inspired Egypt's Mohammed Ali to conquer theSudanese region, adjacentto western Oromo.Europeans serving MohammedAli explored the region for decadessearching for the precious metal until thefantasy of gold miningendedin the 1850s. Throughoutthis time the underpaidTurco-Egyptian soldiers enslavedthe inhabitants of the region and sold themto supplement their income, and their European commanders condoned theatrocities DUling Schuver's navels, Mahadist religious nationalismgatheredmomentum in the Sudanand its borderlandadioiningthe ammo and theotherpeoples. Schuver observed the workings of grassroots militant Muslimsfacilitating Mahdi's call for rebellion. A network of Muslim preachersconductedpolitico-religious agitationsagainst the Egyptians.. The observationof these forces made Schuver's work invaluable, bit it also placed him in adifficult position As a whiteman, Schuver was suspectedby the local peopleof being a "Turk," or working for the "Turks." Ironically, the European-born

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Book Reviews

Turco-Egyptian governor of the Oromo-Sudan borderlands falsely accusedSchuver ofworkingfor the Mahadists.. Agentsof the Mahadi disliked Schuveron politico-religious grounds and as a sourceofunwanted influence. Schuver'sbook tracedand documented the sourceof all thesemisunderstandings, whichwere due to the unsettledcondition of the late 19th century Oromo-Sudanborderlands caused by the Turco-Egyptian depredations. These created aregional insecurity among the inhabitants including theOromo,who identifiedall whiteswith 'Turks" and then depredations

Formost of thenineteenth century, European employees of the TurcoEgyptiangovernment and their soldiersclosedthe Oromo-Sudanborders tothe outside world, and limited the chances of acquiring firearms by theinhabitantsof the region The AustrianErnst Marnowas the governor duringthe l870s and l880s and was based at Gogora, in Fadasi. Many Europeanshad attemptedto enterthe westernOromolandfromthe Sudan, but couldnotproceedbeyondthe Amaro (Mao) land south of Fadasi. On his way to thisregion,at Sennar, Schuver metthe Italian, CarloPiaggia, whoearlier had beenforced to return.. Schuver attributed Piaggia's failure to the limited Italianlogistical support, in addition to Mamo's refusal. Schuver also listed thefailure of the other two Italians,Pellegrino Matteucii and Romolo Gessi, totravel to the GibeOromo dueto Mamo'srefusalto grant permission Althoughsome of these Europeans had reached as far as Beni Shangul, Mamo'sobstructionsdealt the final blow to the hopes of reaching the Oromo landMamo did not want Schuver to succeed in enteringthe Oromoland since hefailedin this endeavor. Mamo's writings about the regionhad failed to makea good impressionamonghis Europeancontemporaries.. In addition,Mamocondoned the Egyptian slaveraids,anddidnot wantEuropeans to observe andreport the atrocities.. Anyfirearms that filteredthroughthis tightlycontrolledborderlands wereused to raid slaves. Schuver disapproved of the slaveraids,and had a low opinionof Mamo as an explorer Schuveralso had the latestbrand of firearms, outclassingEgyptianarmaments Consequently, Mamosaw a multiplethreat in Schuver, confiscated hisarmaments, and advised himagainsttraveling intoOromolanddue to theAmaro Mamo andotherspaintedthe Amamas ferociously blood-thirsty peoplewhokilledanyone travelingtothe Oromo land However, the ouly sin the Amaro committed to eam thisundeserved notorietywas defeating the Turco-Egyptian army in defense oftheir ownindependence.. Thus, areas underthe Egyptianmle weresubjected

197


to slaveraids.For the Turco-Egyptian soldiers, denying firearms to the Amamand the surroundingpeopleswas a means ofensuringtheir continued slaveraiding The independent Amam denied any whiteman entry to or throughtheir land. The Amam's perception of all whites as "lurks" and their strongself-defense against the Turco-Egyptian depredations sealed the road to theOromo land. Ironically, this closed Oromo-Sudan borderland also delayedaccessto firearmswhich had a detrimental effecton the regional inhabitants,including the Oromo.

However, Jootee's belated desire to acquire firearms prompted theAmam to allow Schuverto proceedto the Oromosouthwards through theirland. To arrange for the visit, Jootee's half-brother secretlyvisited Fadasi,avoidedTurco-Egyptian soldiers, and brought a horse for Schuver'stravels.Unbeknownst to Marno,Schuver proceeded to the Oromocountry, andbrieflygainedaccess to the Oromo.For this trip Schuver employed, Abdu, an Oromovictimofthe slave trade, as a translator. Schuverdescribedthe geographicallocation of the western Oromo settlementon the watershedof the Blue andWhiteNile Rivers. TheOromowerereluctantto discuss directions, distances,and roads with strangers. The long distance trade route to Leeqaa Oromopassed through three nearly impassable "studiously traced ridges of thicklywoodedmountains" with steep ascentand descent(p.51).

Schuver rejected physical features for classification, bnt he admittedlyemployed phenotypical descriptions for the Oromo. He described the Oromoas "mass of yellow people" (p .81) with Caucasianfeatures, and a "race ofincontestable purity" (p.76). The Oromo, according to him were "oneof thehappiest races Iiving.. in one of the most fertile of countries" Schuverdescribed the Oromoland as a countryto whichthe "Spanishidealof a happyland, 'plentyof sun and plenty of water can be applied,' a rare thing in thispart ofAfrica" (p..76) Yet Schuverwrote of detecting "a melancholy" on theLeeqaa Oromopopulation.. Based on incorrect information he obtainedfroman Arab faki, Schuver impugned the moralityof Oromogirls.. He wrote thatOromo girls were engaged in prostitution to acquire payments for dowryHowever, ouly the bridegroom, not the bride, paid dowry; and the Oromoculturallyvaluedpre-maritalchastity. This AJ:abfaki was connected to slavetradingandSchuveralsosuspected him of beinga Mahadistagent On genderrelations, we learn from Schuver that Oromo womenexercisedcertainrights

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to govern domestic affairs. He also indicated the existence of domesticslavery

Schuver alsoreportedon members of the royalfamily. Jootee'scourtin Qurnbaabee was builtbetween twohills Jootee's father, whohad abdicatedin favorof his son, waswell-versed about newtechnologies andaskedSchuverabout cameras, x-rays, and watches. Jooteewore a gracefulcopper diademRoyal family members wore copper ornaments and a unique hairstyle todistinguish them from commoners Physically, members of the royal familyweredescribed as havingthe fairest complexion, straightnoses, long necks,and sharplycut faces. Jootee's four "good-natured wives" accepted someofSchuver's gifts, and rejected other trifles Schuver admitted that the royalwomen'svisit causedhim lovesickness all night Later,whenhe was offeredthe hand of one of the courtgirls for eventual marriage, Schuver declined theoffer,claiming a lifelong celibacy.

