Translation with commentary: focusing on terminology

Vlainić, Marin

Master's thesis / Diplomski rad

2020

Degree Grantor / Ustanova koja je dodijelila akademski / stručni stupanj: University of Zagreb, University of Zagreb, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences / Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Filozofski fakultet

Permanent link / Trajna poveznica: https://urn.nsk.hr/urn:nbn:hr:131:496958

Rights / Prava: In copyright

Download date / Datum preuzimanja: 2021-10-17

Repository / Repozitorij:

ODRAZ - open repository of the University of Zagreb Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences

SVEUČILIŠTE U ZAGREBU

FILOZOFSKI FAKULTET

ODSJEK ZA ANGLISTIKU

DIPLOMSKI STUDIJ ANGLISTIKE

SMJER: PREVODITELJSTVO

Marin Vlainić

Prevođenje s komentarima s naglaskom na terminologiju

Diplomski rad

Mentor:

dr. sc. Alexander D. Hoyt, viši lektor

2020.

UNIVERSITY OF ZAGREB

FACULTY OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES

DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH

GRADUATE PROGRAMME

TRANSLATION TRACK

Marin Vlainić

Translation with commentary: focusing on terminology

Diploma thesis

Supervisor:

Dr. Alexander D. Hoyt, senior lector

2020

Abstract

The thesis comprises six translations with commentary. Excerpts from four books were

translated from English into Croatian (David Willetts: A University Education, Kenneth

Christie: United States Foreign Policy and National Identity in the Twenty-First Century,

Caroline Evans and Paul Smokowski: Bullying and Victimization Across the Lifespan:

Playground Politics and Power, and Michael Pickering: Stereotyping: The Politics of

Representation), and two of them were translated from Croatian into English (Damir Karakaš:

Sjećanje šume, and Marijana Borić: Faust Vrančić – portret izumitelja).

The commentary focused on the translation of terminology and strategies of transposing

specialised language from the source text to the target text. The comments include examples

of terms where difficulty in translation was encountered, the analysis of the source text terms,

the reasoning behind the translation strategy used to solve the issue and the final solution.

Sažetak

Rad sadrži šest prijevoda s komentarima. Dijelovi četiriju knjiga prevedeni su s engleskog na

hrvatski (David Willetts: A University Education, Kenneth Christie: United States Foreign

Policy and National Identity in the Twenty-First Century, Caroline Evans i Paul Smokowski:

Bullying and Victimization Across the Lifespan: Playground Politics and Power, i Michael

Pickering: Stereotyping: The Politics of Representation), a dijelovi dviju knjiga s hrvatskog na

engleski (Damir Karakaš: Sjećanje šume i Marijana Borić: Faust Vrančić – portret

izumitelja).

Glavna je tema komentara prevođenje terminologije i strategije prevođenja stručnog jezika. U

komentarima se nalaze primjeri termina koji su prouzročili teškoće prilikom prevođenja,

analiza termina iz izvornog jezika, obrazloženje prevoditeljske strategije koja je korištena za

rješavanje problema i konačno prevoditeljsko rješenje.

Table of Contents

Translation 1: Willetts, D. (2018) A University Education. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Glossary ………………………………………………………1

Translation ……………………………………………………..4

Translation 2: Christie, K. (2008) United States Foreign Policy and National Identity in the

Twenty-First Century. New York: Routledge

Glossary ………………………………………………………9

Translation ……………………………………………………..13

Translation 3: Evans, C. and Smokowski, P. (2019) Bullying and Victimization Across the

Lifespan: Playground Politics and Power. Cham: Springer International Publishing

Glossary ………………………………………………………18

Translation ……………………………………………………..22

Translation 4: Karakaš, D. (2016) Sjećanje šume. Zagreb: Sandorf

Translation ……………………………………………………..27

Sources …………………………………………………………32

Translation 5: Pickering, M. (2001) Stereotyping: The Politics of Representation. New York:

Palgrave

Glossary ………………………………………………………33

Translation ……………………………………………………..37

Translation 6: Borić, M. (2019) Faust Vrančić – portret izumitelja. Zagreb: Tehnički muzej

'Nikola Tesla'

Glossary ……………………………………………………42

Translation ……………………………………………………..46

Commentary ……………………………………………………………51

1

Translation 1

Willetts, D. (2018) A University Education. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 255-259

Glossary:

EN HR Source

aerospace industry zrakoplovna industrija https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?ID=67458

alternating knots izmjenični čvor https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?ID=70128

http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/izmj

enicni-red/31297/#naziv

analytical method analitička metoda http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/anal

iticka-metoda/34186/

applied reserach primijenjeno istraživanje https://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_Eng/

publication/2019/08-02-

01_01_2019.htm

automotive industry automobilska industrija http://investcroatia.gov.hr/sek

tori/automobilska-industrija/

blue skies reserach temeljno istraživanje https://www.egu.eu/policy/sci

ence/fundamental-sciences-

blue-skies-research/

https://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_Eng/

publication/2017/08-02-

01_01_2017.htm

citation citiranost Jokić, M. (2005)

Bibliometrijski aspekti

vrednovanja znanstvenog

rada. Zagreb: Sveučilišna

knjižara.

DNA DNK http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/poli

2

meraza-

deoksiribonukleinske-

kiseline/26508/#naziv

fish stock riblji stok https://www.consilium.europ

a.eu/hr/policies/eu-fish-

stocks/

fundamental research temeljno istraživanje https://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_Eng/

publication/2019/08-02-

01_01_2019.htm

Haldane Principle Haldaneovo načelo http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/nac

elo/8297/

humanities humanističke znanosti http://baze.nsk.hr/baza/arts-

humanities-citation-index-

ahci/

materials science znanost o materijalima Šundrica, J., Jurjević, N.,

Prčan, M. (2004) Znanost i

tehnologija materijala s

osvrtom na primjenu. Naše

more: znanstveni časopis za

more i pomorstvo. Vol. 51.

No. 3-4

microbiology mikrobiologija http://www.pbf.unizg.hr/zavo

di/zavod_za_biokemijsko_inz

enjerstvo/laboratorij_za_opcu

_mikrobiologiju_i_mikrobiol

ogiju_namirnica/mikrobiolog

ija

modelling modeliranje http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/mod

eliranje/35046/#naziv

particle physics fizika čestica http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/fizi

ka-cestica/8292/

Pasteur's Quadrant Pasteurov kvadrant Radoš, M. (2019) Suvremeni

3

procesi u metropolitanskom

području Bratislave.

Prvostupnički rad. Zagreb:

Sveučilište u Zagrebu

R&D istraživanje i razvoj http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/spor

azum-o-istrazivanju-i-

razvoju/18687/#naziv

REF Okvir istraživačke izvrsnosti https://hr.ergonengineering.c

om/watt-report-suggests-

financial-incentives-783591

research istraživanje http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/spor

azum-o-istrazivanju-i-

razvoju/18687/#naziv

Research Council istraživačko vijeće http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/euro

psko-istrazivacko-

vijece/19815/#naziv

research grant sredstva za istraživanje https://ec.europa.eu/croatia/b

usiness-funding/research_hr

research paper znanstveni rad https://mef.unizg.hr/kako-

objaviti-originalan-

znanstveni-rad-vodecem-

biomedicinskom-casopisu

research university istraživačko sveučilište http://www.unizg.hr/fileadmi

n/rektorat/O_Sveucilistu/Dok

umenti_javnost/Dokumenti/J

avne_rasprave/Pet_strateskih

_dokumenata_01.2014/2016_

Strategija_istrazivanja__trans

fera_tehnologije_i_inovacija_

Sveucilista_u_Zagrebu.pdf

researcher istraživač

https://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_Eng/

publication/2017/08-02-

4

01_01_2017.htm

viscosity viskoznost http://silverstripe.fkit.hr/kui/a

ssets/Uploads/Mjerna-90-

92.pdf

wind tunnel aerodinamički tunel http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/aero

dinamicki-tunel/268/#naziv

Translation:

Štoviše, u slučaju da nekoga zabrinjava korisnost, čak se i temeljnim istraživanjima

koja proučavaju izrazito marginalne pojavei može pronaći praktična primjena pod uvjetom da

prođe dovoljno vremena. Martin Rees navodi citat Charlesa Babbagea: „u matematici [...]

znanstvene istine koje su u određenom razdoblju toliko apstraktne i naizgled nimalo praktično

primjenjive mogu u budućnosti riješiti neki problem u fizici, a u još daljoj budućnosti [...]

mogu se ispostaviti korisnima za široki spektar ljudskih djelatnosti, od umjetnosti do

inženjerstva.“ii Znanstveni pronalasci kojima se nadograđuju postojeće znanstvene spoznaje

mogu biti primjenjivi tek u budućnosti, ali ne možemo unaprijed znati za što će se koristiti.

Nobelovac Robert Aumann objavio je 1955. rad o asferičnosti alternirajućih čvorova. Na

jednome mi je događanju ispričao kako se time bavio iz čiste intelektualne znatiželje te je bio

neobično ponosan što je uspio provesti istraživanje čiji se rezultati uopće ne mogu praktično

primijeniti. Međutim, nekoliko desetljeća kasnije njegov ga je unuk nazvao sa svoga

sveučilišta kako bi ga obavijestio da koriste rezultate njegova istraživanja u modeliranju

DNK-a. Profesor Aumann toliko se potrudio da osmisli istraživanje koje neće imati praktičnu

korist, ali nije uspio. Na ovome se primjeru jasno vidi ono što je Abraham Flexner koncizno

nazvao „korisnost beskorisnog znanja“.

Teško je precizno definirati temeljno istraživanje. Ono može označavati istraživanje

temeljeno na znatiželji, tj. ideji istraživača koji je poslao zahtjev za financiranje istraživačkom

vijeću.iii Nasuprot tomu stoji primijenjeno istraživanjeiv, koje se temelji na istraživačkom

problemu što ga je definirala agencija za financiranje istraživanja. Granica između ove dvije

vrste istraživanja vrlo je mutna. Financiranje istraživanja u svrhu rješavanja ključnih

nacionalnih i globalnih problema može samo po sebi zahtijevati temeljno istraživanje.

Istraživanje može biti u istoj mjeri provedeno radi stjecanja novog znanja i potaknuto

5

stvarnom ljudskom potrebom. Donald Stokes definirao je istraživanje prema dvama

kriterijima – prvi se kriterij odnosi na stjecanje novog znanja, a drugi na korisnost

istraživanja. Istraživanje koje zadovoljava oba kriterija Donald Stokes svrstava u Pasteurov

kvadrant, nazvan prema temeljnom istraživanju Louisa Pasteura u mikrobiologiji koje je

kasnije dovelo do izuma cjepiva. Značajan rad Francisa Narina, koji se temelji na prijašnjem

radu Eugena Garfielda, pokazao je da postoji veća vjerojatnost da će istraživanje biti citirano

u zahtjevima za patent ako je više citirano u akademskim krugovima, što znači da će patenti

koji citiraju važna temeljna istraživanja imati značajniju komercijalnu vrijednost. Zgodnom se

ironijom dogodilo da je sam rad Eugenea Garfielda, Francisa Narina i drugih na razvijanju

pokazatelja za mjerenje i određivanje citiranosti znanstvenih radova korišten za kreiranje

Googleova algoritma PageRank, koji su razvili Larry Page i Sergey Brin. Činjenica da Google

svoj početak duguje rangiranju citiranosti znanstvenih radova jasno pokazuje koliko

dalekosežne i neočekivane mogu biti posljedice istraživanja.

I sam sam bio svjedok ovakvome zadovoljavajućem pomirenju naoko oprečnih tipova

istraživanja koji pripadaju Pasteurovu kvadrantu. Na sveučilištu Imperial College otvorio sam

novi sofisticirani aerodinamički tunel koji je financiralo Istraživačko vijeće u području

inženjerstva i fizike ESPRCv. Postojala su tri točno određena razloga za otvaranje tunela. Kao

prvo, tunel je prikupljao više očitanja strujanja zraka nego što je to prije bilo moguće, a

podatke je analizirao novi snažni softver, dakle radilo se o projektu s velikom količinom

podataka. Kao drugo, turbulenciju je Richard Feynman opisao kao „najvažnije neriješeno

pitanje klasične fizike“, stoga je projekt bio iznimno koristan fizičarima kako bi unaprijedili

teoretski model turbulencije. Kao treće, zrakoplovna i automobilska industrija koristile bi

rezultate za poboljšanje dizajna motora i krila zrakoplova te proizvodnju aerodinamičnijih

automobila, što je teško izvedivo bez boljeg razumijevanja turbulencije. Ova tri

komplementarna razloga pokazuju kako se teorija i praksa, znanost i tehnologija te znatiželja i

uporaba često isprepliću.

