THESIS PREP BOOK

1Pipeline

Tanker Ship

Con

test

ed I

nfra

stru

ctur

e

Contested Territory

Political Ignorance

Riot

Transnational Commodity

LONDON UK

WATER FROM MULTIPLE EXTRACTIONSSPACES OF COMMODITY VS HUMAN

TERRITORY OF POLITICAL CONSTITUENCIES

CAPITAL CITIES IN EU COUNTRIES

MARSEILLES FR - WATER IS EXTRACTED UNDER PRIVATE MANAGEMENT

WATER PIPED ACROSS LAND UNDER GOVERNMENTAL REGULATION ANDSHIPPED TO UK UNDER PRIVATE REGULATION

THE GEOPOLITICS OF WATER EXPORTING

WATER STORAGE / EXTRACTION

Transnational Spaces of Water

LIQ

UID

INFR

AS

TRU

CTU

RE

0BOOK

Timothy Gale Fall 2010Thesis Preparation

liquidinfrastructure.info

Advisors:Brendan MoranJulia Czerniak

1ABSTRACT


2FLOWS

A Hydropolitical Morphology

B Infrastructural Space of Water

C Water as Commodity

D Territorialization

E Methodology

34SPECULATIONS

A Urban Water Territories

C Water Embassy

D Water Vault

5NOTES

Glossary

Bibliography

3TERRITORY XXL

A Politics: Corporation + State + Citizenry

B Infrastructure: Water Tower

C Space: Human + Water

D Site: EU + London

The physical infrastructures of the twentieth century - those of roads, rail, sewage, water, air, data, amongst others - have tended to operate as singular and independent sys-tems. The infrastructures of the twenty-first century must investigate relationships and transparencies - to the pairing of infrastructure and landscape, infrastructure and public amenities, infrastructure and architecture.

Liquid infrastructure utilizes water to illustrate and examine the flows that administer the this process: flows of social power, labour, infor-mation, capital, and resources that produce the contemporary urban landscape.

The ownership of water supply systems by transnational privatized consortia are radically changing cities and the way we live. Therefore, contemporary urbanisms and the water infrastructures which support them are becoming complex due to geopolitical power rela-tionships. But the public is basically unaware. The political and physical realities of water infrastructural management are creating conflict between governments, corporations and urban citizenry. Urban water systems are becoming contested territories of public access/ownership and city municipalities are becoming marginalized by private interest. By investi-gating the dialectic between territories of water and urban need, one can study it effects at a local and transnational condition, enabling geopolitical forces to manifest in a productive rethinking of urban form and public infrastructural access.

5The project produces an architecture that does not attempt to solve the conflicting con-ditions that exist in London and the greater European Union. The project explores the ramifications of a continuous infrastructural network linking the fragmented urban fabric of private infrastructural enclaves within urban form. When it is possible to imagine what is happening in the extended matrix of connectivity every time a tap is opened, it is pos-sible to see the opportunity at each junction and to imagine private ritual and public life enhanced through the process.

Thus the project proposes a new radical programmatic hybrid institution which redefines the government as an institution no longer exclusively dedicated to the representation of politics, but as an information store where all potent forms of flows are presented equally and legibly. In an age where the territory of water resources are transnational, the cura-tion government and corporation interaction and their content [infrastructure] is vital for public awareness. This new coupling of architecture, infrastructure and politics is vital. The form becomes the action.

?HYDROSPATIALLANDSCAPES OF WATER

The 21st century will be defined by our collectively growing need for water. Paradoxically, impending water shortages and crises are changing the rapid patterns of urbanization by requiring urban form to simultaneously adapt to water need and water defense. Increasingly required is elaborate infrastructures/systems to source, divert, collect and transport this liquid substance to our urban centres. How can the infrastructural complex integrate in accordance with the urban landscape to create a balance between infrastructure, social program, and ecological existence to develop a new productive urban paradigm in an increasingly de-public realm?

Cities relationship to water has existed since the urban form prevailed. Water is conceptual-ized in the human experience in cultural, societal, ritualistic, and need basis. New forms of water production are occurring due do increasing urban densities and geologically changing environments. Globalization and urban need have created prolific political situations between private corporations and pubic states which serve the urban citizenry. The combination of the existing and new infrastructures is creating new territories of water control and in turn produc-ing new spatial relationships between these emerging/existing spaces of water.

Resources are complex in relationship to human beings. Water is said to be the next oil. Water can not only be viewed as a resource and precious life force on our planet. It needs to be dis-cussed in the context of a greater global complexity based on the political, social, economic, and situations of crises are constantly the multiple contingencies that direct and control how urban societies think and physically manifest their infrastructures. How, where, and why can architecture intervene in this complex system? It is the assertion of this document - it is im-perative that architecture and the role of the designer not only understand the forces shaping this discourse, but to provide agency in highlighting issues. What design potentials exist, in this expanding liquid landscape?

The European Union present a clear example of water infrastructural management and ownership. The landscape of water that this project deals with is territorial - the XXL. Infra-structural management of water across continent, country and city boundaries is complex and not understood. The opportunity for design analysis, critique, connection and intervention to highlight the absurd flows of water informed by virtual/physical containment of the infrastruc-tural and geopolitical. This allows for new pairings of program, infrastructure and resource.

Total Design has two meanings: first, what might be called the implosion of design, the focusing of design inward on a single intense point; second, what might be called the explosion of design, the expansion of design out to touch every possible point in the world. - Mark Wigley from What Ever Happen to Total Design?

7Redrawn Buckminster Fuller Map of Earth Land Network Connections

Redrawn Buckminster Fuller Map of Earth Water Network Connections. The water map representation of the world demonstrates the connectivity of water based transit - the movement of resources. It also is a different way of viewing the networks - water based connectivity differs in spatial interpretation of flows. Vectors of connection demonstrate flows of proximity.

70% of the Earth is Water

30% of the Earth is Land

100% of the Cities Import Water

1ABSTRACTTRANSNATIONAL SPACES OF WATERIf politics means making decisions that divide, then nothing divides quite like the kilo-metres of concrete and steel that make up a freeway or rail line. By understanding infra-structure as the structuring of access we foreground the way it unevenly redistributes opportunity (and cost) in accordance with power. As such it forms a crucible for political activity. - Kazys Varnelis from The Infrastructure City: Network Ecologies

The effects of transnational privatized consortia are radically changing water supply systems in relation to cities and the way we live. Contemporary urbanisms and the water infrastruc-tures which support them are becoming complex due to geopolitical power relationships. The political and physical realities of water infrastructural management are creating conflict between governments, corporations and urban citizenry. Urban water systems are becom-ing contested and situations of public access/ownership and city municipalities are becom-ing marginalized by private interest. Within the water supply system, storage of freshwater become the most important moment of public intervention.