Schuver described the Qurnbaabee settlement as a "widespreadvillage" and compared the surrounding farms with those of Europe.. AroundQumbaabee oneor twohousesstoodat intervals, surrounded by a half-dozengranaries, anddefended by dogs.. Thesewere then interspersedwith grazingland. Eachhouseusedwax candles fornight light The landscape, settlementpatterns,andfarmsreruinded Schuver of beingin "themost cultivated parts ofEurope" The 'verdanthills ... divided intopasturegrounds, differently. colored

farm fields," the grazing herds, the homes and granaries dotting the farmfields, which were in turn studded with forest trees, bounded by thepicturesquetwin-peaked over 11,000foothigh Wallalmountain, resembledthe European region of Bohemia(p. 54) He also contrastedthe rich Oromolandwiththe desolate Sudan. Theextensive farms andthe grazing cattlewereevidence of a prevailingprosperity. Fanning wasdone withanironpointplowCrops included twenty-six varieties of dumb, maize, barley, corn, cotton,sweet-durrah, yams, several kinds of beans, garlic, fiery tobacco, sweetpotatoes, cabbage and limited coffee plants.. Since farm labor was notdegrading, the wealthiest Oromowere seenworking alongtheir dependentson their farms Epiculture was common andbeehives wereseenhanging frommany. trees Gamehunting, especially buffalo, wascommon, andthesuccessfulhuntersuspended buffalohead and tail on a gallows near his home.. Schuveralso visited wild coffee trees around Qurnbaabee. Referring to the Oromobunna qalaa ceremony, he reportedthechewing of coffee beans "stewed with

199


meltedbutter and salt"and flavored withcoriander. Theauthorremarkedthatthe stewedcoffeebeans made a verygooddessert He also boiled and drankcoffee,apparently in Turkishstyle.

Jootee's reception for Schuver, the first European at his COUIt,exhibited symbols of an independent African kingdom with COUIt etiquette.Jooteesat ona massive wooden stoolwitha locally madeumbrellabesidehimAbout five hundredroyal guards sat behind him in a half circle in sombersilence. The majestic aura overwhelmed Abdu and distracted him fromtranslating for Schuver Jootee's physical features renrinded Schuver of aPharaonic Egyptian statue, which he described as " a striking instance ofnature's repeating itself" (p.. 55) After preliminary greeting exchanges, thecourt provided Schuverwith bulls, He was told to select two, which wereslaughteredin his honor, and an officialpublic reception was arranged for amarketday.At thepublicreception anofficial speaker, the kings uncle, led theceremony This official speaker, whocracked a whipat intervals ofhis speech,outlined Jootee'sgreatnessandthe historical significance of the day due to thewhite man's arrival, A virtuoso myth-maker, the official speaker told thepublic that Schuver'sarrivalwas predicted generations ago, during the reignof the kings grandfather, to happenduring Jootee'sreign. He then introducedSchuverto the public and suggested bnildinga housefor this guest who willbe "the protector and savior' of OUI' country" (pp.64-65), Meal andentertainment followed the public speech, Schuver described the culinarystatus and specifics as " a beefsteaksuch as [he1had only known in dreams"since he left Europe. He wrote of the honey wine as "sparkling andexhilaratingas champagne," andnoted thatit put himin a good mood (p.57)

Schuver left interesting observations on the region's religiouspractices, Henotedhow Turco-Egyptian firearms, Islam,and slave raids andtrade were intertwined with and accounted for the depressed economic andsocial status of the peoples living in Oromo-Sudan borderlands, Schuverjudgedthat the traditionalreligionof the Oromo was more relevant than the"Semitic religions" (p..60) Hereported an annualreligious ceremony held atthe end ofOctober. The Oromo worshiped a Supreme Beingbelieved to residein the sky, Attempting to visit a buildingusedfor traditional Oromoreligiousrituals, Schuver wasdenied entry"unless he stayedfor a wholeyear abstainingfrombeer, tobacco, and goatmeat" (p. 91). He also reported on the practiceof

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Book Reviews

divination, " readingthe praetorium," first recorded amongthe Sumerians inMesopotamia Tullu Sonka,a mountainnear Qumbaabee was believedto bethe"abode of evilspiritsandferocious beasts," andout of humanreachfor fearof death. Onetraditional religious ritualwasheld to honor Schuver Schuvercouldobserve the procedures, but he could not understandthe details sinceAbdn,the translator, disdained the Oromoreligion and refusedto translatethewords. Abdu converted to Islam in Khartoum wherehe was taken as a slave.

Concerning markets and trade, Schuver reportedthe presence of anetwork offive weekly markets in Leeqaa Qumbaabee's market,attendedbyovereightthousandindividuals, was heldeverySaturday.. The descriptions ofthe trade items indicate a large volumeof production, specializedeconomicactivities, and local technological products. The market place was "neatlyarranged, [set] at a right angle; a livingstreet' Every merchant spreadsamplesof the products before him/herself leaving the bulk of it behind Schuverdescribed the marketsitedivisions as "saltstreet," "iron street," "copper street,""cotton lane," etc On ironstreetgold, lanceheads,ironbars to forge into hoesand hatchets, razors and tweezers were sold. The level of iron forgingtechnology was advanced as attestedby tiny soft ironchainnecklace productsOn copperstreetweresoldbrightlypolished copperproducts.. Tobacco squaresold loavesofbakedtobacco smoked in waterpipes. "Women omameuted byfanciful designs" sold butter and snow white buttermilk (p. 66) Garlic andbeanswerehawked in all quarters. The greatestofallwascottonsquarewhereconsiderable quantitiesof cloths weresold.. Schuver describedthe texture ofthe locally produced cotton cloth as refined in contrast to the "miserableweavings of the Sudan" (p.66 ). Schuver described the local hide processingexpertise as an "art that might be equaledbut could never be surpassed inEurope" (p..66).

Schuver also documented an unknown phaseof thenortheastAfricanslave trade, and the independent Oromoofferingasylum for refugees TheDinkaof theUpperNile weredisplaced by the Turco-Egyptian slave raidingduring the nineteenth century. According to Schuver, about two thousandDinkatookrefugee among theLeeqaaOromo, to escapeenslavement or deathby starvation The flat terrainof their countrydeprived them of protection,and their Anuakneighbors rebuffedthem Therefugee Dinkaofferedvariousservices and lived among the Oromo Some of them enlisted as Jootee'sinfantry. Schuver also left us with an intrigning condition of slavery among

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the Leeqaa Oromo.. The slaveswerevirtuallyfree and lived in a conditionofliberty. They did not pay taxes and had more land than they couldcultivate.