Ova je problematika najočitija u humanističkim znanostima, gdje postoji vjerojatno

najveća zabrinutost oko korisnosti istraživačkog rada. Humanističke znanosti posebice žele

dokazati inherentnu vrijednost svoga rada. Naravno, njihov rad jest vrijedan kao i rad svih

drugih znanstvenih disciplina. Štoviše, rad humanističkih znanosti ima potencijal za

stvaranjem promjena u svijetu, što im je i svrha. Roman književnosti zapadnog kruga ne samo

da odražava ljudske osjećaje već ih i mijenja. Čim se znanstvene spoznaje pokušaju

6

primijeniti na razvoj tehnologije, postane jasno koliko je važno razumjeti ljudsko ponašanje –

samovozeći automobili ne predstavljaju samo tehnološki izazov već i postavljaju etička

pitanja, poput odgovornosti, koja moraju biti odgovorena radi kreiranja učinkovitog pravnog i

regulatornog režima. Može se reći da humanističke znanosti nose izrazitu društvenu

vrijednost bez da se ne dovodi u pitanje njihova inherentna vrijednost koju imaju kao

znanosti.

Financiranje istraživačko-razvojnih djelatnosti javnim sredstvima, a ne iz proračuna za

znanost

Način na koji funkcionira britanski sustav visokog obrazovanja i znanostivi

diskriminira primijenjena istraživanja. Čini se očitim da samo najbolja istraživanja trebaju

dobiti novčana sredstva – kao što je očitovii da su „vodeća“ sveučilišta najbolja. Međutim,

visoko je obrazovanje heterogeni sustav koji se ne može više sastojati samo od elitnih

sveučilišta kao što se vojska ne može sastojati samo od specijalnih zračnih snaga. Kao što je

objašnjeno u četvrtom poglavlju, visoko obrazovanje ulaže proporcionalno više sredstava u

vrhunske istraživače od većine drugih sustava. Tijekom moga ministarskog mandata išlo se

upravo u tome smjeru, stoga smo tada odlučili da Okvir istraživačke izvrsnosti REF treba

financirati samo ona istraživanja koja je REF ocijenio s tri ili četiri zvjezdice. Ta je odluka

donesena pod pritiskom smanjenja javne potrošnje, no sistem ocjenjivanja zvjezdicama otišao

je predaleko i doveo do smanjenja vrsti istraživanja kojima se dodjeljuje novčana potpora.

Zamislite situaciju u kojoj znanstvenik napiše sasvim solidno izvješće o škotskim

politikama socijalne skrbiviii ili provede analizu nekih važnih svojstava legure ili objavi nove

procjene ribljih stokova u Sjevernom moru. Taj isti znanstvenik pritom koristi

najsofisticiranije analitičke metode koje se oslanjaju na suvremene ekonomske teorije ili

znanost o materijalima, ali ne pomiče granice, ne razvija nove načine dobivanja rezultata i ne

predlaže nikakve nove i inovativne teorije.ix Iako je takvo istraživanje prilično korisno, ono

vjerojatno neće biti niti objavljeno u uglednim znanstvenim časopisima niti odlično ocijenjeno

prema sustavu REF-a. Međutim, da su korišteni povijesni podaci o politikama socijalne skrbi

američkog predsjednika Jimmyja Cartera (budući da postoji više američkih podataka,

statistička bi analiza bila pouzdanija) i da su analizirani na novi način, istraživanje bi

vjerojatno bilo bolje rangirano jer bi bilo „inovativnije“.

7

Sjećam se jednog razgovora koji sam vodio sa skupinom poduzetnika o sveučilištima s

kojima su radili. Bili su zadivljeni našim vodećim istraživačkim sveučilištima, ali su smatrali

kako ne treba uvijek stremiti znanstvenim inovacijama – korištenje postojećeg znanja koje se

pokazalo pouzdanim činilo im se sasvim prihvatljivo. Zamjerali su znanstvenicima s naših

najprestižnijih sveučilišta što im istraživanja koja su koristila pouzdane metode nisu uopće

privlačila pozornost. Jedan je od njih razočarano ispričao kako nije uspio zainteresirati naše

najbolje sveučilišne istraživače za istraživanje viskoznosti šampona za kosu, stoga se okrenuo

manje prestižnim sveučilištima, koja su njegov prijedlog objeručke prihvatila. Nasuprot tomu,

u SAD-u je istraživanje Tehnološkog instituta MIT zaslužno za uspjeh tvrtke za njegu kose

Living Proof, koju je pokrenula Jennifer Aniston, a jedan je proizvod iz njihove linije nazvan

Perfect hair Day ili PhD (doktor znanosti) u čast istraživanja na kojem je utemeljena sama

tvrtka. Jedna mi je druga znanstvenica ispričala kako je na jednom inovativnom istraživanju

surađivala s izrazito kompetentnim računalnim stručnjakom koji je stvorio softver za njene

istraživačke eksperimente te je bio suautor rada. Međutim, odsjek za računalne znanosti

njegova sveučilišta nije bio visoko rangiran prema REF-u te nije bio financiran javnim

sredstvima putem REF-a, stoga je sveučilište razmišljalo da zatvori odsjek, što bi naštetilo

njenome istraživanju. To bi bilo kao da se želi povećati prosječan broj golova nogometnog

tima uklanjanjem golmana zato što nije dobar u zabijanju golova.x Upravo iz tog razloga

sveučilišna grupacija Million Plus tvrdi: „Trenutačno se većina sredstava iz vladinog fonda za

znanost usmjerava samo na vodeća svjetska istraživanja koja su procijenjena kao izvrsna i od

međunarodne važnosti. To znači da postoji puno istraživanja koja su ocijenjena kao izvrsna,

ali ne dobivaju vladina sredstva zbog regionalne i nacionalne važnosti. Takva situacija ne

stvara uravnoteženu osnovu za financiranje istraživanja.“ Čini se da uspješnost sustava nije

puki zbroj uspjeha pojedinaca koji su dijelom tog sustava.

Vjerojatnije je da će znanstvenici koji ne primaju državna sredstva klasificirati svoja

istraživanja kao primijenjena od onih koje financira država (46 % naspram 29 %), što je, po

svoj prilici, rezultat promišljene politike javnog financiranja samo onih istraživanja koja

zadovoljavaju spomenute kriterije pomicanja granica određene znanstvene discipline.

Ekonomist koji na lokalnom sveučilištu proučava regionalnu ekonomiju nije loš ekonomist.

Njegov rad zaista može biti koristan za lokalnu zajednicu, ali u britanskom modelu

financiranja sveučilišnih istraživanja ne postoji gotovo ništa što bi to prepoznalo.

8

Nicholas Stern u svojoj reviziji REF-a predlaže da svi istraživači koji rade na

sveučilištima budu u sustavu REF-a. Ovo bi ozbiljno pogoršalo postojeći problem zato što bi

u tom slučaju svi sveučilišni istraživači bili podložni procjeni prema kriterijima REF-a. Neki

sveučilišni istraživači možda dobivaju sredstva iz drugih izvora za svoja korisna primijenjena

istraživanja, stoga im nije potrebna REF-ova procjena. U najboljem slučaju, radilo bi se o

gubitku vremena svih uključenih strana. U najgorem slučaju, još bi se više ograničila ideja

„dobrog“ istraživanja, kao što se dogodilo s idejom „dobrog“ sveučilišta. Ponekad postane

očito zašto se suvremeno sveučilište može smatrati posrednikom destruktivnog aspekta

globalizacije – korisna istraživanja lokalnih kulturnih ili gospodarskih pitanja nisu uopće

podložna procjeni, već je vrsta istraživanja jedini bitan kriterij za objavu rada u uglednim,

uglavnom američkim, znanstvenim časopisima, koji uzimaju u obzir razinu citiranosti. Ovo

možda nije problem u fizici čestica, ali jest u mnogim drugim disciplinama.

Jedan način na koji Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo može riješiti ovaj problem jest da osigura

načine kojima bi se financirala istraživanja na temelju konkretne praktične primjene, ali ne

prema čistom Haldaneovu načeluxi, kojim se štite državna sredstva za znanost kako bi

znanstvenici i istraživači, a ne ministri odlučivali o financiranju pojedinačnih istraživačkih

projekata. Ovo se načelo ne mora odnositi u potpunosti i na proračune sveučilišnih odsjeka,

već bi odsjeci mogli financirati istraživanja koja su korisna za njih dok bi odsječni znanstveni

savjetnici osiguravali znanstvene standarde. To nas dovodi do jednog od najvećih problema

britanske istraživačke politike – financiranje istraživanja javnim sredstvima, a ne iz proračuna

za znanost.

9

Translation 2

Christie, K. (2008) United States Foreign Policy and National Identity in the Twenty-First

Century. New York: Routledge. pp. 40-43

Glossary:

EN HR Source

9/11 teroristički napadi 11. rujna

2001.

Leško, L. (2018) Teroristički

napadi na sportske objekte od

1970-ih do 2017. godine: Od

selektivne do masovne

destrukcije. Polemos. Vol.

21. No. 42.

administration administracija https://eur-

lex.europa.eu/legal-

content/EN-

HR/TXT/?uri=CELEX:3201

4D0750&fromTab=ALL&fro

m=HR

Buchananite paleokonzervativac Roško, I. (2019) Lažni

nasljednik? Populizam u

kampanjama za izbor

američkog predsjednika:

Ronald Reagan (1980.) i

Donald Trump (2016.).

Diplomski rad. Zagreb:

Sveučilište u Zagrebu

cabinet department kabinet ministra https://uprava.gov.hr/o-

ministarstvu/ustrojstvo/1-

kabinet-ministra-

11858/11858

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coalition koalicija https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?id=32135

Cold War hladni rat https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?ID=25798

Congress Kongres https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

Natuknica.aspx?ID=32796

conservative konzervativac https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?ID=49237

conservative konzervativan Šiber, I. (1998) Autoritarna

ličnost, politički svjetonazor i

stranačka preferencija.

Politička misao: časopis za

politologiju. Vol. 35. No. 4.

constituency biračko tijelo Šiber, I. (1974) Neke

značajke dosadašnjih izbora i

delegatski sistem. Politička

misao: časopis za

politologiju. Vol. 11. No. 1-2.

Establishment establišment http://hjp.znanje.hr/index.php

?show=search_by_id&id=fFt

nUBA%3D

foreign policy vanjska politika http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/zaje

dnicka-vanjska-i-sigurnosna-

politika/21007/#naziv

intelligence agency obavještajna služba https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?ID=44534

interventionist intervencionist https://www.hrleksikon.info/

definicija/intervencionist.htm

l

islamism islamizam Bilandžić, M. (2008)

Islamske oružane

organizacije i islamizam na

11

primjeru Bliskog istoka.

Revija za sociologiju. Vol.

39. No. 4.

isolationist izolacionist https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

Natuknica.aspx?ID=28332

left-wing ljevica https://www.bib.irb.hr/21092

8

liberal liberal https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?ID=49237

multilateral multilateralan https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?ID=42381

neo-conservatist neokonzervativac http://www.matica.hr/vijenac/

293/tko-su-neokoni-8906/

neo-conservatism nekonzervativizam http://www.matica.hr/vijenac/

293/tko-su-neokoni-8906/

party stranka https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?id=49237

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aljna_analiza_1._tjedan.pdf

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du%C5%BEnosnika

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Natuknica.aspx?ID=55371

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Natuknica.aspx?ID=63212

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the war on Iraq Rat u Iraku Poljak Rehlicki, J. (2013) Od

mita do ironije: lik vojnika u

američkoj književnosti 20. i

21. stoljeća. Doktorska

disertacija. Osijek:

Sveučilište Josipa Jurja

Strossmayera u Osijeku

the West Zapad http://hjp.znanje.hr/index.php

?show=search

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Natuknica.aspx?ID=7560

13

Translation:

Feulnerov ambiciozni plan nije bio pridružiti se postojećem establišmentuxii, već ga

potpuno zamijeniti: „stari se poredak urušava, a nešto će novo i drugačije doći i preuzeti

njegovo mjesto.“20 Konzervativci su u sve većoj mjeri dominirali medijima te su svoje

stavove dijelili u novinskim kolumnama, na radiju i televizijskim emisijama. Međutim, nisu

bili toliko značajni u akademskim krugovima unatoč činjenici da su se konzervativne skupine

za strateško promišljanje Hoover Institutionxiii i American Enterprise Institution smatrale

ozbiljnim znanstvenim institucijama.

Feulner je svoj novi establišment zamislio kao krovnu organizaciju tradicionalnih

konzervativacaxiv, paleokonzervativacaxv i neokonzervativaca. Žestoko se protivio

marginalizaciji neokonzervativaca jer je smatrao da sa sobom donose „novi intelektualni žar u

konzervativizam (…) [te su bili] privlačna intelektualna sila čiji su predstavnici sve više

preuzimali vodeća mjesta u tradicionalno najvećoj utvrdi liberalizma – New Yorku.“ Također,

smatrao je da bi neokonzervativne ideje „još uvijek bile korisne kako se približavamo novom

svjetskom poretku [poslije hladnog rata].“ Feulner je time ukazao na razinu jedinstva unutar

američkog konzervativizma, koji bi uključivao i tradicionalni konzervativizam i

neokonzervativizam. Njegova stajališta o vanjskoj politici koja je iznio prije terorističkih

napada 11. rujna 2001. ukazuju u kolikoj su mjeri konzervativci bili nezadovoljni vanjskom

politikom SAD-a tijekom 90-ih godina.