This project contends that water storage are places where solved conflict and political ambi-guity can manifest to highlight the absurdity of this situation in the most cogent form. By in-vestigating the dialectic between territories of water and urban need, one can study it effects at a local and transnational condition, enabling geopolitical forces to manifest in a productive rethinking of urban form and infrastructural access. Design and architecture need to position the discourse in emergent opportunities.

This project contends that design and architecture can insert itself into the infrastructural landscape and can take on new roles of influence. Territories of water importation and expor-tation are absurd.

This project explores how new forms of water storage tower infrastructure might be extrapo-lated from geopolitical contention in this case, materializing architectural form from the political interstices of the World Trade Organization General Agreements on Privatizing Urban Services. The water tower is an access point to represent the greater territory. London, as other countries situated in the European Union, locates resources needed for its urban inhab-itants often within other countries.

The General London Councils [GLC] termination in the 1980s and the beginning of the Greater London Administration [GLA] in the 2000s provides a shift for how the city thought about water storage for the urban environment. The function of storage was until 1990 solved with the construction of water for other usages. From 1990 water structures have been exclu-sively built for storage. The water tower as symbol and physical storage in the urban environ-ment is traditionally historically - the new tower represents the territory of flows and operation.

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SOURCE

DISTRIBUTION

CLEANSING

STORAGE FOR TREATMENT

STORAGE FOR DISTRIBUTION

ZONE OF JU

XTAPOSITIONZON

E OF CONTEN

TIONZON

E OF CONTEN

TION

INTERSTITIAL SPACE

LOND

ON

PARI

SEXTR

AC

TIO

N

STO

RA

GE

EXTR

AC

TIO

N

ENGLAND

FRANCE

INTERSTITIAL SPACE

WALES

TRANSNATIONAL MIXING SPACE

WATER

GEOPOLITICS

STORAGE

If architecture and urban design can be more closely integrated with complex natural and anthropogenic processes of water extraction/movement/utility, then water in all its forms and modes of operation can be valued in its many relationships to human existence.

Politics, privatization and institutionalization of natural resources infrastructure of water in cities is hidden and inadequately understood by the citizenry. However, the buried or hidden relationships are vital to the successful functioning of the contemporary city. Public rights of ownership and access are misunderstood, pushed aside or ignored.

The realities of human existence have become increasingly abstracted, complex, and conflict-ed by global systems, which blind us from their true nature and consequences. It firstly has to be recognized that crisis occurs when existing models fail.

What is at stake for architecture in the geopolitical organization and management of water? This project contends that architectural design can highlight the marginalization [invisibility] of transnational private consortia through revealing and exposing place and agency in the infrastructural landscape. The relationship between the political state and corporation further mystifies the complexity of physical space. This dynamic can be termed hydrospatiality.

The European Union presents a clear illustration of current crippling and contentious effects of water infrastructural privatization on various urban territories. Examples range from the rapid deterioration of infrastructure and politics in Pariss urban core in the last ten years; Bel-giums public complete appropriation of water filtration facilities in order to eradicate private ownerships of water supply; and the use of water pipelines in Germany and Spain to surrepti-tiously divide urban communities.

The project produces an architecture that does not attempt to solve the conflicting con-ditions that exist in London and the greater EU: water supply access riots, power control marginalization, and infrastructural territory.

Rather, architecture will be a vehicle to spatialize these forces, bridging the gap between what is a jarring reality, and an architectural reality that suspends judgement in order to juxtapose and highlight absurd reality, producing a reconceptualization of the current political, social and urban relationship to water storage as a space of productive infra-structural influence in revealing and exposing.

The project highlights the absurd - making it the situation transparent. The project ex-plores the ramifications of a continuous infrastructural network linking the fragmented urban fabric of private infrastructural enclaves.

Ultimately, this thesis questions the potential absurdity of symbol and hidden strategies within London by attempting to realize them.

The project explores the ramifications of a continuous infrastructural network linking the fragmented urban fabric of private infrastructural enclaves within urban form.

When it is possible to imagine what is happening in the extended matrix of connectivity every time a tap is opened, it is possible to see the opportunity at each junction and to imagine private ritual and public life enhanced through the process.

INTERSTITIAL SPACE

LOND

ON

PARI

SEXTR

AC

TIO

N

STO

RA

GE

EXTR

AC

TIO

N

ENGLAND

FRANCE

INTERSTITIAL SPACE

WALES

TRANSNATIONAL MIXING SPACE

WATER

GEOPOLITICS

STORAGE

13

SOURCE / EXTRACTION

INFRASTRUCTURAL TRANSIT

STORAGE FOR TREATMENT

FILTRATION

STORAGE FOR DISTRIBUTION

DISTRIBUTION

ZONE OF JU

XTAPOSITIONZON

E OF CONTEN

TIONZON

E OF CONTEN

TION

With water infrastructure privatization in the late 1980s in the EU new geopolitical agreements between countries and corporations influenced the management of design and urban services as well resource agreements. For example, the function of water stor-age until 1990 was solved with the construction of water for other uses. With new com-modification of infrastructure and the water within it, design of water structures exclu-sively for storage began.

Through the re-appropriation of architecture in a metaphorical sense, a re-imagining of the disciplinary and professional commitments of capital A Architecture to include tradi-tional externalities of political, social, environmental, and various other mediated con-tents. In doing so, infrastructures becomes the site and subject. Seeking to re-animate architectural discourse with urban relevance. The twentieth century was witness to both an infrastructure boom and bust. It is the twenty-first century that will need to determine not only how to address ineffective infrastructures, but also new geopolitical and trans-national situations and how to position new infrastructures and program that confront urgent issues of climate, sustenance, and politics. The opportunity for projecting a future infrastructure lies in bundling multiple processes with spatial experiences. This project aims to declare infrastructures as open systems, adaptive and responsive to environ-ments and occupation of water territories. Operating at a territorial scale, the project creates new moments of social production and speculation.

The design of infrastructure is therefore open and anticipatory. It has nothing to do with a specific message; rather, it is the design of the system that makes it possible to send any number of messages. It is for this reason that infrastructure is broadly democratic. It represents the investment by the state into systems that allow the movement and ex-change of information, without specifying the content of that information or the range of movement. This is not to say that infrastructures are utopian; infrastructures are systems of control as well. They can be easily regulated by switches and checkpoints, and shut down when required. And the operation of infrastructural systems depends as much on maintaining separation as it does in establishing connections. Yet we know there is always something slightly out of control when infrastructures proliferate.


CONTEXTEU WATER+INFRASTRUCTURE

15

VEOLIA

RWE

SUEZ

EU COUNTRIES

EU COUNTRIES PRIVATE WATER

LONDON WATER SOURCE GEOGRAPHY

EU COUNTRIES PUBLIC WATER

2FLOWSWater is not just a resource. It is also a force of manipulation and control.