The Dinka presencein Leeqaa, and the unchartedgeographyof theBam-White Nile Rivers inspired Schuver to check thenavigability of the BamRiverto its WhiteNile confluence Hisplan wasto openBare-Khartoum tradebetweenthe Oromoand Europeans, Schuver easilyfiguredout the potentiallyhigh profit from importingsalt over the Baro River in exchangefor Oromocotton cloth, wax,hides, coffee, iron, and ivory. Jooteewas enthused withtheprojectandbelieved in its feasibility, Jooteewasenthusiastic aboutEuropeanscoming to his kingdom, but he remained non-committal in promising landgrants, The Arab faki at Jootee's court subverted the project lest a newsoutherntrade route be openedand divert the already existingnorthern tradebeneficial to the Arabs Incidentally, Menelikopenedthis trade route,knownas the Gambella trade,with the British,in 1902/3,soonafter the Ethio-Sudancolonial boundary was delimited, The Bare-Khartoum trade became solucrativeunderthe Ethiopian empirethat only palace-related officials fromAddis Ababa were appointedas customsofficers

Schuver also docmnented the decision-making processunderJootee'smonarchical rule and the system of taxation. The decision-making processretained its form of gada participatory democracy, An assembly of theOromounderJooteewas held to discusscourt-sponsored legislation to bnildadditional stables for the royalcattle, The royal cattle were to be distributedall over the kingdom and were to be raised by the people. After a heateddebate, the assemblydecidedthat the ordinaryOromoassume responsibilityfor building additionalstables, and raising royal cattle, by integrating theminto theirownherds.The processreminded Schuver of a contemporary DutchParliamentary debateon a newstable for royal horses Schuver'sdescriptionofthe limits ofJootee's tax base is informative, Jootee did not collectdirecttax from the Oromo under his rule, He was entitledto labor obligations tocultivate,plant, and harvest the royal fields, Criminal offenses also carriedfines, presmnablyas state revenue, Jootee also collected taxes on slaves soldin hiskingdom. According to Schuver, Arab slavetraderscommuting betweenJootee's kingdom and the Sudan-Berta lowlands were the source of suchincome. Yet the Arab slave raids into the lowlands surrounding Jootee'skingdomwere a SOUI'ce of regionalinsecurity,

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Book Reviews

Schuver witnessed regional insecurity and fear ofinvasion In August1881, Schuverwas walking alone far from Qumbaabee The Leeqaaammo,who consideredhim a "Iurk" leading an invasion into their country, sentsignals in all directions In less than one hour, over four thousandhorse menand infantry surrounded the area Only the timelyarrival ofJootee's officialssaved Schuver Additional horsemen weresentin all directions to stop furtherdeploymentofover 9000 fighters The incidentshowedthe superb readinessfor mobilization. In times of war, Jooteecouldmobilize up to 20,000 fightersIn Schuver's asssessment, the Leeqaa Oromo were "muchtoo industriousagricultural [and] possessed of the good things... " for a sustained militaryconfrontation, and their cavalry or infantry did not practice their art of war(p.83) They werecivilians, engaged in theiroccupational pursuits,mobilizedonly in times of war However, Jootee's enlisted Dinka practiced thetechuiquesoffighting, attestingto the importance of a standingarmy

Schuver wrote about inter-Oromorelations, in today's Qellam TheOromo, like many contemporary Africancommuuities, were then organizedinto small-scale territorial units, and were preoccupied with defending thefreedom of these uuits or expanding these uuits at the expense of theirneighbors.. While Schuver "as in Qumbaabee, Jootee planned a militarycampaignagainst the Sayyoo Oromofrom 18 to 23 August, 1881,to expandhis kingdom But the campaign was postponed until after the rains, andSchuverwas blamedfor refusing to participate in the campaignor lendinghisfirearms Schuver palapablydiagnosed the inter-Oromo politicsofthe regionas "suicidally discordant, too independent" and divided(p..73) Thiswas • atthe time when. Abyssinians were advancing to engulf them" (p. xxix)Schuverwas the only one to document Jootee's desperationto raise an armyboth to expandhis kingdomand to defendit against the Abyssinains, Jooteetold Schuver aboutthe Abyssinians annually annexing Oromoland, and askedhim whetherhe wouldfight the Abyssinians for him Schuverconfirmedhiswillingness to fight the Abyssinians, but affirmed his refusal to involvehimselfin inter-Oromo conflicts. Schuver identified the inrmediate eneruies ofJooteeas the adjacent Oromo, who wereresistinghisexpansion. This absenceof steadypeaceamongthe different Oromostates madeSchuver abandonhisoriginaltravelplan ofcrossing to the East Africancoast throughOromoland

Fromthe time of his arrival, Schuverdisagreedwith Jooteeover theexchangeof gifts SchuverrealizedJootee's interest in his firearms as a gift

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or sale Jootee showed his displeasure withtriflinggifts .. But Schuver believedfirearms would ouly cause civil wars and depredations, citing the TurcoEgyptian slave raiding atrocities Schuverwrote, " I had made it a principleneverto furnishthe nativeswith a means of destroying eachother"(p..59). Healsoadmitted theuselessness ofhis textilegifts dueto the climate andsaid thatouly guns and European woolen fabrics and blankets consitituted animpressive gift. But he remained commited to his principle of not givingfirearms

SchuverleftJootee on a sour note on August 31, 1881 and travelednorth. On his waynorth, Schuver made a detourandvisitedthe Koma, whomhe praised as the idealhappysociety, enjoying "republican liberty," and livingin harmony with nature.. He documented Koma domestication of pigs andguineafowls and their extensive dunah farms. Schuveralso observedOromotraders venturing into Koma land to buy cotton and honey. Schuver thenproceededto the adjacent Berta region. His description depicts the villagesdeserted due to Arabslavehunts,the Berta abandoning goldwashingso as notto arouseEgyptian greedfor plunder, the inter-Berta wars, the unsuitability ofthe Berta lowlands for cattle raising due to venomous flies, and the Bertasuspecting him of being a Turkish spy. Schuver also noted that venerealdisease introduced by Egyptian soldiers, ravaged the Berta, but had notreachedthe Oromo. He alsomet SheikKhojale al-Hassan, a person wholaterdominatedthe legion.According to Shuver, SheikKhojale was craftyand themost intelligent person in the area, a filet borne out by his survival in thesubsequent Ethio-Sudan border' turmoils and the regionalchange ofpowerswhich he survived until the 1930s Schuver's subsequent plan to visit theSibuu Oromo was frustrated by the confiscation of arms destined for him atSuakimby the Egyptiangovernor