U svome govoru održanom 1995. godine Feulner je iznio svoj prijedlog vanjske

politike SAD-a kojom bi se ključni američki interesi stavili u središte „Bogom inspirirane

borbe za ljudsku slobodu“. Feulner je ustvrdio da je od završetka hladnog rata „Amerika

odlutala (…) [te] ne vjerujem da Sjedinjene Američke Države mogu uistinu proširiti svoju

političku i gospodarsku slobodu po cijelom svijetu dok se ne vrate ključnim američkim

interesima.“ Smatrao je kako su desničarski izolacionisti i ljevičarski intervencionisti

pogriješili što su odustali od snažne američke vanjske politike koja vjeruje u američku snagu i

što su se vodili „pesimističkim stavom da se Amerika ne može sama boriti za sebe na

globalnoj sceni.“ Feulner je smatrao da se američka vanjska politika treba suprotstaviti

Sjevernoj Koreji i Iranu, osigurati naftne zalihe i unilateralno vladati svijetom: „Vjerujem da

multilateralnost označava kraj Amerike kao vodeće svjetske sile.“ Na taj je način predsjednik

14

Heritage Foundationa, bastiona tradicionalnog konzervativizma, iznio mišljenja koja se često

(pogrešno) pripisuju isključivo neokonzervativcima.

Konzervativac Jeffrey Gedmin iznio je dodatne dokaze u korist koncepta vanjske

politike s kojim su se slagali i tradicionalni konzervativci i neokonzervativci. Odmah nakon

terorističkih napada 11. rujna 2001. Gedmin je tvrdio da SAD ne smije tolerirati „nerazumna

ograničenja koja im nameću međunarodne koalicije“ u svojoj borbi protiv terorizma i svojim

nastojanjima da „ponovno uspostavi legitimitet ujedinjenog Zapada pod američkim

vodstvom“. Prema Gedminu, Europa, Kina i Rusija bile su motivirane željom da „ograniče

američku snagu i prevlast“, baš kao što je činio arapski svijet. Ponavljajući ideje

neokonzervativaca, Gedmin je tvrdio da je arapsko protivljenje SAD-u dovelo ni manje ni

više nego do „potpunog neuspjeha arapskih država da se moderniziraju i demokratiziraju“,

čime se može objasniti „zašto se radikalni islamizam uspio toliko razviti i proširiti (…)“24

Gedmin je pozivao da se „Saddam [Hussein] makne s vlasti“ u svrhu borbe protiv terorizma i

„ojačavanja američke pozicije u arapskom svijetu.“ Pomalo je proročanski izjavio kako se to

treba postići dugogodišnjom američkom vojnom opsadom Iraka radi stvaranja sigurnog

„demokratskog Iraka“ koji bi služio kao katalizator za ostvarenje mira na Bliskom istoku.

Jasno je kako organizacija Heritage Foundation dopušta tradicionalnim

konzervativcima kritiziranje neokonzervativizma, ali ne i kritiziranje vanjske politike

administracije predsjednika Georgea W. Bushaxvi. Iako je John Hulsman, član Heritage

Foundationa, mogao kritički pisati o neokonzervativcima, primjerice na portalu Open

Democracy, izbačen je čim je počeo napadati politiku prema Iraku kakvu je zastupala

Busheva administracija, što je ironično ukazalo na sve veću povezanost konzervativnog

pokreta i neokonzervativizma. Nije se tolerirao dinamički konzervativizamxvii kakav je

zastupao Hulsman jer je bio preblag za standarde Heritage Foundationa.

Institucionalni i financijski rast organizacije Heritage Foundation u 90-ima bio je

zaista impresivan. Njeni su je marketinški napori povezivali s korporativnim, političkim i

akademskim krugovima, a politički aktivizam s „političkim analitičarima, republikanskim

stranačkim dužnosnicima, konzervativnim akademicima i osnovnim konzervativnim biračkim

tijelom.“27 Heritage Foundation je tijekom 90-ih organizirao dvomjesečni sastanak radnih

skupina konzervativnih organizacija te se etablirao kao glavna konzervativna organizacija u

SAD-u. Do 2002. godine Heritage Foundation potrošio je 40 % svojih sredstava na

15

istraživanja, za razliku od samo 15 % 1989. godine, čime je organizacija dokazala svoju moć

u Kongresu, Bijeloj kući i cjelokupnom konzervativnom pokretu. (Abelson 2006: 11).

Politolog John Higley 2006. godine tvrdi kako u SAD-u već postoji konzervativni

establišment, čiju bazu čini „Busheva elita [koja] bi mogla biti tema istraživanja gustoće i

integracije društvenih skupinaxviii – društvenih krugova unutar društvenih krugova – čiji su

članovi izuzetno integrirani i dijele ista mišljenja“. Prema Higleyju, ta se nova elita sastoji od

nekoliko povezanih krugova ljudi, uključujući Vulkance – veterane konzervativizma iz doba

predsjednika Ronalda Reagana, Geralda Forda, Richarda Nixona, Georgea H. W. Busha –

poput Richarda Cheneyja, Lewisa Libbyja, Donalda Rumsfelda, Paula Wolfowitza,

Condoleeze Rice i Stephena Hadleyja. Higley u te krugove također uključuje državne

dužnosnike, poput Colina Powella i Richarda Armitagea. Unatoč njihovim internim

prepiranjima oko plana radaxix, Higley napominje da su „Vulkanci ujedinjeni u vjerovanju da

su vojne snage SAD-a […] ključne za rušenje diktatorskih režima i promoviranje demokracije

i slobode po cijelome svijetu.“28

Šireći se iz Bijele kuće, mreža suradnika Vulkanaca počela je prevladavati u

kabinetima ministara i obavještajnim službama te je uključivala ljude poput Richarda Perlea,

Douglasa Feitha, Stephena Cambonea, Johna Boltona i Davida Wurmsera. Higley je uspio

pratiti trag Busheve elite sve do dokumenta „Obnova američke obrambene politike“ (eng.

Rebuilding America's Defenses)xx koji je u rujnu 2000. izdala skupina za strateško

promišljanje Project for the New American Century (PNAC). Sastavljanje teksta dokumenta

nadgledali su vodeći neokonzervativci William Kristol i Robert Kagan, a autori su, između

ostalih, Stephen Cambone, Dov Zakheim (Pentagon), John Bolton, Elliott Cohen i Devon

Cross (predstavnici odbora za obrambenu politiku DPB) te Lewis Libby. Stajališta o ratu

protiv terorizma koja su zastupali Vulkanci širila su se preko televizijske mreže Fox News,

radijskih emisija i predstavnika skupina za strateško promišljanje koji su sudjelovali u

raspravama u Kongresu.29 Higley zaključuje da je zaista stvoren novi konzervativni

establišment.

Kao što je već napomenuto, Heritage Foundation održavao je bliske odnose s

Bushevom administracijom, posebice nakon terorističkih napada 11. rujna 2001. Edward

Feulner tvrdio je da se Heritage Foundation fokusirao na sigurnosne prijetnje više od deset

godina prije terorističkih napada 11. rujna 2001. Upravo su zato politički komentatori

ukazivali na činjenicu da „od hladnog rata do rata protiv međunarodnog terorizma, kada

16

Heritage Foundation govori, konzervativni donositelji odluka slušaju.“30 Nisu bez razloga

kritičari pisali da je Heritage Foundation postao „establišment“.31

Higleyjeva je teza vrlo poznata, ali nije potkrijepljena empirijskim dokazima. Sociolog

Laurence Toenjes proveo je sustavno istraživanje uloge konzervativnog establišmenta u

zagovaranju Rata s Irakom. Toenjes je analizirao 14 konzervativnih organizacija, uključujući

Heritage Foundation, American Enterprise Institution, Project for the New American Century,

Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs i Hudson Institute. Pronašao je 223 poveznice

između 650 pojedinačnih članova i čelnika tih organizacija: samo je njih devetero zaslužno za

121 poveznicu, uključujući Richarda Perlea, Jeanne Kirkpatrick, Jamesa Woolseya i Johna

Boltona.

Od 14 analiziranih organizacija, njih pet bilo je u središtu kampanje kojom se

zagovarao Rat s Irakom: Project for the New American Century (PNAC), Committee for the

Liberation of Iraq (CLI), Center for Security Policy (CSP), DPB Advisory Committee i

Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA). Svaka je od njih imala posebnu ulogu:

PNAC: planiranje strateških uloga

CLI: mobiliziranje SAD-a kao i međunarodnih organizacija za rat

CSP: oblikovanje mišljenja članova Kongresa, predsjedničke administracije i javnosti

DPB Advisory Committee: ojačavanje veza s Vladom, posebice Pentagonom

JINSA: učvršćivanje odnosa između SAD-a i Izraela

Iz Toenjesove je analize razvidno da na konzervativnoj desnici postoji mreža snažno

povezanih, moćnih i aktivnih skupina za strateško promišljanje i lobističkih organizacija koje

su imale bliske veze s Bushevom administracijom. Zanimljivo je da ovih pet ključnih

organizacija nisu samo bliske s Bushevom administracijom već su i oformljene po nalogu

administracije kako bi promovirale njene politike. Primjerice, CLI je osnovan 2002. godine „s

blagoslovom administracije (…) radi promoviranja [Rata s Irakom] u SAD-u i Europi (…)

Među članovima su bivši državni tajnik George P. Shultz, senator John McCain (republikanac

iz Arizone) i bivši senator Bob Kerrey (demokrat iz Nebraske).“ Prema službenicima CLI-ja,

organizacija je „blisko surađivala s administracijom (…) i sastala se sa [Stephenom]

Hadleyjem i Bushevim političkim savjetnikom Karlom Roveom.“ Condoleezza Rice i Richard

17

Cheney sastali su se s organizacijom tek kasnije.32 Predsjednik CLI-ja bio je Bruce P.

Jackson, vodeći konzervativni zagovornik Rata s Irakomxxi i bivši predsjednik organizacije

US Committee on NATO.

20 Meyerson, ibid.: str. 10.

21 Meyerson, ibid.: str. 10.

22 Meyerson, ibid.: str. 14.

23 Edward J. Feulner Jr. 'A new conservative internationalist foreign policy: American

purpose has drifted'. Vital Speeches. 15. travnja 1995. str. 61(13).

24 Jeffrey Gedmin. ‘Collecting the anti-terror coalition’. Policy Review. listopad/studeni

2001.

25 Gedmin.

26 Spencer Ackerman. ‘The growing ranks of the conservative purged’. The New

Republic (Online), 8. srpnja 2006.

27 ‘The Heritage Foundation’. Media Transparency.org; pristupljeno 20. ožujka 2007.

28 Higley, op. cit.: str. 157. Mickelthwait i Wooldridge tvrde da je „tijekom posljednjih

trideset godina konzervativni pokret postao establišment (…) koji (…) utječe na mnoge

pojedince, organizacije i politike Busheve administracije te koji, putem sve moćnijih

konzervativnih medija, može odaslati poruke diljem cijele zemlje. Iznad svega, čini se da su

konzervativci dobili bitku širenja ideja.“ Moćne konzervativne zaklade, poput Scaifea,

Coorsa, Kocha, Bradley and Olina, u velikoj su mjeri osnažili konzervativni pokret. str. 6 i

161.

29 Higley, str. 158–160.

30 Bill Berkowitz, ‘Heritage Foundation Hawks’. WorkingforChange.com. pristupljeno

20. ožujka 2007.

31 Jacob Weisberg, ‘Happy birthday, Heritage Foundation’, 9. siječnja 1998. www.Slate.

com; pristupljeno 20. ožujka 2007. Mickelthwait i Wooldridge također napominju da su

„tijekom Busheve vlasti konzervativci napokon postali establišment (…) koji je bio dijelom

vošingtonske vladajuće klase u istoj mjeri kako su političke marionete postale dijelom

liberalnog establišmenta“. str. 168–9.

32 Peter Slevin, ‘New group aims to drum up backing for ousting Hussein,’ 4. studenog

2002; Washingtonpost.com; pristupljeno 26. ožujka 2007. Jackson je također bivši upravitelj

PNAC-a i potpredsjednik tvrtke Lockheed Martin.

18

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Evans, C. and Smokowski, P. (2019) Bullying and Victimization Across the Lifespan:

Playground Politics and Power. Cham: Springer International Publishing. pp. 33-36

Glossary:

EN HR Source

adjustment difficulty poteškoća u prilagodbi http://zzjzbpz.hr/sluzbe/sluzb

a-za-zastitu-mentalnog-

zdravlja-prevenciju-i-

izvanbolnicko-lijecenje-

ovisnosti/zastita-mentalnog-

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B. (2002) Samoiskazana

sklonost adolescenata

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authoritarian parenting style autoritarni roditeljski stil Zrilić, S. (2005) Autoritarni

odgojni stil roditelja kao

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Pedagogijska istraživanja.