1ABSTRACT


2FLOWS



B Water as Commodity


E Methodology

17

4SPECULATIONS


C Water Embassy

D Water Vault

5NOTES

Glossary

Bibliography

3TERRITORY XXL




D Site: EU + London

2A

FLOWSUNDERSTANDING HYDRO-POLITICAL SPATIALIZATION

Infrastructurally is inherently political. Water is political. Human beings love to be political. Thus this project deals with the political. The extension of power dynamics of distribution have been conflated with the rise of the private corporation. This began as with the state power failing state administering separate councils to oversee urban services. With massive economic restructuring in the 1980s the cities began turning their urban service councils into private companies. The European Union in the 1990s gave birth to the first transnational water corporations. This changed the political dynamics of water distribution at all scales.

But this transformation occurred under governmental valences unknown to the public. In the early 2000s the public citizens in European Union countries such as France and Switzerland commenced a process of riots, protests, political engagement, and infrastructural appropria-tion as a way to reclaim what is considered public domain.

A new theoretical framework for understanding how decision-makers arbitrate the distribution of urban resources and in doing so become key agents in the governance and control of the populations they serve.

The interaction of the state/citizen/corporation transformed through public services.

Politically, the project specifically examines nation states in relation to each other [London, France and Wales], the World Trade Organizations [WTO] services council, General Aggree-ment on Trade Services [GATS] backing by private transnationals in marginalizing cities and peoples access to water as an urban right. The General London Councils [GLC] termination in the 1980s and the beginning of the Greater London Administration [GLA] in the 2000s provides a shift for how the city government of London view of water infrastructure services predicated on the WTO mandate to privatize water infrastructures.

London is currently controlled, operated and owned by Thames Water, which is a subsidiary of RWE [the largest water corporation in the world]. The current political landscape situates in extracting water in France by private means and distributing it to London for public means.

If politics means making decisions that divide, then nothing divides quite like the kilo-metres of concrete and steel that make up a freeway or rail line. By understanding infra-structure as the structuring of access we foreground the way it unevenly redistributes opportunity (and cost) in accordance with power. As such it forms a crucible for political activity. - Kazys Varnelis from The Infrastructure City: Network Ecologies

19

$

$

Citizenry

The State

Corporation

Infrastructure

InfrastructureInfra

stru

ctur

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$

Water Infrastructure is the lens through which to understand the political, social and urban - the physical territories created by geopo-litical powers between private and public constituencies. The territory of water infrastructure is a complex power play of the political. Nature, The State, Corporation and The Citizen are four entities which influence transnational water flow.

These icon symbol representations follow the structure of the book as understanding which of these bodies is functioning in the crea-tion of the image, diagram, concept and territory.

Nature

1 Private Transnational Consortia refers to conglomeration of five main Private Water Corporations: Suez, RWE, Vivendi, Veolia, and BiWater. These corporations are own all of the worlds private water supply through subsidary names. They act transnationally independent of national government resource regulations.

2 Source: The Services Council, its Committees and other subsidiary bodies. World Trade Organization. 2010.

MBW LCC GLAGLC

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In 1850, the Great Stink occurred in London. A complete awareness that the infrastruc-ture in the city was not working. With this came a new establishment of councils and boards to oversee the development and large scale management of water systems in London. Before this, it was done at a very local level not leaving large planning processes to design the system.

1855 - 1890 Metropolitan Board of WorksThe Metropolitan Board of Works (MBW) was the principal instrument of London-wide government from 1855 until the establishment of the London County Council in 1889. Its principal responsibility was to provide infrastructure to cope with Londons rapid growth, which it successfully accomplished. The MBW was an appointed rather than elected body.

1960 - 1990 Greater London CouncilThe Greater London Council [GLC] created new responsibility for public transport, road schemes, hous-ing development and regeneration, as well as creating new systems of potable water to the now increased London metropolitan area. It established new pumping stations and reservoirs to the west of London.

CONTEXTPOLITICAL MORPHOLOGY

The Great Stink Privatize Water

21

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1970The Thames Water Authority was founded, under the terms of the Water Act 1973, and took over the following water supply utilities and catchment area management bodies

1990 Thames Water was privatised as Thames Water Utilities Limited, with the transfer of its regulatory, river management and navigation responsibilities to the National Rivers Author-ity, which later became part of the Environment Agency.[6]. The company was listed on the London Stock Exchange and was a constituent of the FTSE 100 Index.

2001 Thames Water was acquired by the German utility company RWE. Following several years of criticism about failed leakage targets, RWE managed to buy the company for 8.0 billion pounds and invest 1 billion in infrastructural development in the first year.

1890 - 1960 London County Council The London County Council (LCC) was the principal local government body for the County of London, through-out its 18891965 existence, and the first London-wide general municipal authority to be directly elected. It covered the area today known as Inner London and was replaced by the Greater London Council. The LCC was the largest, most significant and ambitious municipal authority of its day.

1990 - 0000 Greater London AuthorityThe Greater London Authority [GLA] is a strategic regional authority, with powers over transport, policing, eco-nomic development, fire and emergency planning. Four functional bodies Transport for London, Metropoli-tan Police Authority, London Development Agency and London Fire and Emergency Planning Authority are responsible for delivery of services in these areas. The planning policies of the Mayor of London are detailed in a statutory London Plan that is regularly updated and published.

At each transition of the government, Thames Water also change. Firstly it was a public council becoming an agency with private interest and recently becoming a private company bought and traded transnation-ally by RWE, a German water and utility corporation.

2B

FLOWSINFRASTRUCTURAL SPACE OF WATER

The infrastructural space of water in this project situates itself in the context of extraction or sourcing, the flow of transit [pipeline/tanker] and then the storage of water for distribution into complex connective system of taps and faucets.

London grew tremendously in the hundred years between 1860 and 1960, and infrastruc-ture was the foundation for that growth. Trains, streetcar lines, streets and highways allowed inhabitants to rush around with relative ease. As infrastructure filled past capacity and congestion became bad, the public had faith that the experts would solve the problems by constructing new infrastructure - always more capacious and more technologically advanced. But ofcourse, this is not true.

Water Infrastructure was idealized by modernist architects. Take Vers une Architecture, for example, in which Corbusier extolled the societal transformations that would take place if only the people were to listen to the architect and the engineer. It was, after all, a matter of architecture or revolution. For modernists, a plan and the capacity of a clear idea would bring order to the chaos of the metropolis. In implementing the plan, modern architecture relied on infrastructure above all else.

A citys modernity became nearly equivalent to its infrastructure, as evident in Haussmanns reconstruction of Paris, the ultra-real technological landscapes of Tony Garniers Cite Indus-trielle, or the wild, electric fantasies of Antonio SantElias Citta Nuova. Modern architecture would be nothing but pastiche without engineering to support it - merely new clothes for an old body. The engineer, Le Corbusier concluded, puts us in accord with natural law. Only after the engineer laid down a foundation could the architect start to create beauty through form. The space of water is infrastructural. The infrastructural space of water vast - designed as spaces for commodity - not spaces for the human.