North of the Blue Nile Schuverdocumented the vicitimization of theGuba through double taxation, and a first hand account of Gojjarn-centeredAbyssinianexpansion, The Guba paid a hightribute to the Egyptians withoutreceivingprotection from them. Dueto Guba proximity to the Abyssiniansthey wereexposedto military expeditions.. Until the time of Schuver's visit,the resisiting Wombara Oromo north of the Blue Nile halted Abyssinianexpansion. This Oromo resistance compelled the governorof Belaya, fromGojjarn, to collecta light tribute from the Guba, according to the report, and

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temporarilyeased the Guba tax burden Schuver'sobservationencapsulatedthe relationship between the Oromoand theirnon-Abyssinian neighbors.. Oncethe Oromo weredefeated, the peoples living in today's central and southernEthiopian empire lost theirindependence. Schuver thenreported on theprocessof Gojjam-centered Abyssinian colonialism Gojjamepeasants were sent inadvance to settle unoccupied lands in Wombara as strangers, followed bysoldiersto support them The pre-conquestsettler villages then evolved intoadministrative centers Schuver reported, in September 1882,on the westwardadvance of a large Gojjame force against Wombara Oromo, plundering,conquering and throwing a network of "military colonists" overthe conqueredregions

The editors of the book accurately characterize Schuver as anAfricanist DeTocqueville Today, Alexis DeTocquevilles's eighteenth centurywork on the French Revolution, US democracy, and race relations retainsresonates among historians and political analysts. In much the same waySchuver's workon Oromo-Sudan pre-andpost-colonial borderlands revealshis"contemporary insights [to be] read notjust as historicalsourcebut for therelevance andresonance ofhis observations to the modernregion andperiod"with its "strikingcontinuities" (p. xxxvi) Schuver's writings evokea northeastAfrican past that is strikingly related to the present Moreover, Schuvercarefully analyzed events as they unfolded and predictedtheir outcomes InLeeqaa Schuverdetectedthe danger the Arab[aki and his gunmenposed toJootee's authority and warnedhim not to relyon them Jooteediscounted thewarnings.. With Mahadist victory came a jihad state in the Sudan, and theOromo-Sudan borderlandwas closed. Schuver's prediction turned out withclinical precision, as the Arab gunmen overthrew Jootee.. ThiseventcompelledJootee to seek Gobana's assistanceto expell these Mahadistagents, an eventthat hastenedthe process of Ethiopianconquest And a centurylater, there ismuchof the samepattern to be observedon Oromo-Sudan borderlands.

This is a very importantbook on Oromo history and culture withaccounts of lost Oromotechnologies, the political history, the 1880smindset,andpreoccupations with localfreedom Ihis reviewer is struckby the levelofiron smelting andleatherprocessing technologies with theirproductsofchainnecklaces, razors, tweezers and soft leather coats Tracing how suchtechnologies were lost after the Ethiopian conquest will challenge Oromoresearchers The volume of local Oromo products is also intriguing in the

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absence of long distance inter-Oromotrade at the time, especially with theGibe regionwithwhichscholars are familiar Schuver's observations abont thesuicidal discordance amongOromopoliticalunits is revealing. (P..73) Smallscale territorialunits of Oromomonarchs or gada republicans defended theirlocal freedom, leadingto frequent localwars. In general, peace correlated withlarge scale tenitorial units, with their military strength. The issue of oneOromogroup incorporating the other Oromo and eventuallydefending a panOromo freedom was interrelated Jootee, like any other Oromo king, couldmustera large army oulyfrom a largescaleOromotenitorialunit Oulya largestate with a broad source of revenue could support such an army. Schuver'sdocumentationof the limits of Jootee's tax base and its implications for hisinability to withstand an extemal threat are revealing These limitations couldapply to all monarchical Oromo slates. TheOromo monarchs that subvertedgada republicanism had to consider the democratic Oromo tradition andrestrainedthemselves fromimposing heavytaxations or tributes on thepublic..Thus, while atterupting not to encroach on public freedom, these Oromomonarchs ended up in having weak defenses Shuver's book places Oromohistory withinthe contextofprecolonial Africa. His accountis exceptional inwritingabout the Oromowithoutan Abyssinianprism, and in reportingaboutthe Wombera Oromo resistance The editors have made Schuver's proseaccessiblefor the generalreader and the specialist. Thebook is an invaluablesource of knowledge on the Oromo

DanielAyanaYoungstownState University

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Book Reviews

Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse, The Search forFreedom and Democracy, edited by AsafaJalata, Lawrenceville, NT:The Red Sea Press, Inc. 1998,301 page, $ 21 95 paper.

Until recently, Oromo nationalism was a taboo subject amongEthiopianintellectuals andEthiopianist scholars While Ethiopianinte11ectual:sfearedOromonationalism as a formidable threatto the survivalofwhat is leftof the Ethiopianempireafter the recent independenoe ofEritrea,a number offoreign scholars deniedthe existenceof Oromo nationalism, owing to theirprejudice against the Oromo society coupledwith their ideological alliancewith the dominantAbyssinianruling elites The latter have always depictedthe Oromoas scattered"tribal" groupswho haveverylittle in commonexcepttheir language, and foreign scholarshave embellished and repeated the sameerroneousidea in the name ofscientific scholarship. Fortunately, for Oromostudies as well as Ethiopian studies, the days when the notion of Oromonationalism was dismissedwithout investigation, and distorted and ignoredwith contempt, are gonefor good Todaythe existence ofOromonationalismis a filetbeyonddisputeboth in Oromiaandamongthe Oromoin the diasporaThereis a limited bnt growing literature on the subjectofOromo nationalism

Oromo Nationalism and theEthiopian Discourse: TheSearchforFreedom and Democracy is the latest addition to the rapidly increasingliterature on the subject in several langnages including Afaan Oromoo,Amharic, English,Arabic, French, Italian, and German languages. OromoNationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse was edited by AsafaJalata Jalatais the author ofOromiaandEthiopia State Formation and EthnonationalConflict 1868-1992 , as well as several other articles and book chaptersThrough his scholarship, Jalata not only has enriched our understanding ofOromo society, but also put the subject of Oromo nationalism on theintellectual map ofthe world

Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse examines thehistorical,political, cnltural, economic, social, legal, and intellectual factorsthat contribnted to the development and consolidation of OromonationalismIn the first two chapters of the book, Jalata provides "an overview of thesocialand cultural foundations ofOromonationalism, its essence, nature, and

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the prospectsfor the Oromonationalmovement" (xi) He traceshow Oromonationalism developed in reaction to Ethiopian settler colonialism, whichdeniedthe Oromoculturalspace, attackedtheir national identity,denigrated,humiliated, exploited andabusedtheirhumandignity It was onIyin the 1%05and 1970s that the scatteredand localized Oromoresistancewas transformedinto an organized revolutionary movement that "challenged Ethiopian colonialdomination intellectualIy, culturally, politicallyandmilitarily" (p 10) Jalatastresses that the formation of the OromoLiberation Front (OLP)in 1974 wasa majorlandmark in the consolidation of Oromonationalism, which propelledthe Oromoto createtheirculturalspace,develop theirlanguage, revitalize theirself-respect and pride in their heritage, and channel their collective angeragainst the Ethiopian colonial system. From this perspective, it is notsurprisingif the Oromolearned that the so -called EthiopianSocialism of"theAmharamilitaryregime and Ethiopiandemocracy underthe Tigrayan regimehave been variantsofEthiopiancolonialideologies" (p.. 20).

Chapter Three, "The Making and Unmaking of Ethiopia'sTransitional Charter," by Leenco Lata, is one ofthe most informative chaptersofthe book Lata, the formerDeputyGeneral Secretary of the OLF,is one ofthe best and most farsightedpoliticians that emergedout of the long Oromostrugglefor self-determination, He wasone ofthe drafters ofthe TransitionalCharter of Ethiopia and a leading figure within the leadership of the OLEAccording to Lata, "TheCharterenvisagedfour elements that fundamentallydeparted from the autocratic and imperiaI traditionofEthiopiato transformtherelationships between the colonizer and the colonizednations These fourcomponents werethe supremacy of the law, power-sharing,the constructionof a multinational democratic state, and theestablishment of a just peace"(P56)

None of the above mentioned four components were allowed todevelop and flower in Ethiopiaeitherbefore 1991,or since then, The Charterwas not a perfect document, but its implementation would have created anintellectual and political environment that was conducive for thedemocratization process in Ethiopia. That golden opportunity was lost,however, when the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) used itsmilitary muscle for the purpose of consolidating its monopolization ofpolitical, militaryand economic powerin Ethiopia ACCOIding Lata,it was the

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promiseof the EritreanPeople's Liberation Front (EPLF)and the assuranceofthe Government ofthe United States that persuaded"the OLF to agreetosome very risky arrangements" (p.. 66) in the Transitional Government ofEthiopia (TGE) These risky arrangements, political blunders of highproportions, included the OLF leadership" agreeing to the adoptionof theTPLF anny as the defense force for the Transitional period" (p. 66), whichqnickly transformed the TPLFguerrilla armyinto legitimate national defenseforce, whichwas well armedand ready to liquidatethe OLF guerrilla annyWhilethe OLFleadership naively trustedthe US Government assurance andEritreanpromiseand focused on electoral politics, the TPLF completed itsmilitarypreparationfor the destruction of the OLF guerrilla army What ismost surprising is that" the OLF recommended in good faith theencampment ofall former guerrilla troopswith the simplehope of removingarmies and the use of force from the political process" ( p.69), whichdemonstrates beyond doubt that the OLF leadership was committed to thedemocratization process. However, tragically, the encampment of the OLFguerrilla troopsmadethe task of theirdestruction faster andmucheasierthanit wouldhave been otherwise.

The TPLFnot onlydestroyed the OLFfighters, but also abortedthedemocratization process in Ethiopia. Andyet,according to Leenco Lata, theUS Government and its allies rewarded the TPLFIEPRDF regime" byconcluding a massive economic cooperation agreement" (p.. 65) TheEritreanPeople's Liberation Front (EPLF), on whose promise the OLF leadershippinnedtheirhopefor support,shifted"theblameto the OLFfor thefailureofthe cooperation that it reluctantly entered into mainlyas a result of EPRDFassurances andencouragements" (p. 67)

Ironically the EPLF, which in 1992 supported the TPLFIEPRDFagainst the OLF, is now targeted for destruction According to reliableinformation, the TPLF leaders regard the EPLF as a strategicenemyto bedestroyed. Thismeansevenif the current borderconflictbetween EritreaandEthiopia is settledpeacefully, as a strategicenemythe EPLF cannot live inpeacewith the TPLF- dominated Ethiopia. Bethat as it may, Lata ends hisfascinating chapter by stating that the TPLF colonial policyresembles theBritishcolonial policyof indirect rule "Themanners in whichresources aresiphoned off from the colonized southern regions for the speedydevelopment

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ofTigraymakesthe newrelationevenmoreglaringly colonial than whatusedto prevail" (p. 74).

In Chapter Four,BaissaLemmudiscusses the existence ofcompetingnationalisms in Ethiopia. They include Oromo, Amhara, Tigray, Afar,Sidama, Somali, Wallyitta and other nationalisms Lemmu states that inEthiopia an overarching national identitydid not develop (p.. 80) Since theAmhara elites controlled the Ethiopianstate, their nationalism was projectedas Ethiopian nationalism. "ThedistinctionbetweenAmhara and Ethiopiannationalismwas blurred and everybody was compelled to learn the Amharanational characteristics as if theywerepan-Ethiopiantraits" (p. 81) Lemmucarefullyanalyzes the intolerantpolitical cultureofthe Amhara and Tigrayanelites, and depicts the inhuman conditions to which the Oromo have beensubjectedformorethan a century, succinctly discusses the Oromostrugglefurself-determination, and suggests five alternative scopesofself-determination(pp. 97-103) He concludes by statingthat the Oromoissuecouldbe resolvedthrough genuinedemocratization that empowers the Oromo to control theirresources, develop 100ir language and material culture. "Ifthis optionfails,100Oromosmaynot be satisfiedwithless than full independence and sovereigntyto protect their rights and resources" (p 104)