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Magistra Iadertina. Vol. 1.

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Nikčević-Milković, Anela

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delinquency delinkvencija http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/deli

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deviant behavior devijantno ponašanje http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/devi

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Učiteljske procjene

problematičnosti i učestalosti

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odnovne škole. Hrvatska

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Razlike u prevalenciji

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social competence socijalna sposobnost Janković, M. (2012)

Socijalna kompetencija i

zvanje ravnatelja osnovnih i

srednjih škola. Andragoški

glasnik. Vol. 16. No. 2

social environment socijalno okruženje Kolak, A. (2010)

Sociometrijski status učenika

u razrednom odjelu i školskoj

hijerarhiji. Pedagogijska

istraživanja. Vol. 7. No. 2

social situation socijalna situacija Kolak, A. (2010)

Sociometrijski status učenika

u razrednom odjelu i školskoj

hijerarhiji. Pedagogijska

istraživanja. Vol. 7. No. 2

social skill socijalna vještina Malkić Aličković, A. (2017)

22

Ispitivanje socijalnih vještina

učenika osnovnoškolske dobi

u odnosu na dob i spol.

Školski vjesnik. Vol. 66. No.

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sociometric status sociometrijski status Kolak, A. (2010)

Sociometrijski status učenika

u razrednom odjelu i školskoj

hijerarhiji. Pedagogijska

istraživanja. Vol. 7. No. 2

substance use korištenje opojnih sredstava http://www.enciklopedija.hr/

Natuknica.aspx?ID=45276

young adult mlada odrasla osoba https://www.medri.uniri.hr/fil

es/NASTAVA/PSIHIJATRIJ

A/Psiholoski_razvoj_covjeka

.pdf

Translation:

2.3.1 Popularni status

Popularna djeca dobila su puno pozitivnih nominacija, a malo ili nijednu negativnu.

Djeca koja se smatraju popularnom vješta su u iniciranju i održavanju pozitivnih

međuljudskih odnosa. Kada se pridruže nekoj grupi, ona su sposobna primijeniti referentni

okvir te grupe, ne privlače na sebe negativnu pažnju ili govore isključivo o sebi (Putallaz i

Wasserman, 1990). Popularna su djeca sklonijaxxii prosocijalnom ponašanju, pomažu drugima

i brinu za njih, poštuju autoritet i pravila te se aktivno uključuju u interakcije s vršnjacima bez

ometanja tijeka grupne aktivnosti (Coie, Dodge i Kupersmidt, 1990; Coie i Kupersmidt,

1983). Popularna djeca tijekom sukoba preferiraju koristiti kooperativne strategije, pregovore

i kompromise (Rubin i dr., 2005). Nadalje, čini se da se popularnost nekih učenika temelji na

njihovim sportskim ili akademskim sposobnostima (Dunn, Dunn i Bayduza, 2007, Newcomb,

Bukowski i Pattee, 1993). Istraživanja su pokazala da postoji pozitivna korelacija između

djetetove inteligencije i popularnosti među vršnjacima (Czeschlik i Rost, 1995). Djeca

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popularnog statusa uglavnom imaju podršku i svojih nastavnika i roditelja, što ukazuje na

činjenicu da posjeduju društvene kompetencije za razvijanje raznolikih odnosa.

Istraživanja su pokazala kako postoje dvije podgrupe popularne djece: gore opisana

grupa društveno sposobne i prosocijalne djece te grupa popularne i antisocijalne djece, koja su

dominantna, agresivna, uobražena, manipulativna, neljubazna i nepovjerljiva. Djeca iz

potonje grupe fokusirana su na društveni prestiž i moć, materijalno bogatstvo, osobnu korist i

fizički izgledxxiii (Adler, Kless i Adles, 1992; Parkhurst i Hopmeyer, 1998). Dok popularno-

antisocijalni dječaci prkose autoritetima, osporavaju pravila i više su kažnjavani, popularno-

antisocijalne djevojčice koriste taktike isključivanja kako bi ograničile drugima pristup svojim

društvenim krugovima te provode relacijsko vršnjačko nasilje. (Adler i dr., 1992; LaFontana i

Cillessen, 2002; Rodkin, Farmer, Pearl i Van Acker, 2000; Rubin, 2002).

2.3.2 Odbačeni status

Djeca odbačenog statusa dobila su nekoliko ili nijednu pozitivnu nominaciju, a mnogo

negativnih. Za razliku od zapostavljene djece, odbačenu djecu vršnjaci aktivno odbacujuxxiv.

Međutim, unatoč njihovom nedostatku popularnosti i generalne prihvaćenosti, istraživanja

pokazuju da su rijetki slučajevi odbačene djece koja uopće nemaju prijatelja ili su u

potpunosti izolirana (Cadwallader, 2000/2001). Nadalje, u pravilu postoje dvije podgrupe

odbačene djece: djeca koja su odbačena zbog pretjerane agresije i djeca koja su odbačena

zbog povučenosti ili nezrelosti. Međutim, većina vršnjaka odbacuje obje podgrupe. Uz to,

istraživanja su pokazala kako je vršnjačko odbacivanje obrnuto proporcionalno inteligenciji i

da postoji vjerojatnost da će odbačena djeca kasnije u životu imati poteškoće u prilagodbi

(Asher i Coie, 1990; Asher i Parker, 1989; Czeschlik i Rost, 1995; Kupersmidt, Coie i Dodge,

1990; Putallaz, 1983).

Utvrđeno je da su odbačeno-povučena djeca izložena većem riziku od vršnjačkog

nasilja. Međutim, odbačena su djeca također sama sklona provođenju vršnjačkog nasilja ako

su fizički veća od druge djece i ako se oslanjaju na agresivno ponašanje kao odgovor na

društvene situacije, kao što je slučaj kod odbačeno-agresivne djece. Kao što je već

napomenuto, kategorija odbačene djece heterogena je grupa koja se uglavnom dijeli na

odbačeno-agresivnu i odbačeno-povučenu podgrupu.xxv Gotovo polovicu odbačene djece (40

% – 50 %) vršnjaci smatraju agresivnom, dok između 10 % i 20 % odbačene djece vršnjaci

smatraju povučenom (Cillessen, van IJzendoorn, van Lieshout i Hartup, 1992). Djeca iz

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odbačeno-agresivne grupe opisana su kao „impulzivna, problematična, neiskrena,

preosjetljiva i nekooperativna“ (Cillessen i dr., 1992: 902). S druge strane, djeca iz odbačeno-

povučene grupe aktivno se izoliraju, nezrela su, društveno nesposobna te pokazuju želju za

igranjem s drugima, ali uglavnom nisu sposobna pronaći zainteresirane partnere (Harrist,

Zaia, Bates, Dodge i Petit, 1997). Djeca iz te podgrupe često postaju povučena zbog društvene

odbačenosti. Odbačeno-povučena djeca sklona su negativnom razmišljanju o vlastitim

društvenim vještinama te ih negativne misli sprječavaju u društvenim situacijama (npr. „Ne

mogu se pridružiti toj grupi. Neću se svidjeti drugoj djeci.“). Nasuprot tomu, odbačeno-

agresivna djeca sklona su precjenjivanju vlastitih socijalnih sposobnosti i vršnjačke

prihvaćenosti (Rubin i dr., 2005). Nadalje, dok su odbačeno-povučena djeca u

istraživanjimaxxvi opisivala osjećaj usamljenosti u djetinjstvu i adolescenciji, odbačeno-

agresivna djeca nisu spominjala usamljenost. Štoviše, odbačeno-agresivna djeca obično

sklapaju prijateljstva s drugom agresivnom djecom te se agresivna mladež, umjesto osjećaja

usamljenosti i internaliziranja društvenih teškoća kao što je slučaj kod odbačeno-povučene

djece, često odvaja u zasebnu grupu antisocijalne djecexxvii (Cairns i Cairns, 1994).

U dosadašnjim su se istraživanjima ove dvije podgrupe više odnosile na odbačene

dječake nego na odbačene djevojčice. Štoviše, French (1990) je otkrio da postoje dvije

dodatne podgrupe odbačenih djevojčica na temelju devijantnog ponašanja. Dok devijantniju

podgrupu karakterizira povučenost, anksioznost i niski akademski uspjeh, manje devijantnu

podgrupu obilježavaju poremećaji u ponašanju, agresija i manjak samokontrole u odnosu na

popularne djevojčice (French, 1990). Prema tome, dok se agresija pokazala kao najčešći

razlog odbijanja kod dječaka, kod djevojčica je to bila povučenost. Uz to, podgrupe odbačenih

dječaka razlikuju se prema prisutnosti agresivnog ponašanja, a podgrupe odbačenih djevojčica

prema prisutnosti internaliziranih poremećaja (French, 1990).

Odbačena su djeca općenito manje društvena od prosječne djece (Newcomb i dr.,

1993). Prema percepciji vršnjaka, odbačena djeca nemaju prijatelje i ne posjeduju pozitivne

osobine kojima bi kompenzirala svoju nepovoljnu reputaciju (Newcomb i dr., 1993). U

usporedbi s popularnom djecom, odbačena su djeca u istraživanjima opisivala znatno snažnije

osjećaje usamljenosti te nižu razinu sportskih sposobnosti (Dunn i dr., 2007). Unatoč ovakvoj

slici odbačene djece, pokazano je kako ona nisu u potpunosti sama (Cairns, Cairns,

Neckerman, Gest, i Gariepy, 1988). Neka su istraživanja pokazala da, iako odbačena djeca

imaju društvene krugove, ona su manje društvena u usporedbi s prosječnom djecom

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(Newcomb i dr., 1993). Druga su istraživanja ponudila alternativni scenarij u kojem odbačena

djeca često formiraju podgrupe, povezujući se u kontrakulture kojom šalju poruku: „Ako

nisam dovoljno dobar/dobra, onda mogu biti dovoljno zločest/zločesta.“xxviii Što se tiče

obiteljskih odnosa, odbačena djeca u sličnoj su situaciji kao zapostavljena djeca zato što obje

grupe roditelji uglavnom odgajaju autoritarnim roditeljskim stilom (Franz i Gross, 2000).

Sve je više istraživanja uspjelo povezati agresiju u djetinjstvu s vršnjačkim

odbacivanjem (Cillessen i Mayeux, 2004; Véronneau i Vitaro, 2007). Vjerojatnije je da će

odbačena djeca koristiti agresiju kako bi postigla društvene ciljeve (Bierman, Smoot i

Aumiller, 1993; Miller- Johnson, Coie, Maumary-Gremaud, Bierman i istraživačka grupacija

The Conduct Problems Prevention Research Groupxxix, 2002). Nadalje, veća je vjerojatnost da

će agresija odbačene djece eskalirati ako su sama bila žrtvama maltretiranja, zadirkivanja ili

podsmjehivanja. Odbačena će se djeca prije potući nego koristiti tehnike pregovaranja,

međusobnog dogovaranja ili kakve druge tehnike rješavanja problema. Premda se agresija

odbačene djece u nekim slučajevima može shvatiti kao samoobrana, često agresivno

ponašanje dovodi do toga da ona postanu još više odbačena i marginalizirana (Hanish i

Guerra, 2002). Jedna od rijetkih longitudinalnih studija u ovome području, koju su proveli

Nelson i Dishion 2004. godine,xxx istraživala je odnos između sociometrijskog statusa 200

dječaka četvrtog razreda osnovne škole i njihovih postignuća kao mladih odraslih osoba.

Nelson i Dishion ustvrdili su da kada se uspoređuju mladi muškarci u dobi od 23-24 godine

prema razini antisocijalnog ponašanja i sudjelovanju u školi i na poslu, postoje razlike između

onih koji su bili odbačeni i izolirani kao dječaci i onih koji su bili popularni i prijateljski

nastrojeni kao dječaci, čak i kada je njihovo sadašnje ponašanje objašnjeno u ranijem

razdoblju razvoja.

Slično pronalascima Nelsona i Dishiona, postoje značajni dokazi koji idu u prilog tezi

da sociometrijski status u djetinjstvu ima utjecaj i izvan školskog konteksta. Zanemarena i

odbačena djeca izložena su većoj opasnosti od problema u školi i zajednici zbog manjka

odnosa s prosocijalnim vršnjačkim grupama (Coie, Lochman, Terry i Hyman, 1992; Hawking

i Weis, 1985; Kaplow, Curran, Dodge i The Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group,

2002; Kupersmidt i dr., 1990; Rieffe, Villanueva i Meerum Terwogt, 2005). Ako djecu

odbacuju prosocijalni vršnjaci, veća je vjerojatnost da će se odbačena djeca družiti s

delinkventnim vršnjacima, što predstavlja bitan rizični faktor za potencijalno kriminalno

ponašanje, delinkvenciju, aktivne poremećaje u ponašanjuxxxi, emocionalne teškoće i

26

konzumaciju opojnih sredstava (Cairns i Cairns, 1994; Fergusson, Swain-Campbell i

Horwood, 2002; Hanish i Guerra, 2002; Kupersmidt i Coie, 1990). Istraživanja su pokazala da

grupa odbačene djece može biti stabilnija u odnosu na ostale statusne grupe. Međutim, neki

istraživači smatraju da, iako tijekom vremena može doći do kretanja članova između različitih

statusnih grupa, u stabilnom društvenom okruženju vršnjačka percepcija druge djece ostaje

uglavnom ista (Williams i Gilmour, 1994). Prema tome, vršnjačka odbačenost u najvećoj se

mjeri navodi kao rizični faktor za kasnije poteškoće u razvoju (vidi Cillessen i Mayeux, 2004;

Fraser, Kirby i Smokowski, 2004; Hanish i Guerra, 2002; Kaplow i dr., 2002; Lonczak i dr.,

2001; Miller- Johnson i dr., 2002; Miller-Johnson, Coie, Maumary-Gremaud, Lochman i

Terry, 1999; Véronneau i Vitaro, 2007).