If we term everything Infrastructure, then we have defined infrastructure as nothing ...This raises the question as to what isnt infrastructure. The answer to this would be to say that the property of something being infrastructural or not, does not properly belong to the object itself, it emerges through the relation said object has with other objects. If this relationship is a dependent one, in which one object relies on the other for its functioning, then we might say that the second object plays the role of infrastructure. However if the relation between the objects is characterized by autonomy that is to say independence then we could not say that the object operates infrastructurally. - Adrian Lahoud

23

London Beckton Water Filtration Treatment Plant. The largest facility in the EU. The security is as high as a maximum security prison. Water is unloaded from France/Wales and England. This is a transnational space of water. A private infrastructural enclave mixing water from multiple geographic locations

London Beckton Water Filtration Treatment Plant. The largest facility in the EU. The security is as high as a maximum security prison. Water is unloaded from France/Wales and England. This is a transnational space of water. A private infrastructural enclave with

Social Political

Urban

Infrastructure

InfrastructureInfra

stru

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$

2C

FLOWSWATER AS COMMODITY

For historical reasons, three private companies grew up in France over the last century, oper-ating water concessions for a number of local authorities. This happened nowhere else in the world, and these three French companies Suez- Lyonnaise, Vivendi, and SAUR were the only water companies in the world which were private, used to operating across a number of different public authorities, and with the size and capital resources to take advantage of the fashion for privatization which started in the 1990s. Today, about 5 percent of the worlds wa-ter is in private hands. The water sector thus has enormous potential for the few multinational corporations that dominate this market.

A report, Water Justice for All, released in March 2003 shows that water privatization has had negative impacts on communities in many countries and threatens to affect an increasing number of people. It reports global and local resistance to the control and commodification of water.

Civil society demands that access to drinking water be recognized as a universal human right, in order to ensure that everyone can benefit from water resources. At the same time, it raises its voice against leaving water exploitation in the hands of private corporations whose only concern is making a profit from such services. Signed in Lisbon, Valencia (Spain) in 1998, the Water Manifesto is intended to demonstrate symbolically, politically and technically the urgent need for a water revolution.

The globalizing effect and commodification of water is largely due to the spatial commodifica-tion of property and infrastructure. The way in which people understand water is inherently a commodification of substance and resource. Water is a human need and want. Thus eve-ryone needs it, especially the difficulty of urban centres. With the commodification of water infrastructure into private interest, water became an economic good, a commodity.

In the past, governments unanimously believed access to basic human services such as water, healthcare and education should not be included in trade agreements because these were essential components of citizenship. However, the World Trade Organization [WTO] and the General Agreement on Urban Services [GAUS] erodes these basic human rights.

If politics means making decisions that divide, then nothing divides quite like the kilo-metres of concrete and steel that make up a freeway or rail line. By understanding infra-structure as the structuring of access we foreground the way it unevenly redistributes opportunity (and cost) in accordance with power. As such it forms a crucible for political activity. - Kazys Varnelis1

ENGLAND

SECTION TROUGH WATER TANKER

FRANCEWALES

25

ENGLAND

SECTION TROUGH WATER TANKER

FRANCEWALES

2D

FLOWSTERRITORIALIZATION

Globally, cities water supply systems operate in three systems of management. The first being a completely public system operated by public government agencies. The second system be-comes a step between completely public governance to completely private governance. With the expansion of cities and industrial growth, cities sought to charter private government insti-tutions to manage specific public functions of the urban water system. Private partnerships were established the growth of Public-Private Partnerships [PPPs] in the delivery of essential services to urban residents which has been articulated as a form of decentralized service delivery that makes the water services more efficient and ultimately tries to bring governance structures closer to the people.1 The third and more recent phenomena is the complete pri-vatization of water supply infrastructure which renders the governance of the system separate from the citizen and the urban municipality. These three systems of urban water governance are linear in their respective developments.

Currently due to the multiple systems of management and the development of how we consider waters role in the urban environment, water is being revalued and re-presented as a scarce economic good. With this shift, the triangular relationships between the external pro-vider, the state and the citizen - the three critical agents in the delivery of water - spatially pro-vide new forms of political action with the ascent of the neo-liberal paradigm. In this discus-sion the external provider is the private transnational consortia operating out of self interest and transcending governmental/political boundaries of resource extraction and distribution.

When the corporation is given the leading role in fostering connection between the citizen instead of the government, to mode of interaction is one of customer management in order to alleviate and resolve the economic constraints facing the state as well as educating users

In the context of the state public power, Foucaults conception of governmentality in ana-lysing the relational dynamics of power within a decentralized landscape of water gov-ernance. Modes of governmentality refer to forms of calculated practice [internally and externally] in the government structure to direct categories of social agency.5 The prac-tice of the everyday is normalized to conform to a particular political frameworks, both public and private. Foucault refers to this diffusion of government control via a range of practices as the governmentalization of the state. Political power in this instance is located beyond the state as governmentality does not confine political activity to central executive activities or formal law-making bodies.6 In the instance of PPs, power assumes some degree of reciprocity, sublimating opposition forces through persuasion, incen-tives with the aim of earning consent.

27

Croyton Water Import/Filtration

Beckton Water Import/Filtration/Storage

Central London Storage Facility

Abbey Mills Water Processing Plant

Territories of water storage, filtration and import infrastructure.

Hyde Park London

2E

FLOWSMETHODOLOGY

A part of my process as an architecture student, artist and designer I feel the need to briefly explain the methodology I use and is being deployed in this thesis. I will be candid. I am inter-ested in concept and the ability for representation to express concept.

Mapping and juxtaposing internal relationships to the thesis is pertinent in understanding terri-tory. The rigor of working through concept and artistic vision allows for graphic interpretation of place and site.

The object of art - like every other product - creates a public which is sensitive to art and enjoys beauty. Production thus not only creates an object for the subject, but also a subject for the object. - Karl Marx

I find it more interesting to understadn the city no longer as tissue, but more as mere coexistence, a series of relationships between objects that are almost never articulated in visual or formal ways, no longer caught in architectural connections. - Rem Koolhass

29

Overlay of water scaffolding.

3TERRITORYThe global absurdity of our cities and lifestyles depend on absurd situations and landscapes of infrastructure.

1ABSTRACT


2FLOWS



B Water as Commodity


31

4SPECULATIONS

A Transnational Public Water Embassy

B Reclaiming the Water Tower/Storage

C The Transnational Water Tower

D Re-Drawing Water Territories

5NOTES

Glossary

Bibliography

3TERRITORY XXL




D Site: EU + London

3A

TERRITORYPOLITICS: CORPORATION + STATE + CITIZENRY

The surveillance of public behaviour in readying for March against Private Services; London 2008.