In Chapter Five, Edmond Keller discusses" Regime change andEthno-Regionalism in Ethiopia; 100 caseof100 Oromo.. " Whatbroughtaboutregime changesin Ethiopia both in 1974 and 1991 was mainly the nationalquestion that was never properly solved. According to Keller, Oromonationalism posesthe TPLFIEPRDF regime" withits most seriouschallengeto national politicalintegration"(p. 110). Without solvingthe Oromo issue,the fate ofthe currentregimewill not be different from its two predecessorsAccording Keller, ". the EPRDF's conception of the right toself-determination for constituentstates is much closer to that of Stalin thananythingelse The regime seems to hold that ethnic states have the right toself-determination but not the right to exercisethat right" (p. 114). He goeson to say that the TPLFIEPRDF regimehas" skillfullystructuredpoliticsso as to present the illusionofdemocracy whileat the same time maintainingtight statist control over society" (p 122) This explainswhy in the so-calledDemocratic Federal Republic of Ethiopia, the Government of Oromia doesnothave anyPOWet° to decide on all-important issuesthat affect the Oromopeople0

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InChapterSix, Leenco Lata discusses "Peculiar challenges to OromoNationalism." Althoughthe Oromooccupya strategicpositionin the Hom ofAfrica, and Oromia is the richest,andthe most denselypopulated part of theregion,the Oromoare the least knownof the peoples of the Horn ofAfrica.Lata discusses the Abyssinianprejudicetowards the Oromo, reinforcedbyforeignscholarship, that accountsfor why the Oromo were not known untilrecently, andexplains hownegative images werecreatedand perpetuated. Thelongpolitical, cultural, intellectual andmilitarystruggles havemeltedawaythenegative inragesof the Oromo What remains is the deeply seated Oromoyearningfor self-determination "It mayyet requiremuchmore blood, sweatand tears to realizeit, but its realization is the oulyhope for the survivaloftheOromo people and for other similarlyoppressed nations to overcometheirinternal and/orexternal oppressors" (p .. 149).

Kuwee Kumsa's "Oromo Women andthe Oromo National Movement:Dilemmas, Problems and Prospects for True Liberation" addresses gender,theissue that is virtually absent from Oromo studies KuweeKumsa, a highlygifted and articulate revolutionary Oromo nationalist, has been part of theOromonational struggleformore than twodecades, Between 1981and 1989,shemanagedto write andsmuggle out ofprisontenmanuscripts, whichare aneloquent testament to her courage and commitment to the Oromo nationalstruggle, "Unfortunately these very manuscripts that survived Mengistu'sprison cellshavenot beenpublishedby the OLP. Perhapsthis is a reflectionofthe failure to recognizewomen's voice" (p. 158).

No other intellectual has realized, as Kuwee Kumsa does,thatgenderliberationcouldnot comeout ofOromonational liberationuuless efforts aredirected toward such an outcome It is this realization that makes her'observationparticularly relevantto the ongoingnational liberationstruggleinOromia Accordingto Kuwee Kumsa:

Oromo womenshare the burden ofgender oppressionwithwomenof alI society. They also share the pain of multipleoppression withalIoppressed classes, racesandethnonationsof the modernworld. But Oromowomenarenot helplessand fragileobjects ready to be crushed under the weight ofthree forms of oppression. They are resisting alI forms of

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oppression, andjust as they arebeingchanged by it, they arealso engaged in an active strugglechallenging and changingit (p 154).

Oromo organizations, especially the OLF, should develop strongpolicies on women's emancipation. Women constitute at least half of theOromo population and the nation will not be free if half will be" left inchains" (p .. 176). This is a voicethat should be listenedto and acted uponThe OLF must organize a women's departmentto look after the interests ofwomen members,andto createa foundation for genderequality withinOromosociety. With their increased political consciousness, Oromo womenthemselves will begin demanding that their multipleoppressionbe integratedinto the national agenda of self-determination of Oromia In short, Kuwee1urnsa convincingly argues that the multiple oppression of Oromo womenshouldnot be put on hold until the liberationofOromia 1he strugglefor theself-determination of Oromia is inextricable linked to the issue of gender'equalityand the two should be addressedconcurrently

ChapterEight, "The Macha-TulamaAssociation 1963-1967 and theDevelopment of OromoNationalism," by MohanunedHassen, discusses theformation ofthe first Pan Oromo movement, its role in the creationofOromopoliticalawareness, the association's successes and failures, why and how itwas destroyedby the government ofEmperor Haile Selassie,

This chapter makes it clear' that Oromo nationalismdevelopedoulyduringand afterthe 1960's.. "Whydid it take so long for Oromonationalismto develop"? (p 186), Mohammed Hassen gives four reasons.. First, thatOromonationalismdeveloped as a responseto settler colonialism centered inOromia,and the colonizers,who lackedmodem technological and industrialskills, did not create the crucial environment for' the development ofnationalism Second, the Oromo lacked modern education, mass media,transportation, communication, intensive interaction among themselves andabove all, they ". lacked an intellectualclass that aspired to create culturaland political space for itself' (p, 187) Third, Ethiopian rulers not only dideverything in their power to divide the Oromo along religious and regionallines and deprived them of any leadership, but also undermined thedevelopment ofOromolanguage and literature all ofwhichcombined to delay

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the development of Oromo nationalism Finally, both the Ethiopian andSomali rulingeliteshamperedthe development ofOromonationalism (p 189).The chapter adequately discusses why Oromo nationalism developed so

slowly, how the formation ofthe Macha-TulamaAssociationchangedit, thekey leaders who played crucial roles in articulating the spirit of Oromonationalism, the association's link with the BaleOromoarmedresistance, andthe growthof the Oromo LiberationFront out of the same association Thechapterends with the following observation As the government ofEmperorHaileSelassiedestroyed the MachaandTularna movement in 1%7, the OLF,whichgrew out ofthat movement, "is being systematically destroyedby theTigrayan rulingelite What remains for the Oromois the bitterrealization thatsincethe 1%05, although govermnents havechanged twice in Ethiopia, leadershave changed, and power has shifted from the Amhara ruling elite to theI igrayan ruling elite, the urge to destroy Oromo organizations and theirleadershas remainedconstant" (pp. 215-216).

In Chapter Nine, "Ethiopian Discourse and Oromo Nationalism,"John Sorensondiscusses the deliberate and systematic distortion of Oromohistory in Ethiopianhistoriography. Sincethe Oromo were not literateuntilrecently, what was written about them was writtenmainlyby the Abyssinian(Amhara and Tigray)monks, court chroniclers and modern historians, whoknewvel)' littleaboutthe Oromo people,their culture and wayof life In mostcases, these writers never bothered to know the Oromo language, theirreligious and political institutions and they depicted the Oromo as peoplewithouthistory. "Thesenarrativesofhistoryand identityhas constructed theOromo as Ethiopia's other: uncivilized barbarians, lacking any original orcreativecultural tradition" (p. 229).. John Sorensonmentions an interestingconceptofAbyssinianfundamentalism, which is strong amongthose who aretrying to restore the old order in Ethiopia. "One aspect of this Abyssinianfundamentalism is the valorization of Arnhara ethnic identity and thedenigrationofothergroups such as the Oromo,who have been assignedto asubordinatestatus" (p .. 230) Finally, John Sorensonmakes two interestingobservations. First, Western scholars who studied Ethiopia took on theperceptions of the Amhara elites and those perceptions were arrogantlyanti-Oromo "One important aspect of this Western discourse was theidealization of and support for local allies, the ruling elite of the Amhara.