2.3.3 Zanemareni status

U usporedbi s ostalim grupama, zanemarena djeca dobila su najmanji broj nominacija.

Vršnjaci su skloni opisati takvu djecu kao sramežljivu, a neka su istraživanja pokazala kako se

zanemarena djeca preferiraju igrati sama (Coie i dr., 1982). Iako zanemarena djeca možda

imaju nekoliko prijatelja (French i Waas, 1985), vršnjaci generalno nemaju pozitivnu ili

negativnu sliku o toj grupi, već ih jednostavno ignoriraju. Zanemarena se djeca uglavnom

igraju sama i često su okarakterizirana kao povučena (Bergin, 1986; Wiliiams i Gilmour,

1994).

27

Translation 4

Karakaš, D. (2016) Sjećanje šume. Zagreb: Sandorf. pp. 70-79

Translation:

xxxiiSoon there’sxxxiii no more hay behind the wagon. Grandma has raked it up so thoroughly as

if done with a fine-tooth comb. Suddenly, father jabs the pitchfork into the hay and leans on it

ably, which means that I should command the oxen to start moving again; holding a scourge

in my hand I signal them to follow me;xxxiv they are standing and wagging their heads to fend

off flies, but it seems to me that they are telling me: we are not moving. I whip them from

above with the handle of the scourge. When they both start moving, I stand firmly in front of

them to stop them, waiting for my father’s further instruction. I constantly look up at the sky;

it has gotten so black that a sudden darkness has fallen on everything around us; father,

mother and grandma are working faster and faster; father is up there on the wagon daftly

shaping the hay into something that looks like a cube. I stand before the oxen, scratching their

pink muzzles, when I see a fly on Lozonja’sxxxv neck; with its wide head and jointed green

eyes, the fly looks like it’s wearing sunglasses. I take my aim and squash it using the thicker

side of the branch in my hands; blood gushes from the fly and the ox jumps because the fly

has stung it fiercely in its death rattle, so I have to calm it down quickly. I whisper into its ear:

“Shh, shh.” Sometimes, to pass the time, I count the number of flies I’ve killed, but right now

I don’t have time for it; as a yellow tractor full of hay drives by, I think how nice it would be

to have a tractor: it can’t be bitten by flies. However, father believes that our area is not

suitable for tractors because, as he says it, everything is going downhill here. You pay for a

tractor, he says, and then it overturns and you die. Father abruptly jumps down from the

wagon as if the fly had stung him now; the hay is aptly arranged on the wagon. Father has

also girded the hay tightly with a rope so it wouldn’t fall apart along the way, so now it looks

like a neatly wrapped up package. We head home; I quicken my pace, the oxen quicken their

pace, I start to run, the oxen start to run, father yells: “Reduce the speed!” Immediately I slow

down and after driving the wagon and the oxen bit by bit next to the hayloft, my father tells

me to park it a little bit better; I snap the scourge above the animals’ butts and yell: gee!xxxvi,

which is a command to turn to the right; the oxen start following me, their gait uneven; I stop

them and shout: haw! and turn the drawbar completely to the left. Then I thwack both of them

28

on the nose using the handle of the whip: back!, so they start going back step by step, their

legs colliding on their way.

My grandma takes off her black head scarf, spits out dust and says proudly, with her voice

amplified by the dustxxxvii, that in our whole village, even the whole region, there’s no one

better than me when it comes to backing up oxen. “That’s how it’s done,xxxviii” father says as

he looks up at the sky. This is the first time he has praised me for anything.

Cows as ballons

The gamekeeper, his hunting rifle strapped to his back, has scoured the grove and headed

towards us; his hat is full of badges and decorated with a quail feather. “Are y’all getting

any?” the gamekeeper asks us. Kiddoxxxix says: “No.” The gamekeeper chuckles and continues

striding towards the village. Kiddo says: “When will someone just kill that bear?” I shrug,

take a little knife and start carving along the stick; my eyes dart towards my knee and I see a

fly. I swing my hand and trap her in my tightly clenched fist. “What’s the time?” Kiddo asks

me. I look at the position of the sun and say: “Around half past ten, or ten.” Then I listen to

the buzzing of the trapped fly for a long time. “Just a little more before we head home,”

Kiddo says, looks at his cow and adjusts his position so he’s lying on his side; there is no

place where the sun doesn’t shine. I clench my fist, feel the fly with my fingertips and squash

it. I lie on my side just like Kiddo, opposite of the one he’s on. I watch the cattle, dense

patches of clover paint the field green; if the cattle go to those green patches, they might

overeat and burst. This is not like grazing cattle in the forest: here you need to be on a

constant lookout, so we can’t play at all. I glance at my cattle searching for grass around the

bushes; the threat of the bear makes us always graze close to the houses, so the pasture in this

area is getting scarcer by the day. Suddenly I notice that Kiddo’s cow is nowhere to be found.

I hear clamour from the village: I quickly shake Kiddo. “Where’s my cow?” he yells with a

winded voice as if he were running in his dream, his hair stuck to his nape from the heat.

“Why weren’t you watchin’ it more closely?!” I shout. He’s already running distraughtly

down the wavy brown plough fields towards the village. After a while, I drive my cattle down

towards the village and stop at his house. There is a bloated cow standing in the middle of the

yard. Kiddo is bawling his eyes out, his grandma is comforting him, and the cow is barely

standing on its shaky legs. Once when father beat me up because Šarava had almost got

bloated from clover, I dreamt that she had gotten so bloated that she became a giant hot air

balloon. I entered the balloon’s wicker basket, released all the ballasts and flew above the

29

village and never looked back. Mother was crying and running after the cow-shaped balloon

for a long time, while father yelled: “May you never come back!” Now for the first time I see

a living cow balloon. Kiddo’s grandfather looks disturbed; I have never before seen him this

worried. Kiddo’s grandma is praying and making the sign of the cross, grandpa is shouting at

Kiddo: “Tomica, don’t you cry, everything will be fine!” “Like Hell it will!” Pejo’sxl father

screeches while bringing a glass bottle filled with distilled baking soda; he uses one hand to

open the cow’s slobbery muzzle and the other to pour the frothy liquid into its mouth; his hat

fell slightly to one side. Even grandpa Mile, the owner of the clover field, comes and says: “It

doesn’t matter, if only the cow survived unlike mine that dropped dead.” I drive the cattle

home, tie them up and immediately return.

Pejo and Nenad are also there now; all three of us are leaning against the wired fence and

watching. “Let’s go, people,” Kiddo’s grandpa yells, “until the vet comes!” Nenad’s father is

stroking the cow’s muzzle, eyes and ears while gas is coming out of its nostrils. My father’s

hands are constantly putting pressure on the cow’s stomach, Pejo’s mother is holding the tail

and Kiddo’s grandpa, his right sleeve all rolled up and his right fist in a red rubber glove, is

shoving his entire hand deep into the cow’s ass: he is pulling the dung out. The cow is

suddenly standing on only one leg, so my dad grabs and pulls its other leg up, trying to get it

to stand on both legs. Kiddo’s grandpa is still pulling out the dung, with dark-blue fumes

coming out of his glove. Kiddo’s grandma is constantly clasping her hands in a whirlwind of

emotions. Kiddo gets out of the house snivelling, sees what’s happening and runs back inside

crying even louder. The cow’s eyes almost pop out of its head while the stomach is getting

more and more bloated; it’s like Kiddo’s grandpa is filling the cow with even more crap. The

cow falls to its front legs, succumbing to the pressure, the shoulder of Nenad’s father being its

only support, while Kiddo’s grandma is wailing in panic. All the dogs from the village start

howling at her wail, like all of this is somehow their business as well, and my dad is cursing

them loudly. Then Wartburg, covered in mud, appears around the corner: Zlatko the vet is

right behind him. Kiddo’s grandma bawls:

“Hurry up, dear doctor!” Zlatko the vet uses his bag and arms to push people away from the

cow, looks at it and says: “This needs to be popped now!” He takes out a hollow knife from

his bag. He swings. He punctures the cow’s stomach; it shudders with delay, releases a

wheezy sound through the hollow knife, shrinks and stands up on all fours. For a while the

cow remains motionless in the middle of the yard, then it unsteadily moves half a step and

30

starts stumbling around the yard, its stomach flabby. Zlatko the vet approaches it, slaps it on

the ass and says: “May you live for a hundred years!” As if these had words motivated it, the

cow scurries happily across the field, comes back and starts bawling like an out-of-tune

trumpet. Kiddo’s grandpa wipes the sweat off his face with his other hand; he goes to the

house and brings a bottle of schnapps and little long stem glasses on a silvered tray. He

distributes the glasses around and fills them up to the brim: schnapps is flowing through

everyone’s hands.

Television

I enter the muddy yard and notice a cardboard box with a red sign in big, capital letters on it

that says: TELEVISION.xli I rush to the house and scream at the top of my lungs: “When did

the television come?!” Mother’s calm voice can be heard from the kitchen: “Just now.” I sit

and stare at the television, admiring the depths of the dark screen. I raise my hand and my

finger is slowly getting closer to the square button. As soon as I hear father’s footsteps, I

move away from the television and pull my finger back: he is going down the steep stone

pathway. I look out the window: father is carrying a white, pruned, and peeled stick on his

shoulder, he stops next to a plum tree, turns his back to the house, starts pissing while

whistling joyfully. “Where is he?” he shouts. I quickly run outside, ready to go in all possible

direction. “You’re gonna watch if the signal is good while I adjust the antenna up there,”

father says; he walks into the room and turns on the television with his thumb. After a couple

of seconds, which felt like forever, there’s a black and white noise on the screen. Father says:

“I’mma go up and you watch closely.” Mother also enters the room: we are both silently

staring at the snowy picture on the screen; we’re not breathing, only listening to father’s

footsteps: we can hear him trying to find the best position on the attic. “Is it good?” father

yells after some time; his voice sounds different from the attic. I stomp with impatience and

shout:

“It’s not!” After a couple of minutes, father yells: “And now?” Mother shouts: “The picture

comes and goes!” Then she yells: “Wait, wait!” And I yell: “Wait, wait!” Finally, the picture

appears: a man is sitting calmly in a woven chair. He’s saying something to the microphone to

some other man; his head is hanging low, possibly because his hair is too heavy. When the

other man with a round microphone lets out a garish laugh, it’s like someone’s horse is

laughing in the distance. “Is it still good?” father shouts. “Good, it’s good!” I shout happily.

Father is coming down through an opening in my room’s ceiling, he rolled up his trousers in

31

the attic: his white calves are tightening on the ladder. Mother says: “It’s gotten worse a bit.”

Father is looking at the screen and says: “It just needs to stay that way forever.” In two steps

he comes to the television, grabs the volume adjuster, increases then decreases the volume,

brightens then darkens the picture, approaches it again, brightens the picture a little bit more,

nods his head and says: “It’s like a little God now.” In the evening, a little before 7:30 PM,

father ceremoniously turns on the television: a clock appears on the screen, full of silent

tension, then the music makes the crisscrossed globe on the screen start turning around itself.

Immediately after a black-haired host with glasses greets the viewers with a hypnotising

voice. Father and mother are sitting up straight, grandma is sitting on the ottoman, sister and I

are sitting on the warm firewood storage chest: the only thing that can be seen in the room is

the light from the television. We can hear dogs barking outside, and someone is relentlessly

calling me from the dark. I am silently watching television, but the voice from outside tries

again to steal me away from the screen. Mother says: “Answer him, it’s Pejo.” I wave off and

say: “I’m watching television.” Father hollers: “Go outside and tell him that!” I quickly go

outside and yell:

“I’M WATCHING TELEVISION!” I watch television every day and right before the clock

appears on the screen, I calm down and inconspicuously put my hand under my shirt: I’m

collecting my heartbeats into the palm of my hand. I would love it if my heart worked like

that screen clock – tick-tock, tick-tock – but it’s beating much faster, more than eighty beats

per minute, and I read in a magazine that a normal heartbeat in an idle state is from sixty to

eighty beats. One day I decide not to do that anymore because it only ruins the experience of

watching the television. Whatever it is that I do, eating or playing football, I spend the whole

day just waiting for it to get dark outside so I can watch television. Besides the news, father

also sometimes lets us watch a movie or TV show.