A part of my process as an architecture student, artist and designer I feel the need to briefly explain the methodology I use and is being deployed in this thesis. I will be candid. I am inter-ested in concept and the ability for representation to express concept.

The object of art - like every other product - creates a public which is sensitive to art and enjoys beauty. Production thus not only creates an object for the subject, but also a subject for the object. - Karl Marx

I find it more interesting to understadn the city no longer as tissue, but more as mere coexistence, a series of relationships between objects that are almost never articulated in visual or formal ways, no longer caught in architectural connections. - Rem Koolhass

33

MAPPING GLOBAL WATER SUPPLY CORPORATISATIONCITIES SERVED BY TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS

151

106

32

countries / resisted privately owned water supply

countries / private owned water supply Suez/Veolia/RWE

countries / private owned water supply ENDED

countries / private owned water supply MAJOR ISSUES

cities / private owned water supply ENDED

cities / private owned water supply MAJOR ISSUES


151

106

32








151

106

32







With water infrastructure privatization in the late 1980s in the EU new geopolitical agreements between countries and corporations influenced the management of design and urban services as well resource agreements. For example, the function of water stor-age until 1990 was solved with the construction of water for other uses. With new com-modification of infrastructure and the water within it, design of water structures exclu-sively for storage began.

Through the re-appropriation of architecture in a metaphorical sense, a re-imagining of the disciplinary and professional commitments of capital A Architecture to include tradi-tional externalities of political, social, environmental, and various other mediated con-tents. In doing so, infrastructures becomes the site and subject. Seeking to re-animate architectural discourse with urban relevance. The twentieth century was witness to both an infrastructure boom and bust. It is the twenty-first century that will need to determine not only how to address ineffective infrastructures, but also new geopolitical and trans-national situations and how to position new infrastructures and program that confront urgent issues of climate, sustenance, and politics. The opportunity for projecting a future infrastructure lies in bundling multiple processes with spatial experiences. This project aims to declare infrastructures as open systems, adaptive and responsive to environ-ments and occupation of water territories. Operating at a territorial scale, the project creates new moments of social production and speculation.

The design of infrastructure is therefore open and anticipatory. It has nothing to do with a specific message; rather, it is the design of the system that makes it possible to send any number of messages. It is for this reason that infrastructure is broadly democratic. It represents the investment by the state into systems that allow the movement and ex-change of information, without specifying the content of that information or the range of movement. This is not to say that infrastructures are utopian; infrastructures are systems of control as well. They can be easily regulated by switches and checkpoints, and shut down when required. And the operation of infrastructural systems depends as much on maintaining separation as it does in establishing connections. Yet we know there is always something slightly out of control when infrastructures proliferate.


CONTEXTEU WATER+INFRASTRUCTURE

35

VEOLIA

RWE

SUEZ

EU COUNTRIES

EU COUNTRIES PRIVATE WATER

LONDON WATER SOURCE GEOGRAPHY

EU COUNTRIES PUBLIC WATER

Copenhagen

1

2

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3

9

10

5

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London [United Kingdom]Copenhagen [Denmark]Stockholm [Sweden]Helsinki [Finland]Tallinn [Estonia]Riga [Latvia]Vilnius [Lithuania]Warsaw [Poland]Prague [Czech Republic]Vienna [Austria]Ljubljana [Slovenia]Bratislava [Slovakia]Budapest [Hungary]Bucharest [Romania]Sofia [Bulgaria]ATHENS [Greece]Rome [Italy]Madrid [Spain]Lisbon [Portugal]Paris [France]Brussels [Belgium]Amsterdam [Netherlands]Berlin [Germany]


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1011121314151617181920212223

The EU is a Nation State. The nation state is a state that self-identifies as deriving its political legitimacy from serving as a sovereign entity for a country as a sovereign territo-rial unit. The state is a geopolitical entity. The nation is a cultural entity. The EU operates through a hybrid system of supranational independent institutions and intergovernmen-tally made decisions negotiated by the member states. Because of this arrangement and scale proximity of the countries politics, resources, infrastructure, economics directly effect each regions based on other regions.

CONTEXTEUROPEAN UNION [EU]

37

Copenhagen

1

2

4

3

9

10

5

7

8

6

11

12

13

17

14

15

16

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2322

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London [United Kingdom]Copenhagen [Denmark]Stockholm [Sweden]Helsinki [Finland]Tallinn [Estonia]Riga [Latvia]Vilnius [Lithuania]Warsaw [Poland]Prague [Czech Republic]Vienna [Austria]Ljubljana [Slovenia]Bratislava [Slovakia]Budapest [Hungary]Bucharest [Romania]Sofia [Bulgaria]ATHENS [Greece]Rome [Italy]Madrid [Spain]Lisbon [Portugal]Paris [France]Brussels [Belgium]Amsterdam [Netherlands]Berlin [Germany]


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1011121314151617181920212223

Copenhagen


EU COUNTRIES PRIVATE WATER SUPPLY

EU COUNTRIES PUBLIC WATER SUPPLY

Over 75% of EU countries have privatized water infrastructure by transnational corpora-tions. Under the World Trade Organization Agreement on Urban Services, cities with pri-vatized urban services/infrastructure or water supply infrastructure control is dictated by the owning corporation. Due to the privatization and the ability for trans-national consor-tia to operate resources independent of government boundary. This is the new territory of urban water. Water from France imported to London completely bypasss the French government. The corporations owns the spring, the corporation exports the water.

CONTEXTWATER PRIVATIZATION

39

Copenhagen




Copenhagen




EU COUNTRIES PRIVATE WATER SUPPLY CONTESTED BY PUBLIC

The most contested cases of anti-water privatization have occurred in four countries; Germany, France, Spain and England. Just a year ago Paris went through a long twenty-year de privatization process. The public demanded to take back their urban infrastruc-ture. Recently cities such as Madrid and Barcelona have experienced droughts and needed to further privatize in order to provide adequate urban water infrastructures.


$

Infrastructure

InfrastructureInfra

stru

ctur

e

41

Copenhagen




EU COUNTRIES PRIVATE WATER SUPPLY CONTESTED BY PUBLIC

Copenhagen


VEOLIA

RWE

SUEZ

With failing economic states in the late 1980s - urban water privatization provided a sound opportunity fir cities to improve and provide better services. Certain corporations have agreements and have drawn water boundaries between each.


$

Infrastructure

InfrastructureInfra

stru

ctur

e

43

Copenhagen


VEOLIA

RWE

SUEZ


MAJOR TRASNNATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE FLOWS

The territory of water infrastructure also opens an expanded political repertoire. The most powerful players [governments/corporations] have the capacity to make water infra-structures, but equally important these infrastructures can escape nominative designa-tions or documented events. As an action, it can remain undeclared and discrepant, and as a medium, it can determine what survives. The indeterminate space of water infra-structural flows can offer insight into understandings of how water, politics, and socialility can reprogram workings of our current society.