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Along with reproducingthis particularversion of regional history, Westerndiscourseon Ethiopia also acceptedthe dominantminority's characterizationof the Oromo as inferior" (p 231) Second,he encourages Oromo scholarsand the friends of the Oromonot to duplicate whathas characterized Ethiopiandiscourse". in reversedform" (p, 243) This reviewer believes that this is avalidpointthat has to be takenseriously by thosewhowriteaboutthe Oromo

The final chapter, by Asafa Jalata, deals with "The Struggle forKnowledge: The Case of EmergentOromo Studies." The chapter' not onlyidentifies some deficiencies in Ethiopian studies, but also indicates theprogress Oromo studies has made within relativelyshort time, There is nodoubt that Oromo studies as a disciplinehas a long way to go to establishitself on solid scientificfoundation; however, an encouraging beginninghasbeen made This is because Oromo studies has already demolishedunsubstantiated myths and untruths that were created for the purpose ofdepictingthe Oromo as people "withouthistory"who needed the "civilizingmission" of their Abyssinianneighbors, It is now clear that the Oromo havea long andrichhistoryas complex as otherpeoples ofthe HOIn ofAfrica. TheOromo neverneeded the civilizingmission of their AbyssinianneighboursOromo studies has created a new paradigm that has given respect to theOromo people and their' cultural heritage" "This new paradigm has alreadytransformed the colonized Oromo from objects to subjects of history bybreaking the Ethiopian studies monopoly of knowledge production anddissemination" (P 275).

Mohammed HassenGeorgiaState University

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Book Reviews

Tadesse, Kiflu The Generation, Part II Lanham: MD: UniversityPress ofAmerica, 1998, 518 pp, paper back, price $46. 00.

Kiflu Tadesse, one of the chief exponents of the Ethiopian People'sRevolutionary Party (EPRP), "rote The Generation, Part II to explain thehistoryofthe EPRP from 1975 to the 1990s. Tadesse tells the story from hisownperspective.

Theleadership of the part} consisted ofnineAmharas, six I'igrignaspeakers, twoAfaan Oromospeakers, one Gurage, and onewoman A numberofpolitical questions come to mind Why did the party under-represent theOromo, the largestethnonationalgroup in the Ethiopianempire? Why did itdeny representation to the Southern people that comprise the third largestregional group? Why did it include only one woman? Do they all have thestatns of a "protectedmajority"? Why were Somalis and Mars excluded?Does the EPRP, as constructed, have a mandateto speakfor all? The authorof this book ignores all of these important issues

The authorwrites that the EPRP leadershipwas free from ethno-religiouslines This simplyis not true The leaders ofthis organization, Zero Kishen,Tedeletch Kidane Mariam, Tariku Deberetsion, Melaku Tegene, GenetKebede, have manifested Amhara-Tigrayanethno-religious interests

The author does not explain that the EPRP began the war ofannihilationby assassinatingFikire Marid. He mistakenlyblames the warofannihilationon theDerg, the militaryregime. EPRP wagedan ongoing warof words against all political parties, and then started killing prominentopponents The instances are too numerous, the evidence is too overwhelmingto be denied. It was EPRP that initiated a culture of violence against thosewho did not accept its policies The violence often emergedfrom the graveunwillingness on the part of EPRP to engage in a meaningful dialogneregarding the future leadership of the country. In fact, Getachew MaruandBerhane MeskelReda, repelled by the bloodyviolence ofEPRP methods, triedto stop the hystericalattempt to assassinate Dergmembers.

GetachewMaru was killed by roaming death squads Not satisfied

215


with his death, the squads poured acid on his dead body, making itunidentifiable Further, the fate of Germatchew Abebe clearly shows thecrueltyof this party.

Germatchew Abebe,a graduate ofAlemaya University, put his careeron line to organize EPRP. He was paralyzed while on duty in Ras Dashen,where the climate is severelycold The Central Committee could have senthim to the Sudan or Eastern European countries for medical treatment, butthey left this disabled man witha monkwherehe gotworse.. Germatchew, witha characteristic indomitable spirit, stiftly opposedthe excessofhis comradesin his unrelentingwritings. He was killed undergruesomecircumstances, inthe samemanner as his brother, Yosef Abebe, a graduateofHaile Selassie IUniversity, who was murdered by the Derg. Could there be moremonstrosities than these?

Some rank-and-file members also were killed for criticizing theEPRP,but Kif!u's accountstraysfar from the truth. Therecordof Ganta's 44(platoon)brutality inAssimba is still remembered and shouldbe rememberedfor some time to come. The murders of a teenage girl because a prisonerescaped whileshewason guarddutyand ofthosealleged to be anjas (faction),are qniteshocking. Infact, BerhanuEjague, whileunder tortureby the Derg,betrayed many of his comrades and caused their eventual deaths. Yet heretainedhis positionuntil his own death. Thosewho wereresponsiblefor theunrestrainedkillings are safeguardedby an unwrittencode of silence to thisday

The writer also ignores information that deserve considerationthatcouldshed lightonthe subjectof theEthic-Somalia conflict. From 1960untilthe down fall ofSaidBarre in 1991,power in Somaliawas firmlyentrenchedin the hands of a minority Darrod clan, whose largest group is Ogaden. Inorder to assert hegemony over all Somalia,Darrodoften pitted the wranglinggroups againstoneanother Darrodmaintained powerby controlling Ogaden,the source of ShebheleRiver, the birth place of Said Mohammed AbdellaHassen (MadMullah). Thenightmare camefor the Darrodclan in 1991whenotherclans obtainedtheir ownfreedom by dismantling the Said Barre regime..That is why,in thepast, the Somalia republicconsistentlypressured Ogaden

and desperately tried to annex this landWith this in thebackground, SaidBarre,likehis predecessors, wanted