One day he brings a blue plastic foil from the city, puts it over the screen and proudly says

that we may not have the first television in the village, but we have the first one in colour. We

are once again glued to the screen. Even some neighbours, who are eager to see a colour

television, come to our house: currently a domestic film is on. A man in a blue raincoat says

to another man in a blue raincoat: “You dirty bastard.” On the screen there are blue shoes,

blue guns, blue eyes, even blue potatoes in the farm report that runs on Sundays.

32

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33

Translation 5

Pickering, M. (2001) Stereotyping: The Politics of Representation. New York: Palgrave. pp.

79-84

Glossary:

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belonging pripadnost Čutura, M. (2011) Etnička

pripadnost kao prediktor

potrošačke odbojnosti u

multikulturnom

komunikacijskom kontekstu

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cka-granica/24740/#naziv

community zajednica http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/zaje

dnica/21367/#naziv

construct konstrukt http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/drus

tveni-konstrukt/25043/#naziv

cosmopolitanism kozmopolitizam https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

Natuknica.aspx?ID=33604

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politika: prilog raspravi o

uzrocima demokratskog

deficita na Bliskom Istoku.

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39. No. 4

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urna-znacajka/24988/

34

cultural reportoire kulturni repertoar http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/jezi

cni-repertoar/26038/#naziv

cultural resource kulturno sredstvo https://ipu.hr/article/hr/648/b

astina-odozdo

culture kultura http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/kult

ura/25437/#naziv

discourse diskurs http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/disk

urs/25343/#naziv

frame of reference referentni okvir http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/refe

rentni-okvir/25244/#naziv

grand theory velika teorija http://www.ffzg.unizg.hr/soci

o/wp-

content/uploads/2014/02/Izgr

adnja-teorije-u-

sociologiji.pdf

identitiy identitet http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/iden

titet/24724/#naziv

individuality individualnost http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/indi

vidualnost/26895/#naziv

interdependence međuovisnost http://hjp.znanje.hr/index.php

?show=search

language jezik http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/jezi

k/25207/#naziv

literal boundary stvarna granica Žižak, A. (2014) Simboličke i

stvarne granice socijalne

pedagogije u Hrvatskoj.

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35

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ksenofobije. Zagreb: Pan liber

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Natuknica.aspx?ID=37027

mediated reality posredna stvarnost Milardović, A. (2013)

Stranac i društvo:

Fenomenologija stranca i

ksenofobije. Zagreb: Pan liber

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eu/doceo/document/PV-8-

2014-12-17-ITM-

018_HR.html

milieu milje https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

Natuknica.aspx?ID=40973

modernity modernitet http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/mod

ernitet/25516/

nation nacija https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?id=42693

national culture nacionalna kultura Cerović, Z. i Tomašević, A.

(2006) Utjecaj nacionalne

kulture na korporativnu

kulturu u globalnim

hotelskim kompanijama.

Tourism and hospitality

management. Vol. 12. No. 2

nationalism nacionalnost https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?id=26909

nationhood nacionalnost https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?id=42693

nation-state nacija-država https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?id=42693

36

parochial parohijalan http://hjp.znanje.hr/index.php

?show=search

parochialism parohijalnost Kasapović, M. (2005)

Suvremena komparativna

politika: kako strukturirati

znanje? u: Anali Hrvatskog

politološkog društva 2004.

Zagreb: Hrvatsko politološko

društvo. Vol. 1. No. 1

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postnormalna znanost. Revija

za sociologiju. Vol. 46. No. 1

social world društveni svijet https://www.enciklopedija.hr/

natuknica.aspx?id=56948

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tvenost/25374/#naziv

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tvo/24658/#naziv

symbolic boundary simbolička granica Žižak, A. (2014) Simboličke i

stvarne granice socijalne

pedagogije u Hrvatskoj.

Kriminologija i socijalna

integracija: časopis za

kriminologiju, penologiju i

poremećaje u ponašanju. Vol.

22. No. 1

the West Zapad http://hjp.znanje.hr/index.php

?show=search

trade route trgovačka ruta https://katalog.kgz.hr/pagesR

esults/bibliografskiZapis.aspx

?&currentPage=1&searchByI

37

d=10&sort=0&spid0=10&sp

v0=Paravi%c4%87%2c+Ves

na&xm0=1&selectedId=9200

2974

view pogled http://hjp.znanje.hr/index.php

?show=search

world-view svjetonazor http://struna.ihjj.hr/naziv/svje

tonazor/22398/#naziv

Translation:

Anthony Cohen definirao je pripadnost kao „gotovo neopisivo kompleksno iskustvo

kulture“ (1982: 16). Prema ovakvome shvaćanju, sama je kultura nešto čemu pripadamo.

Nosimo je sa sobom poput osobnih stvari kada putujemo i susrećemo se s drugim kulturama

te ona utječe na to kako tumačimo i razumijemo ono s čime se susrećemo. Unatoč činjenici da

je kultura ljudska značajka, ne možemo jednostavno odbaciti svoju kulturu kao što to možemo

s osobnim stvarima zato što kulturu ne posjedujemo na isti način kao što posjedujemo

materijalne stvari koje nosimo sa sobom na putovanje. Naše kulturne značajke sastavni su dio

onoga što jesmo jer doprinose našem identitetu i osjećaju pripadnosti, koliko god te značajke

bile neopisivo kompleksne. Dakako, to ne znači da su svi jednaki unutar određene kulture, već

samo da se nužno oslanjamo na pojedina kulturna sredstvaxlii i kulturne repertoare, a ne neka

druga upravo zbog toga gdje smo i tko smo. Ta sredstva i repertoari i načini na koje ih

iskorištavamo uvjetuju naše određenje svijeta te „pružaju raspon u kojemu je individualnost

moguća“ (Cohen, 1985: 21) – i to moguća da bude identificirana kao takva. Naše iskustvo

kulture nije iskustvo izoliranih i samodostatnih bića, već se ono ostvaruje putem kompleksne

mreže interakcija sa širokim rasponom ljudi, u različitim odnosima, situacijama i kontekstima.

Naše iskustvo pripadnosti obavijeno je kulturom našeg iskustva, tj. načina na koje svoje

iskustvo kulturno iskazujemo putem jezika i diskursa. Iskustvo kulture gradi naš identitet

stvarajući privid sličnosti između onih koji više-manje dijele isti kulturni identitet, koji

pripadaju istoj kulturi i u njoj se osjećaju ugodnoxliii. Kultura je prema tome iskustvo

pripadnosti.

38

Radi se o značenju kulture u jezičnomxliv smislu, tj. misli se na procese simbolične

razmjene u svakidašnjem lokalnom miljeu koji oblikuju i utječu na naše odrastanje, našu

zbunjujuću asimilaciju u zajednicu i neusklađeno usvajanje individualnosti. Dok kultura u

tome značenju može imati određenu referencu i primjenu, također može dovesti do raznih

problema. Kategorija jezika može se primijeniti kao potpora verziji teorije kulturnog

esencijalizmaxlv, prema kojoj su elementi određene kulture strogo razgraničeni te

reproduciraju „esenciju“ te kulture, tj. stvaraju nepromjenjivu razliku u odnosu na druge

kulture. S druge strane, prema povijesno informiranom shvaćanju kulture, elemente kulture

određuje međusobno prožimanje, miješanje, hibridnost, dinamika i transformacija, tj. ništa

nije unaprijed zadano. Takvo ispreplitanje raznih kultura nije nova pojava. Ono se događa od

pojave dugih trgovačkih ruta, migracijskih putova, jezične interakcije, kulturnih čvorišta i

religijskih tradicija koje povezuju udaljene lokalne zajednice iz raznih geografskih područja.

U naše se vrijeme kulturno ispreplitanje ubrzalo i raširilo. Uz probleme korporativne

dominacije i opasnosti koje prijete sredstvima i repertoarima pojedinih kultura, ono što čini

takvo ispreplitanje tipično suvremenim jest njegova povećana brzina, širina i doseg, dovodeći

do veće povezanosti raznih lokaliteta diljem širokog područja kao i do jačeg utjecaja udaljenih

događaja na lokalne kulturne identitete i odnose.

Danas je ovakav jezično-lokalni oblik društvenosti samo jedan od mnogih referentnih

okvira u suvremenom društvenom životu jer se krećemo između mnogih kulturnih referentnih

okvira i različitih društvenih miljea. Ljudi ne pripadaju samo jednoj kulturi – oni se kreću

između raznih društvenih svjetova i oblika društvene svijesti. Razni oblici pseudodruštvenih

interakcija sada su isprepleteni unutar takvog društvenog kretanja te su postali sve vidljiviji i

značajniji u životima kasne suvremenosti, sukobljavajući se s neposrednim interakcijama

licem u lice kako se konzumacija medija povećava i pojačava. Mediji danas više nego ikad

pridonose čovjekovu identitetu i osjećaju pripadnosti, što učvršćuje ideju da je „tenzija – ili

sporazum – između neposredno proživljenexlvi i posredne stvarnosti ključna za društvene i

psihološke procese u kojima ljudi postaju društveno samosvjesni“ (Frith, 1999: 21). Iz ovoga

se može zaključiti da su suvremena društva izrazito raznolika, velikog opsega te da je njihova

unutarnja struktura međuovisnosti vrlo kompleksna. Upravo su se zato jezični miljei izrazito

isprepleli i transformirali na temelju cijelog spektra raznih kulturnih iskustava, narativa,

stilova i repertoara, različitih izvora identifikacije i vjernosti. Svi su ovi elementi doveli do

radikalne promjene odnosa pripadnosti.

39

Cohen navodi antropološki prikaz jednog japanskog sela iz sredine 20. stoljeća: „Ako

živite u Shinohati, 'vanjski svijet' započinje manje od tristo metara niz cestu“ (Dore, 1978:

60). Žitelji Shinohate znali su za taj „vanjski svijet“, ali im je okolica njihova sela u dolini

Isokawi definirala njihov društveni svijet. Takav osjećaj „vanjskoga svijeta“ koji počinje

odmah na granici nečijeg neposrednog boravišta postao je sve rjeđa pojava. Iskustvo

moderniteta gotovo je suprotno od toga; naš osjećaj „vanjskoga svijeta“ ne samo da se širi sve

dalje već i ulazi sve više u naš „unutarnji svijet“, mjesto koje na jedan ili drugi način još

uvijek koristimo kako bismo odredili gdje pripadamo. To je transformiralo što znači pripadati,

odnosno ne pripadati. Unatoč kolebanju između gotovo oprečnih ideja o razvoju ovakve

društvene i političke filozofije pripadnosti, Walter Lippmann već je 60-ih godina primijetio

ovu promjenu: „Svi smo imigranti u industrijaliziranom svijetu i nemamo autoriteta na koji se

možemo osloniti.“ (Lippmann, 1961: 118) U Lippmannovu je slučaju promjena iznjedrila

anksiozni strah od ekstremizma i nepovjerenje u „tiraniju masa“ u suvremenim društvima dok

je druge ona potaknula da se nostalgično prisjete vremena kada je bilo puno više slučajeva

poput Shinohate, kada su svakodnevni društveni miljei bili puno autonomniji i kada se

tradicionalni autoriteti nisu dovodili u pitanje. Međutim, bez obzira na to koliko se rado

prisjećali prošlih vremena, kada se „vanjski svijet“ počeo širiti, većina se ljudi ne bi htjela

vratiti osjećaju da „vanjski svijet“ počinje u njihovu vidokrugu, manje od tristo metara niz

cestu.

Osim onima koji se bave velikim teorijamaxlvii, još nam uvijek nisu jasne posljedice

ovakve velike promjene osjećaja pripadnosti. Ne možemo dokučiti koje su jedinstvene i

univerzalne posljedice promjene zato što smo još uvijek u procesu asimiliranja iste u naše

kulturno iskustvo i kulturne odnose kao i procesu procjene mnogih posljedica promjene za

naše iskustvo svijeta i osjećaj pripadnosti. Jedna od posljedica je promjena značenja riječi

kojima opisujemo svijet. Primjerice, u engleskom se jeziku značenje riječi parochial (župni,

uskogrudan, parohijalan)xlviii promijenilo iz opisnog termina za pripadanje određenoj župi u

negativan vrijednosni sud koji označava uskogrudnost pogleda, ograničeni svjetonazor i

nemogućnost da se s lakoćom tko kreće izvan granica svog skučenog svijeta, koje su odmah

niz cestu. Riječ je dobila vrijednosno značenje eksterno, tj. stanovnici Shinohate ne bi sebe

tako opisali. Osjećaj pripadanja samo jednom selu, plemenu ili klanu može se činiti iznimno

ograničavajućim čovjeku sa Zapada koji sebe smatra otvorenom osobom širokih vidika.

Međutim, ono što je zanimljivo u takvom shvaćanju pripadnosti nije činjenica da je ono

40

suprotno od kulturno slobodnog stila življenja koji se može nazvati kozmopolitizmom, već da

nam takvo shvaćanje daje osjećaj identiteta koji se gotovo izgubio u odnosu na ostatak svijeta.