CONTEXTINFRASTRUCTURE FLOWS

+

45CAPITAL CITIES IN EU COUNTRIES

MAJOR TRASNNATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE FLOWS


SPHERES OF PRIVATIZATION IMPACT

SPHERES OF PRIVATE WATER IMPACT

400 Miles

200 Miles

100 Miles

50 Miles

London has one of the largest spheres of water space of EU capital cities. The sphere of water influence describes the geographic area of water need and thus invisible govern-ance of water.

CONTEXTSPHERES OF INFLUENCE

47CAPITAL CITIES IN EU COUNTRIES

SPHERES OF PRIVATIZATION IMPACT

SPHERES OF PRIVATE WATER IMPACT

400 Miles

200 Miles

100 Miles

50 Miles

3B

TERRITORYINFRASTRUCTURE: WATER TOWER

Curiously, infrastructure is a new word. The Oxford English Dictionary identifies its first use in 1927. The word only achieves real currency in the 1980s after the publication of a scathing public policy assessment entitled America in Ruins: The Decaying Infrastructure, which raised many of the issues raised here. To understand the technical systems that support a society - roads, bridges, water supply, wastewater, flood management, telecommunications, gas and electric lines - as one category, it was first necessary to see it fail.is inherently architectural and design based. These should be the new issues of the architect in the urban environment, as these are the design questions that are emerging currently.

Although infrastructure has the inherent ability to understand itself as a continuous glob-al complex and unchanging in physical disposition based on place, the typologies within the system change varying on environmental, social, and political conditions. These con-ditions stipulate how the water is transported, where the water and infrastructure need to be spatially placed in relation to source and urban area, and the differing policies which regulate the cleansing of water differently throughout the globe.

Control Point/Access Point

Infrastructure Border Condition

49

Water importation and filtration facility. Germany.

Thames Water Corporation main office. It also acts as a water tower.

3C

TERRITORYSPACE: HUMAN AND WATER

Currently due to the multiple systems of management and the development of how we consider waters role in the urban environment, water is being revalued and re-presented as a scarce economic good. With this shift, the triangular relationships between the external provider, the state and the citizen - the three critical agents in the delivery of water - spa-tially provide new forms of political action with the ascent of the neo-liberal paradigm. In this discussion the external provider is the private transnational consortia operating out of self interest and transcending governmental/political boundaries of resource extraction and distribution.

When the corporation is given the leading role in fostering connection between the citizen instead of the government, to mode of interaction is one of customer management in order to alleviate and resolve the economic constraints facing the state as well as educating users to appreciate water as a scarce ecological resource. The relationship between town and na-ture - a key focus of political ecology - is significantly recast with the naturalization of scarcity and commodification of water.2 The outcome of this mode of governance when examined at a urban level deepens the struggle for access to water.

Urban political ecology can provide useful critical tools for rethinking processes surrounding the politics of distribution and production of water.3 In addition key questions about the socio-physical production of water as socio-nature are often ignored in distributional debates but become more evident in the critical political.4 The triangular relationship between the service user, provider and state is mediated, strategized and routinized.

Globally, cities water supply systems operate in three systems of management. The first being a completely public system operated by public government agencies. The second system becomes a step between completely public governance to completely private governance. With the expansion of cities and industrial growth, cities sought to charter private government institutions to manage specific public functions of the urban water system. Private partnerships were established the growth of Public-Private Partnerships [PPPs] in the delivery of essential services to urban residents which has been articu-lated as a form of decentralized service delivery that makes the water services more ef-ficient and ultimately tries to bring governance structures closer to the people.1 The third and more recent phenomena is the complete privatization of water supply infrastructure which renders the governance of the system separate from the citizen and the urban municipality. These three systems of urban water governance are linear in their respec-tive developments.

3D

TERRITORYSITE: EU + LONDON

Arcachon

LondonCoryton

Windsor

Wales

Water Imporatation by Pipeline

Water Imporatation by Tanker

Paris

Marseilles

The site of this thesis is simultaneously the transnational territory of water infrastructure in its forms of extraction/movement/utility.

The site is also that of the water tower. The place of operation in the urban environment.

The site is the representation of a manifestation with a representation of the hydrological territory.

The city has traditionally been analyzed as a contiguous urban space undergoing its own dynamics and problems. Since the mid-1980s, however, authors such as Harvey [1989], Castells [1996], and Sassen [1994, 2001] have started to forcefully include the dynamics of globalization in studying the city, claiming that it is now necessary to em-brace a wider societal space to understand urban change. For these authors, globaliza-tion can be deconstructed as a worldwide space of flows, emerging into a network so-ciety and allowing a massive dispersal of flows of capital, information, and other physical streams around the world. And cities, conversely, have become sites where these new dynamics are re-centralized, serving as agglomeration centers where the space of flows is coordinated and managed. Sociologists claim that with globalization, major cities such as London, have become nodes and hubs at the crossroads of global circuits of people, information, capital, and the goods that traverse them.

53

Arcachon

LondonCoryton

Windsor

Wales

Water Imporatation by Pipeline

Water Imporatation by Tanker

Paris

Marseilles

2 Inch Pipe 600 M

iles

1800

1860

1870

1880

1890

1900

1910

1920

1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

1600

1400

1200

1000

800

600

400

200

000

Leng

th [

mile

s]

Decade Installed

Londons Water Supply piping system.

11,360 Miles of Pipe from the Reservoir to the Tap.

55

[For Scale: Just so you know, this contin-ues 1.5 In off the page]

6 Inch Pipe 600 M

iles

8 Inch Pipe 2600 M

iles

12 Inch Pipe 1950 M

iles

16 Inch Pipe 220 M

iles

20 Inch Pipe 550 M

iles

252 Inch Pipe 2950 M

iles

72 Inch Pipe 165 M

iles

60 Inch Pipe 140 M

iles

54 Inch Pipe 110 M

iles

48 Inch Pipe 260 M

iles

36 Inch Pipe 175 M

iles

24 Inch Pipe 220 M

iles

30 Inch Pipe 150 M

iles

London is simultaneously a city facing crisis due to continual growth of urban existence without recognition of the ecologically changing environment and contains strong politi-cal denial towards the social infrastructure of the city at various scales. Using London one can begin to understanding the conflicting impacts of human occupation and the situations sought to be subverted. Intertwining social and infrastructural functions would reveal invisible processes into the public realm and ability to humanize the lifeblood of our urban existences.