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to use Oromos in Bale, Arssi, Sidamo and Hararghe as expendable forcesagainst theDergandthe Oromo Liberation Front To do so he appealed to thehistoric ethnic and religious ties.. Most importantly, Radio-Mogadishu, inAfaan Oromo, playeda prominent role as a propaganda dissemination centerto influencer Oromos in Ethiopia andthe Northern frontierdistrictof Kenyabefore similar programs wereinitiated in Radio-Addis Ababain 1975. In lightofthis, whatinfluence couldEPRPhave had whereanti-Amharan sentimentwasprevalent to recruitthe religious ascetic, HajiKuta? The writerdoes notprovide facts On thesematters

It is merely of academic that the independence of Djibouti in 1977triggered paranoia in Said Barre. When there was a demand for anindependent Ogaden state to be headedby the son of Mektel Tahirand someyouthsfromKebriDahir,SaidBarreput them injail indefinitely Similatwo Oromo nationalists, Tari Jarso, a former' instructor at Haile Sellasie IUniversity, and CaptainSalissa JalIo, a former instructor at HarrarMilitaryacademy, disappeared undermysterious circumstances after both defied the'Somalian plan to colonize the Oromos In thesescenarios, MektelTahir didnot wantto be part of a GreaterSomalia, nor did Jarso and Jallo want to bean appendage to a Greater Somalia SaidBarreenvisaged duringhis warwithMengistu Haile Mariam The author should have explained how Oromonationalism as a factor challenged both Somali andEthiopian nationalism andundermined the EPRPinfluence in Oromosociety.

Kille Tadesse discusses the failure of the party without thoroughlyexposing it There aremultiple versions ofwhat wentwrong withEPRP" Oneof thedistinguished members of the Central Committee, YosefMersha, madea near groveling apology to the nationfor the first time (see,Tobia9, 1998)Onecannever tell whether or not it was a scheme to marshal and mobilize

support Eric Fromm oncesaid "destruction is the outcome ofun1ived life."Perhaps he had in mind the activists in Ethiopia. A whole generation is lost- theirdeaths havelefta yawning gap thatwillbe impossible to fill for at leasta century

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But that juncture in history is past now. The central committee ofEPRP, whose members varied in ages from "twenty-six to thirty-four yearsold", were not qualified to make decisions on grave and complicated issuesthat affect the empire These leaders were limited in understanding andexperience. Does this explain ,",h~ EPRP would not tolerate any political,social or cultural configuration not dominated by its central committee? Assome proponents say, class analysis that excluded the national question, andthe adaptation of urban guerrilla warfare brought the down downfall of theparty The author is defensive when he says that "it is not up to this book torespond" This statement shows that the author is not ready to explain thecentral problems ofEPRP The author is at his best when he describes how thecentral committee outwitted him by conducting mock sessions on bogusissueswithout letting him know that he was dismissed from the party.

The book was written for EPRP members and sympathizers. Mostreaders will find it too detailed and unfocused, while others will consider it aninteresting chronicle of events. Its bibliography is pitifully short, relyinginstead on interviews and conversations with other party members who havetheir own agendas. Using the archaic language of the 60's, Kiflu Tadesseargues persuasively in pleading tones for a Socialistic vision ofEthiopia Thebook has thepotential to rekindle the spirit ofthosejaded EPRP activists stillleft to narrate a concise and comprehensive account ofthis party

Paulos Assefa

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Anees-e Kassam Gabra NewYork, TheRosen Publishing Group, Inc, 1995,64pp ..

Geme«hu Megerssa Boman. NewYork, TheRosenPublishing Group, Inc ,1995, 64 pp

These twobrief introductory books are part of The HeritageLibraryof African Peoples series published by the Rosen Publishing Group, IncBased on the samestyle and structural framework, they arevery much alikeIn Gabm and Boman, AneesaKassamand Gemetchu Megerssadiscuss thecultural legacy andexperiences of thesetwo Oromogroupsof Kenya. 1houghthe British colonial administration mistakenly treatedthe Booran and Gabraas two separateand distinct peoples, the authors explain convincingly that thetwo are closely related and are part of the larger Oromo nation cut off' byartificial boundries, created by colonial powers, at the beginning of thetwentieth century BooranandGabrainhabitnorthern Kenya, southern Oromia(Ethiopia) and arepartly foundin Somalia

Booranand Gabra are said to be elder and youngerbrothers, Theyspeak Afaan Oromo, share similar social,religious and political institutionssuch as timereckoning, gada and qaalluu institutions, and democratic andegalitarian decision-making styles under their leaders, Both people haveexperiencedthe intrusionof the forcesof modernization! socialchangesincethe beginningof colonial rule,andmoreaggressively sincethe 1960's, whichare threatening their traditional culturalheritageand way of life

Aneesa and Gemetchu also effectively illustrate some of thedifferences between these two Kenya Oromogroups While Booran usuallyliveon higherand "cooler" land, Gabralivein the drier andhotter lowlandsAdapting to their ecology, the Booranare pastoralists raisingmore herds ofcattle, and fewer camels, goats and sheep 1he Gabra raise more herds ofcamels, goats and sheep but fewer cattle Booran have more permanentsettlements and are also engaged in production of crops such as maize,sorghum. millet and beans,

219


Accordingto Aneesa and Gemetchu, the Booran and Gabra OromoofKenya,like their counterparts in southernOromia, havedeveloped a highlysophisticatedmechanismto skillfullymanage their scarce resources - water,land and vegetation- for the use of their animals and humans and maintaintheir delicateenvironment while copingwith periodic crises such as drought,famine and wars"

Both books are supported by severalpictures, somemaps, a glossaryof Oromo terms, excellent selective references for further readings, andindices for easy use

Aneesa's book is informative, simple and enjoyable to read andprovides a good understanding of the culture ofGabra Gemetchu'sBoorandraws moreon oral historyandmyths,sometimes goingback to a remoteandunverifiable past to identifytheancientoriginsofthis people" Gemetchualsodelves sometimes into the deeper and more profound philosophical andreligious worldviewoftheBooranpeople" His brieftreatmentofthe complexBooran reckoning oftime and conceptofhistory,raisesthe urgency offwtherresearch and clarification before such knowledge disappears under theonslaughtof the forcesofmodernization and socialchangewhichthreatenthetraditional way of life,,

In conclusion, Aneesa Kassam and Gemetchu Megerssa havesuperbly introducednot only the cultural legacies and experiences of Gabraand BooranofKenyabut, also by inferenceand extension, that ofthe rest ofthe larger Oromo nation in theHom ofAfrica, The two books are excellentintroductoryreading material not only for YOWlg people, but also for adnltsinterestedto know more about African peoples' cultures,

LemmuBaissa, PhD

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