Takva se vrsta identiteta ne može opisati u okviru nacionalnostixlix.

Ronald Dore prvi je put posjetio Shinohatu 1955. godine kada je ustvrdio da seljani

samo pedeset godina ranije „nisu bili svjesni da su Japanci zato što u njihovom umu nijedna

druga nacija nije postojala“ (Dore, 1978: 41). Moguće je da je Dore došao do takvog

zaključka zato što je bio stranac u selu, zapadnjak s polovice dvadesetog stoljeća koji je bio

zadivljen izolacijom „druge vrste ljudi“, iako postoji pregršt antropoloških dokaza za takve

lokalizirane oblike pripadnosti i njihovu postepenu dezintegraciju tijekom dvadesetog

stoljeća. U svojem istraživanju nacionalizma Michael Billig navodi razne primjere identiteta

koji nisu vezani uz naciju, uključujući ruralne Slovake koji su emigrirali u Sjedinjene

Američke Države početkom dvadesetog stoljeća. Oni su izgubili svoje korijene te nisu imali

osjećaj nacionalnog identiteta jer su se ranije identificirali samo sa svojim rodnim selom

(Billig, 1995b: 62). Kako se nacionalizam širio svijetom, tako se polako gubio ovakav oblik

identiteta kojim se naglašava odnos između osobe i zajednice. Nacionalizam uvelike utječe na

naše razmišljanje zbog čega nam se izrazito lokalizirani oblici identiteta, poput spomenutih

ruralnih Slovaka, danas čine parohijalnima. Naši su vidici puno širi te prosuđujemo navodno

ograničavajući svjetonazor, koji se temelji na lokaliziranom načinu života, kao inferiorniji u

odnosu na naš. Takvo razmišljanje ne samo da stvara stereotipe o alternativnim identitetima

koji nisu vezani uz nacionalnost već i ne prepoznaje uskogrudnost suvremenog svjetonazora s

kojim se drugačiji identiteti dovode u opreku.

Suvremeni svjetonazor gleda na svijet u okviru nacionalizma. Nacionalizam je izrazito

oblikovao naš osjećaj pripadnosti i simbolične granice izgrađene oko njega. Nacije, dakako,

imaju stvarne granice koje možemo prijeći samo ako imamo putovnicu ili eventualno vizu.

Trajanje našeg boravka unutar tih granica može biti ograničeno ili nam mogu zabraniti

prelazak preko granica uopće. Međutim, stvarne granice same po sebi ne definiraju naše

različite identitete, već samo nadopunjuju naše različite identitete jednom kada su oni

simbolično definirani. Simboličke granice služe kao način razgraničavanja između „nas“, koji

smo relativno slični, i onoga što percipiramo drugačijim od „nas“. Time se pojačava „naš“

osjećaj jednakosti jer nam simbolične granice daju mjesto za „naš“ identitet. One su mentalni

konstrukti koji simbolično odražavaju „naše“ koncepte sličnosti i različitosti, osiguravajući da

je „naš“ identitet zapravo osjećaj da smo „jednaki zajedno“l (Cohen, 1986: 17).

41

Simboličke granice mogu funkcionirati na lokalnoj i regionalnoj razini, kako su Cohen

i drugi teoretičari primjenjivali taj koncept. Međutim, one su također manifestacije načina na

koji nacije komuniciraju same sa sobom i s drugim nacijama u svijetu, koji je podijeljen i

ujedinjen geografskim granicama između nacija i razdvojen simboličkim granicama na

zasebne nacionalne identitete.li Craig Calhoun navodi primjer Saamija ili Laponaca za koje se

čini da ne pripadaju „prirodno“ nordijskoj kulturi upravo zato što nisu igrali veliku ulogu u

„povijesti sukoba oko pravilnog uređenja nacija-država u [nordijskoj] regiji.“

Na taj su način Laponci pogrešno protumačililii da su nacionalne kulture jedinstvene,

ujedinjene i integrirane. Calhoun napominje kako se takvim tumačenjem implicira da su

nacionalne kulture odvojeni entiteti i ravnopravne cjeline, zanemaruje se međupovezanost

nacionalnih kultura i osjećaj šireg svijeta kojem pripadaju te se odvraća pozornost s njihovih

internih kompleksnih sustava tenzija i antagonizama (1995: 53-55). Usmjeravanje i

organiziranje našeg empirijskog tumačenja svijeta na ovaj način mijenja našu percepciju

„vanjskog svijeta“ iz prostora koji počinje niz cestu u osjećaj da počinje na mjestu

nacionalnih granica. Došli smo do nove vrste parohijalnosti u kojoj nas danas ograničava

osjećaj nacionalne pripadnosti.

42

Translation 6

Borić, M. (2019) Faust Vrančić – portret izumitelja. Zagreb: Tehnički muzej 'Nikola Tesla'.

pp. 42-44

Glossary:

HR EN Source

apostol apostle McFarland, Ian A.,

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

apostolski nuncij Apostolic Nuncio https://www.sabor.hr/en/press

/news/parliament-speaker-

jandrokovic-receives-new-

apostolic-nuncio-croatia

barokni baroque https://www.britannica.com/a

rt/Baroque-art-and-

architecture

biskup bishop McFarland, Ian A.,

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

biskupija diocese https://www.oxfordlearnersdi

ctionaries.com/definition/eng

lish/diocese?q=diocese

43

biskupska čast bishopric https://www.oxfordlearnersdi

ctionaries.com/definition/eng

lish/bishopric?q=bishopric

biskupska palača episcopal palace Sušanj Protić, T. (2015) The

Urban Layout of Osor after

1450. Ars Adriatica. No. 5

biskupski križ pectoral cross https://www.britishmuseum.o

rg/collection/object/H_1949-

1203-1

car emperor https://www.oxfordlearnersdi

ctionaries.com/definition/eng

lish/emperor?q=emperor

crkveni red religious order https://www.translationdirect

ory.com/articles/article2296.p

hp

epitaf epitaph https://dictionary.cambridge.

org/dictionary/english/epitap

h

Evanđelje gospel McFarland, Ian A.,

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

general Superior General https://www.vaticannews.va/

en/church/news/2020-

05/jesuits-mourn-passing-of-

former-superior-general.html

hodočasnik pilgrim McFarland, Ian A.,

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

44

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

humanist humanist https://dictionary.cambridge.

org/dictionary/english/human

ist

isusovac Jesuit McFarland, Ian A.,

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

katedrala cathedral McFarland, Ian A.,

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

kongregacija congregation McFarland, Ian A.,

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

maniristički mannerist https://dictionary.cambridge.

org/dictionary/english/manne

rist

meditacija meditation McFarland, Ian A.,

45

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

novicijat novitiate https://www.oxfordlearnersdi

ctionaries.com/definition/eng

lish/novitiate?q=novitiate

papa the Pope McFarland, Ian A.,

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

redovnička zajednica religious community McFarland, Ian A.,

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

samostan monastery McFarland, Ian A.,

Fergusson, David A. S.,

Kilby, Karen, Torrance, Iain

R. (2011) The Cambridge

dictionary of Christian

theology. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

46

Translation:

Considering the reasons why Vrančić left Hungary, Mrnavić states that he gravitated

towards Rome because it was a religious centre where he could dedicate himself more freely

to deepening his Christian faith. After moving to Rome in 1605, Vrančić once again started

thinking about becoming a member of the Society of Jesus, a religious order he was

particularly fond of. Mrnavić cites how he failed to do so because the prominence of his status

stood in opposition to certain stances of the Society of Jesus. Therefore, Vrančić turned to

other religious communities, affiliating himself with the Clerics Regular of Saint Paul (the

Barnabites) in particular. While waiting for his resolution to be confirmed, Vrančić distributed

his assets and lived modestly to serve as an example of renunciation and devotion to his faith.

Mrnavić, who spent a period of time with Vrančić in Rome, also mentions the injustices

Vrančić faced upon his arrival to Rome.

While Vrančić was waiting to join the Order, the Pope granted him an annual

allowance for his status and reputation in accordance with the customs of the Papal Court.

Faust graciously accepted the Pope’s generosity, but he gave the money to those most in need

because he considered that money to be the bread belonging to the poor. Mrnavić writes that

papal courtiers, who were known for getting zealously involved in other people’s business,

found out about this and misinterpreted Vrančić’s piety, concluding that he was not worthy of

the Pope’s blessings.liii However, Vrančić endured the injustice just as easily as he had taken

the burden of the granted allowance.liv

Prior to joining the Barnabites, Vrančić spent his time in introspection as well as

helped his loved ones and those in need. He was accepted into the home of a religious family

near Zagarolo, thus he was not in Rome as he was preparing to join the Barnabites. He

worked out of Rome’s sight because, according to Mrnavić, he felt as if otherwise he would

be exposed to threats that he had futilely tried to avoid. Afterwards, he was relocated to

Cremona “(…) where he sat alone in the shadow of the one he desired, while silently trying to

ascend.”

Vrančić’s desire to find immortality not only through his work but also through other

means had significantly grown. He was not just a humanist – he was a Christian humanist in

the real sense of the word. He wanted to serve the people and write something that would

47

outlive the unpredictable nature of politics and time. He spent his last ten years in and around

Rome writing about subjects from various disciplines.

The information on the year when Vrančić joined the Barnabites varies from one

source to another. Some authors mention the year 1605 as the year when Vrančić moved to

Rome and joined the Barnabites, asserting that “(…) in 1605 [Vrančić] leaves Prague and

joins the Clerics Regular of Saint Paul in Rome.lv” Conversely, Vladimir Horvat wrote about

Vrančić and his connections to reputable Jesuits in his work Faust Vrančić and the Jesuits

Alfonso Carrillio and Bartol Kašićlvi, in which he provided a different piece of information on

Faust’s monastic life, without citing his sources: “His wish for monastic life was fulfilled on 1

December 1606.”

However, according to Mrnavić, who mostly did not timestamp his text but took a

more general approach while describing the events from Vrančić’s life, Vrančić thought about

joining the Jesuits when he first came to Rome, and afterwards started considering other

religious orders as well, therefore he could not have joined the Barnabites in 1605 or at the

start of 1606. We find more details about Faust’s joining the Order, his novitiate and all the

preparations, procedures and letters that preceded his admission to the Clerics Order of Saint

Paul in Scrittori barnabiti, o della congrezione dei chierici regolari di San Paolo (1533-

1933)lvii, a biography by Giuseppe Boffito, who published it in Florence in 1933. After

abandoning his bishopric in 1608, Vrančić entered novitiate near Zagarolo, a town near

Rome. According to the documents Boffito had found in Archivio di S. Barnaba (The Archive

of Saint Barnabas)lviii while researching the history of the Order, there was a letter dated 15

March 1608 that the Barnabites G. A. Gabuzio, P. Crasso and G. M. Mazenta sent to the

Order’s Superior General in Milan in connection to Vrančić's admission to the Order.

According to these documents, Boffito states that Faust underwent his novitiate in Zagarolo

from 1608 to 1609, finally fulfilling his long-held wish for monastic life by joining the

Barnabites. Vrančić was close friends with Giovanni Ambrogio Mazenta (1565-1635), a

Barnabite who collected Leonardo da Vinci’s technical drawings, and their relationship was

essential in Faust’s later work. During his preparation for joining the Barnabites and the time

spent as a member of the Order, he wrote and finished most of his work. His masterwork

Machinæ novæ (New Machines) is considered to be finalized in Rome, where the engravings

included in the work, which were based on Vrančić's illustrations, had been made. Mrnavić

describes a house of the Spanish aristocrat John Baptist Viveslix, where Vrančić resided

48

during his stay in Rome. The Valencian aristocrat Vives, driven by his burning desire to

preach the Christian gospel, turned his house into a monastery where people lived under strict

rules. Vrančić chose the place as his abode himself and lived there humbly without standing

out. Until the very moment he left Rome, he had never missed nightly meditative prayers or

any activity related to the communal worship in the monastery. Mrnavić states that at the time

Vrančić refused to accept the honours bestowed upon him by other dioceses while the

Apostolic Nuncio saw to it with the emperor that Vrančić could return to carrying out his

ministry. Considering that Mrnavić was informed on the matter, he believed that Vrančić had

no longer desired secular and ecclesiastical power, thus, as a result of his disputes with the

emperor, he refused the opportunities offered to him out of fear of getting summoned again.

Besides writing books, he devoted his time to the pilgrims who came from all over Europe

and stopped by at Vives’ house.

“It should be noted with great admiration that there had never been more Hungarians

who sought help from apostles in the entire 16th century as there had been during the decade

when Vrančić was in Rome. They were drawn to the piety of the man they had known to

reside there as well as his utmost patience that he expressed as they confessed their sins in

their native tongue. They were also encouraged by the acts of Christian kindness that Vrančić

had shown the poor by accepting them under his roof and sometimes even providing food for

months. He educated them through everyday pleasant conversations and bestowed upon them

the blessings of the Roman piety.”