The ironicism of Londons water supply is evident. Firstly, due to de-industrialization in London the city has to pump out 60 million gallons of grey water a day to keep the city form flooding. Secondly due to the local geological composition, water does not filtrate far into the ground, thus a high water table. Thirdly, imported water come from three loca-tions geographically, Wales, France and the Thames Estuary. The fascinating juxtaposi-tion in this situation is that water come from these places due to the private corporations who own the aquifers subjected to transnational law, and upon arrival in Londons outer filtration plants the water is subjected to local law.

Importation happens by two means - taker ship and pipeline. The complexities of hydros-patiality are exemplified in this situation of convergence.

Countries Infrastructural Issues Due to Private Consortia

EU Country with Private Water Supply

EU Country with Public Water Supply

Riga

Vilnius

London

Paris

Madrid

Rome

Berlin

Helsinki

Stockholm

Copenhagen

Athens

Sofia

Bucharest

Vienna

Budapest

Tallinn

Prague

Warsaw

Bratislava

Ljubljana

Lisbon

Amsterdam

Brussels

,-.).-/!,)01*,2!

,-.).-/!,)0/1,-3!

,-.).-/!,4*54673

,-.).-/!,4*54673

.-/!,/,!-/5!7/

.-/!,860/,69*/617

.-/!,0/1,-3!

/,!-/5!7/):-26;6/

Circular water retention fields in the desert. Egypt. NASA

100%

Managed by a Transnational Corporation

59

Water Import from France

Water Import from Wales

Water Import within England

32%

66.5% 12.5%

Source: The 2010 Envoronmental Agency London Water Report

Current Ring Lines around London and their location to water towers.

4SPECULATIONSThe situations of urban water are complex. Speculative discourse for design is great.

1ABSTRACT


2FLOWS





E Methodology

65

4SPECULATIONS


C Water Embassy

D Water Vault

5NOTES

Glossary

Bibliography

3TERRITORY XXL




D Site: EU + London

CONTEXTCENTRE / PERIPHERY

40%INFRASTRUCTURE

30%ECOLOGICAL TERRAIN

15%GOVERNMENT POWER

15%CORPORATE POWER

100%PROGRAM: Water Embassy

Water Storage

Urban Water Meter

Public Water Access

Ecologcial Landscape

Filtration/Flood Surface

Living Museum

Ministry of Water

Thames Water Offices

Corporation Chamber

Public Meeting Space

1 Existing 2 Existing


5 New 6 New

Elements become Secure / Private Functions

Add Programatic Elements to CityBlank City Canvas

Enclave Condition and Non-Transparent

Break Enclave + Programmatic Seperation Mix Program in Urban Centre + Create Public Awareness

TRANS-NATIONAL CORPORATION COMPLEX

INFRASTRUCTURAL COMPLEX

GOVERNMENT COMPLEX

LONDON UK

Airport

City of London

Greater London

Thames Water Corporation OfficesGreater London Authority Offices

Beckton Filtration / Storage Plant

The concept of the project is to first break the singularity and autonomous enclave of water infrastructure importation at the London Beckton Water Filtration Plant. Secondly make a commentary on the political dynamics between the corporation, government and public citizenry. This is done by mixing water importation, filtration, and storage infra-structure with public and political program. The concept of a Water Embassy best de-fines new political contexts the project seeks to give to the public constituency.

An Embassy us usually denoted as the office of a countrys diplomatic representatives in the capital city. This embassy twists the program to include the demanded transparency and shift from governmental control to the actual situation - a control administered by the government but controlled by the corporation.

The form becomes the action.

The public citizenry infiltrate.

PROGRAMCONCEPT

BECKTON WATER PLANT GREATER LONDON AUTHORITY / THAMES WATER

69

40%INFRASTRUCTURE


15%GOVERNMENT POWER

15%CORPORATE POWER


Water Storage

Urban Water Meter

Public Water Access



Living Museum

Ministry of Water


Corporation Chamber




5 New 6 New







GOVERNMENT COMPLEX

LONDON UK

Airport

City of London

Greater London



71

CENTRALIZED WATER STATION AT BECKTON

THAMES BARRIER PARK

The Water Embassy redefines the embassy as an institution no longer exclusively dedi-cated to the representation of politics, but as an information store where all potent forms of flowsnew and oldare presented equally and legibly. In an age where resources and larger territorialities of infrastructure are transnational, it is the simultaneity of gov-ernments and corporations, more importantly, the curatorship of their content through public means that make this new redefinition of embassy vital - a new coupling of infra-structure and architecture.

PROGRAMHYBRID PROGRAM

40%INFRASTRUCTURE


15%GOVERNMENT POWER

15%CORPORATE POWER


Water Storage

Urban Water Meter

Public Water Access



Living Museum

Ministry of Water


Corporation Chamber




5 New 6 New







GOVERNMENT COMPLEX

LONDON UK

Airport

City of London

Greater London



73

40%INFRASTRUCTURE


15%GOVERNMENT POWER

15%CORPORATE POWER


Water Storage

Urban Water Meter

Public Water Access



Living Museum

Ministry of Water


Corporation Chamber




5 New 6 New







GOVERNMENT COMPLEX

LONDON UK

Airport

City of London

Greater London



40%INFRASTRUCTURE


15%GOVERNMENT POWER

15%CORPORATE POWER


Water Storage

Urban Water Meter

Public Water Access



Living Museum

Ministry of Water


Corporation Chamber




5 New 6 New







GOVERNMENT COMPLEX

LONDON UK

Airport

City of London

Greater London



PROGRAMURBAN CONCEPT

75

NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY

VS

CORPORATE SOVEREIGNTY

BECKTON FILTRATION PLANT

SITE + GLA

THAMES WATER

SITECENTRAL LONDON

77

BECKTON FILTRATION PLANT

SITE + GLA

THAMES WATER

SITE

MARKETS

RAIL TO PARIS

CITY HALL

TANKER CAPACITY IN THAMES RIVERSITECENTRAL LONDON

79

SITE

MARKETS

RAIL TO PARIS

CITY HALL

TANKER CAPACITY IN THAMES RIVER

SITELONDON

En lieu of the framework and parameters set up in previous sections, the first of three speculative projects in the redefining of political and corporate boundary based off water tower locations. The water tower not only represents a typology within the water infra-structure system - it also acts in territorial fashion - an access node of the larger system which represents a place within the territory of hydrospatiality.

What if architectural exploitation of the water tower typology could provide a framework to rethink districting urban environment based off water locations and proximity thus informing the citizens of greater knowledge about the infrastructural system and political processes.

4A

SPECULATIONSURBAN WATER TERRITORIES

4B

SPECULATIONSWATER EMBASSY

The water embassy is possibly the most cohesive speculation considering the complex framework and parameters set up in this project. This speculation creates and architec-ture which allows the public to undermine the corporate flows of control. Working with the transnational spaces of Londons water sources this construct would appoint water diplomats from all regions were water is extracted. These diplomats are public citizens.

The water tower becomes architectural precedent. The embassy would create a verticali-ty of program commenting on power structures while simultaneously working horizontally to represent the flow of liquid infrastructures.

4C

SPECULATIONSWATER VAULT

The water vault is the essential absurdity of transnational private consortias interface with public governance.

The speculation proposes an architecture which completely embraces the wall condition - instead of in the ground or within city fabric - it hovers above the city for all to see. Im-porting daily the freshest water, it is transparently imported into the architecture delving in into an unclear ambiguous, but completely total control of the water system.

The vault becomes an airlifted enclave. It becomes absurd and rude - yet completely beautiful in our current condition.

5NOTESLiquid flows are the modern city. Design for the absurd.

1ABSTRACT


2FLOWS





E Methodology

91

4SPECULATIONS


C Water Embassy

D Water Vault

5NOTES

Glossary

Bibliography

3TERRITORY XXL




D Site: EU + London

5NOTESGLOSSARY

Access The ability to inhabit an area/space granted by an individual or group.

Activism Action by groups, agencies or individuals using processes to influence change by dis-rupting the status quo and revealing better visions for society.

City The physical fabric of urban processes embodying the geographic, political, cultural, social and economic.

Community The ability for a collection of individuals to form a cohesive grouping supported by other systems, networks, infrastructures.

Control The ability to manipulate access and direct movements/flows within every aspect of soci-ety. When control fail, crisis takes over.

Corporatism The aggregation of non-human systems of management into a collective body

Crisis A decisive moment when tensions or instabilities peak and change becomes inescap-able. Crisis demands adjustment in perception and in modes of action.

Dehumanization The process of stripping away human qualities, such as denying others their individuality and self-esteem.

93

Ecology Relationships between living organisms and their non-living counterparts.

Emergent In the process of coming into being. A pattern or condition of new significance.

Citzenry The many people on our planet who exist in urban environments.

Event A moment in time which defines place.

Globalization The making possible of international influence.

Spatial Relating to space or a network of spaces.

Network A series of dependent systems of environmental, land-use, communication and service directories. Networks consists of nodes [communities] and vectors {routes].

Nonhuman Upon treating human characteristic as a product, the result is a reduction, thus non-human.

Territory An area of knowledge, activity or land which is governed by a jurisdictional entity or insti-tution. A political situation which has physical manifestations.

Urban The process which support, govern and run the city.

Water A flowing substance consisting of two elements, hydrogen and oxygen. It is also a term full of ambiguity and illustrates the complexity of modern day existence - both psycho-logically and physically.

5NOTESBIBLIOGRAPHYBoelens, Luuk. The Urban Connection: An Actor-Relational Approach to Urban Plan-ning. 010 Publishers, 2009. Print.

Berman, Marshall. All That is Solid Melts Into Air: The Experience of Modernity. Simon and Schuster, 1982. Print.

Cauter de, Lieven. The Smithsons: The Independent Ensemble of an Urban Model, the Rise of the Mobility Society, from Utopia to Heteroptopia. Archis 2, 2000. Print.

Czerniak, Julia and Hargreaves, George. Large Parks. Princeton Architectural Press, 2007. Print.

Ghosn, Rania. New Geographies 02 Landscapes of Energy. Harvard University Press, 2010. Print.

Gould, Stephen. The Pandas Thumb: More Reflections on Natural History. New York WW Norton, 1980. Print.

Kemp, Petra. You Are The City. Lars Muller Publishers, 2001. Print.

Knechtel, John. Alphabet City : Water. MIT Press, 2009. Print.

Kolind, Hanne. Nature Strikes Back: Man and Nature in Western Art. Narayana Press, 2009. Print.

Lefebvre, Henri. Critique of the Everyday Life. Verso Publishing, 2008.

Lefebvre, Henri with Rabinovitch, Sacha. Everyday Life in the Modern World. The Ath-lone Press, 2000. Print

Maria, Kaika. City of Flows: Modernity, Nature and the City. Routledge, 2005. Print.Mendez, Ana. UrbanAccion. Impresores, 2009. Print.

95

Escobar, A. [1995] Encountering Developments. Princeton NJ. Princeton University Press. Print.

Dean, M. [1999] Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern Society. London: Sage. Print.

Starr, P. [1988] The Meaning of Privatization. Yale Law and Policy Review, 6: 6-41. Print.

Lefebvre, H. [1996] The Production of Space. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Print

Pirie, M. [1988] Privatization, Theory, Practice and Choice. Aldershot: Wildwood House. Print.

Harvey, D. [1996] Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference. Oxford: Basil Black-well. Print.t.

Swyngedouw, E. [1997] Power, Nature, and The City: The Cnquest of Water and the Political Ecology of Urbanization. Environmental Planning A, 29. Print.

Maria, Kaika. City of Flows: Modernity, Nature and the City. Routledge, 2005. Print.Mendez, Ana. UrbanAccion. Impresores, 2009. Print.

Mostafavi, Mohsen with Doherty, Gareth. Ecological Urbanism. Lars Muller Publishers,2010.

Ramos, Stephen and Turan, Neyran. New Geographies 01 After Zero. HarvardUniversity Press, 2009. Print.

Viljoen, Andrew. CPULs: Continous Productive Urban Landscapes. ArchitecturalPress, 2005. Print.

Bauman, Zygmunt. 2000. Liquid Modernity, Wiley-Blackwell, London. Print.

Liquid infrastructures aims to examine the emergence of the infrastructural - to articulate it and bring it to bear effectively on the social role and agency within design. Designers are increasingly being compelled to shape larger contexts and scales, to address questions related to infrastructure, urban and ecological systems, cultural and regional issues. These questions which have been associated to the confines of other domains require design engagement and articulation. Analysis in architecture, landscape, urbanism and planning of emergent urban morphologies and global changes on the spatial dimension - comes by way of social anthropology, human geography, economics and political networks. Liquid infrastructures is interested in extending these arguments by asking how design can have a more active role and transformative impact on the forces shaping contemporary urban reali-ties. The delicate relationship between the physical and social, form and context, the very large and very small - it is important to explore the formal repertoire of the architecture and the agency of the designer within the wider contexts which produce the built environment and subsequently shape society.

?

LIQUID INFRASTRUCTURE

97

The physical infrastructures of the twentieth century such as roads, rail, sewage, water, air, data, amongst others - have tended to operate as singular and independent systems. The infrastructures of the twenty-first century, if they are to respond to impending urgen-cies with respect to resources and global densification of the urban environment, must investigate relationships and transparencies - to the pairing of infrastructure and land-scape, infrastructure and public amenities, infrastructure and architecture.

Liquid infrastructure utilizes water to illustrate and examine the flows that administer the this process: flows of social power, labor, infor-mation, capital, and resources that produce the contemporary urban landscape.

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