During this period Vrančić received letters from prominent leaders from various

countries, especially Hungary and Germany, so Mrnavić advised him not to disregard the

amount of affection from such great people with whom destiny had bonded him. Already a bit

weary of his mortal life and focused on the eternal life, Vrančić answered him: “I know what

would aid my salvation, and I’ve done enough for the world; for those who lived modestly

have had a virtuous life.”

As Mrnavić states, it was already during this time that Vrančić thought and inquired

about monasteries on the Dalmatian islands, claiming that the peaceful solitude of his

homeland was to be his final resting place.

In 1615 Vrančić fell gravely ill. As per the doctor’s advice, and maybe the sense that

his end was nearing, he set out to his homeland with Tomko Mrnavić. They travelled across

49

Ancona, but Vrančić could not travel by sea due to his health problems, so they continued to

traverse by land. Faust stopped at Venice to prepress his books. Shortly after the publication

of his work, Vrančić passed away in Venice “twenty-two days after reaching the age of sixty-

six”, on 20 January 1617. Ivan Tomko Mrnavić gave a funeral speech on 22 February 1617 in

the Cathedral of Saint James in Šibenik. His body was transferred and buried together with his

books in the Church of Saint Mary of Mercy on the island of Prvić near Šibenik.

Mrnavić mentions that Vrančić strongly desired to be close to God so he chose this

place in particular as his resting place, where he would be buried with peasants and joyfully

accomplish in death everything he could not in life. There is an epitaph on Vrančić’s

tombstone in which he summarized his life journey:

FAUSTUS VERANTIUS EP. VS CHANADIENSIS

NOVOR: PRAEDICAMENTOR: ET NOVAR : MACHINAR : AC FRAGMENTOR

HISTORIAE ILLYRICAE AC SARMATICAE COLLECTOR

AN: DOM:

M · D · C · X · V · I · I ·lx

Lastly a couple of words about the portraits of Vrančić that appear in literature today,

most notably in the works of Kruno Prijatelj, a Croatian art historian. In today’s literature on

Faust there are photographs of two portraits of Faust. Prijatelj mentions how one of the two

portraits, depicting Faust in clerical attire with a pectoral cross, is in the possession of the

Jukić family from Šepurine on the island of Prvić. He concludes that the depiction of

Vrančić’s expressive face and clothes reflect the skilfulness of an unknown mannerist painter.

The painting, dated 1605, was most probably done in Rome.

The following text is written on the painting:

QUANDO CONSOLABERIS ME FAUST. VERANTTIO EPISCC. CHANADIEN.

AETATIS SUAE LV.

ANNO DOMINI

.M.D.C.V.

50

The second portrait, depicting him in episcopal vestments with no facial hair, is kept

in the Episcopal Palace in Timișoara. The text on the painting reads as follows:

FAUSTUS VERANTIUS ELECT. EPISCOP. CSANAD. ECCLES. PRAEP. DE LELESZ

REXIT 1598 RESIGNAVIT SPONTE SUCCESSORI

Kruno Prijatelj asserts that the difference between the two portraits is so drastic that it

seems impossible that Vrančić’s appearance could have changed so much in only seven years,

concluding that the Prvić portrait is stylistically authentic and is congruent with the dating,

while the Timișoara one has baroque characteristics and “most probably belongs to a partially

imaginary baroque series of paintings of bishops of Csanád, wherein a mediocre unknown

painter had a vision of immortalizing the great Faust of Šibenik.”

There was a rumour that the portrait of Frane Vrančić, Faust’s grandfatherlxi, was

painted by the famous Italian painter Titianlxii. Frane’s sons Antun and Mihovil ordered the

painting be made and exchanged letters in which they had arranged the way the portrait

should be made. Danko Zelić wrote about the circumstances of the portrait’s creation and its

further whereabouts in his book Faust Vrančić and the division of items from the inheritance

of Antun Vrančić in Šibenik in 1576 and 1579. Zelić says that in August of 1558 Mihovil sent

a letter to his brother, notifying him of his attempts to find a portraitist in Venice that would

come to Šibenik.

51

Commentary

i The reasoning behind changing the structure of this noun phrase (recherché blue skies research > temeljna

istraživanja koja proučavaju izrazito marginalne pojave) is as follows: the word recherché means ' unusual and

not easy to understand, chosen in order to impress people' (taken from:

https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/recherche?q=recherch%C3%A9+) and has a

rather formal and often disapproving tone. The first solution that came to my mind was 'pretenciozna

istraživanja'. However, in the Croatian standard language it is not very usual to see a descriptive premodifier

before a word which means something inanimate. Also, I thought that in the context of usefulness of research,

the author didn't want to express that the research was pretentious and overblown, but rather that the research

dealt with a topic that wass extremely rare and marginal in order to make a point that even those kinds of

research could be proven useful in the future.

ii In this particular instance, I was quite confused with the mention of artists and sailors in the context of applied

mathematics. Therefore, I searched for the original Babbage's quote because the author of this text decided to

omit some parts of it. In the original text (accessed here: https://www.gutenberg.org/files/1216/1216-h/1216-

h.htm), Charles Babbage discusses the decline of science in England. Immediately following the aforementioned

quote, Babbage mentions mechanical arts, which is a term that stands in opposition to the traditional seven

liberal arts. Today this term is considered archaic, but in the 19th century when Babbage was writing his text, it

referred to “some of the fields that are now known as engineering. Use of the term was apparently an attempt to

distinguish these fields from creative and artistic endeavours like the performing arts and the fine arts, which

were for the upper class of the time, and the intelligentsia.” (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Artes_mechanicae)

With this in mind, I came to the conclusion that Babbage was trying to convey that scientific truths considered

abstract in one era can become very useful for a very broad spectrum of human endeavour, from liberal arts to

mechanical arts, thus I decided to add this information to the translation: “…može im se pronaći uporabna

funkcija za široki spektar ljudskih djelatnosti, od umjetnosti do inženjerstva”.

iii I decided to shorten the source text structure because this part of the sentence „(…) Research Council funding

made available to scientists in responsive mode (…)“ is followed by a simplified explanation which is easier to

transpose to Croatian. This is why I decided to only keep the latter explanation in the target text as it fit the text

better, and the former part could therefore be omitted.

iv Even though the term in the source text is 'challenge-led research', I decided to translate it as 'primijenjeno

istraživanje', which actually refers to 'applied research'. I did my own research on the topic and learned that both

'challenge-led' and 'applied research' both refer to the same thing – a type of research that is conducted in order

to solve a specific problem for a client, funding agency etc. This means that I treated both terms as synonymous,

thus providing only one translation so the text remains consistent.

v While translating the name of this institution, I decided it would be best to keep the English name in the

abbreviation ESPRC so the readers can look it up and added an apposition in Croatian so the readers would not

be left without necessary context.

vi The author of the source text only wrote ‘the British system’ so the reader could deduce from the context that it

referred to its system of higher education and science. I found this to be an important part to add to the

translation because the readers of the target text may find themselves confused when reading ‘britanski sustav’.

It seems quite empty and inconclusive, so I added extra information in order to help the readers and make their

reading of the text more fluid.

vii The word 'obvious' was not italicized in the source text, but I did italicize the word ‘očito’ in this sentence in

the target text. When I first translated the sentence, it seemed to me that the irony was somewhat lost. The author

of the source text intended to express quite a contrary meaning – that top universities are not always the best

universities and that research is considered “best” by an arbitrary set of criteria. In order to preserve the author’s

‘obvious’ irony, I have decided to use italics, which is a common signal of irony in the Croatian language.

(http://www.matica.hr/vijenac/434/intelektualni-ples-1510/)

viii In this example, I decided to generalize the meaning of ‘Scottish welfare-to-work policies’, which is also

present later in the text, but in the American context (‘Jimmy Carter’s welfare-to-work initiatives’). The first

52

question I asked myself when translating this particular sentence was: what is the function of this sentence? I

determined it to be a sequence of arbitrary topics that an academic could write about, meaning that any other

topic could have been in their place. The author’s intention was to portray topics that are considered to be of

regional or national importance (and not international) because those kinds of research papers typically do not

receive research grants. Instead of trying to translate it literally as something like “politike/inicijative ‘Od

socijalne pomoći do posla’”, I concluded it would be best to generalize it as ‘politike socijalne skrbi’. This way

the text remains fluid and there are no unusual foreign policies that add no value to the text.

ix It seemed to me that these two sentences from the source text, which are both used to describe the analytical

methods of an imagined academic and the negative consequences of using said methods, could work as one

sentence in the target text. In this way, the translated sentence became a coordinated sentence without losing any

meaning from the source text: the first part of the sentence refers to the methods and the second part (divided by

the coordinating conjunction but/’ali’) refers to the consequences.

x Considering that cricket is not nearly as popular in Croatia as it is in the UK, I decided to replace it with

another sport which is more popular in Croatia – football. A typical Croatian reader would not immediately

recognize cricket terms such as wicket-keeper, so I replaced it with ‘golman’ and kept the meaning of the

analogy. This way the reader from the target culture has the same reaction to reading football facts, which are

closer to him and thus more understandable, as the reader from the source culture has when reading cricket facts.

xi Even though the imagined reader from the source culture is probably familiar with this term, I decided it would

be best to include a more detailed explanation than the one from the source text. In the following sentence in the

source text, there is an explanation of the term, but not one that would be sufficient for the target text readers.

Considering the term is exclusive to the UK research context and the fact that the text may be read by students

and laymen, this solution of adding information emphasizes the didactic and educational role of the text.

xii I played around with different options while translating the term 'establishment', such as 'grupacija', 'politički

sloj', 'politička elita', 'ustanova' and so on. However, no matter which word I tried to use, it somehow did not

seem to fit the political context of the text. I have seen the Croatian word 'establišment' in several texts before,

but I always believed it to be a non-standard word. Thus, I started to do some research and the word can be

found on Hrvatski jezični portal, an online dictionary based on a well-known dictionary by a respected Croatian

linguist Vladimir Anić. Furthermore, I found the word ‘establišment’ even in some academic texts (see the

glossary) and thus I decided to use it in this context because it seems that it is not a non-standard word but a

simple loanword.

xiii I want to explain what I decided to do with the names of the many American institutions mentioned in the

text. Some of them seemed to work just as fine in English as in Croatian (e.g. Hoover Institution and Hudson

Institute) but the majority had quite lengthy names (e.g. Project for the New American Century and Committee

for the Liberation of Iraq) and are, grammatically speaking, long noun phrases with many modifiers which could

be translated. I wanted to settle on only one solution for all organizations and institutions and I decided to leave

their English names but add an apposition. This was done in order to provide further context for the readers from

the target culture; a short description of said organizations does exactly that without disrupting the flow of the

text with unnecessary names of institutions in brackets or footnotes that do not add anything substantial to the

target text. Furthermore, addition in this case leaves the reader with an opportunity to further research one of the

most well-known bastions of American conservatism, thus this solution serves a didactic purpose as well.

xiv As one of the four types of conservatives mentioned in the text, 'mainstream' conservatives proved to be very

difficult to translate without resolving to literal translation or simply copying the English word ‘mainstream’ into

the target text. I started researching American conservatism and determined that there is a plethora of variants of

conservatisms pertaining to the American context, including traditional, cultural, social, fiscal, neo-, paleo-,

religious and so on (the terminology varied across various sources). When the author of the source text called

this particular variant 'mainstream', he wanted to convey that this variant is the most popular one or the one that

most people know of. This led me to believe that he was referring to the variant called “traditional or classic

conservatism, which is heavily influenced by the work of Edmund Burke. This finding is also congruent with the

fact that during the time when Feulner tried to create this new establishment, the most mainstream variant of

conservatism was that of Ronald Reagan, who is known for setting the conservative standard in the 1980s and

53

beyond. Reagan’s conservatism is based a lot on traditional conservatism and classical liberalism; thus, I chose

to translate the term in question as ‘tradicionalni konzervativci’.

Furthermore, Darko Polšek discusses the difference between traditional conservatism and neoconservatism

(http://www.matica.hr/vijenac/293/tko-su-neokoni-8906/), which is also the topic of the source text, further

proving that mainstream conservatism is in fact the traditional variant.

xv While researching the term 'the Buchananites', there was a surprisingly low number of sources where the term

was used. However, I found out that etymologically the term comes from the name of an American politician Pat

Buchanan, one of the most notable representatives of paleoconservatism. Considering the context of the sentence

in which the author lists different variants of conservatism, I decided to translate the term as 'paleokonzervativci',

taking Buchanan as the representative of the whole ideology.

xvi When it comes to the term 'the Bush administration', I decided to write the full name of the president in

question ('administracija predsjednika Georgea W. Busha') so there is no confusion in terms of figuring out

which president Bush is referred to, George H. W. Bush or George W. Bush. Later in the text I simply refer it to

it as 'Busheva administracija'. Also, I find it necessary to explain why I wrote 'Busheva' and not 'Bushova',

which is (incorrectly) used more frequently than the former spelling (per Google search numbers). In standard

Croatian orthography, if the word ends with certain sibilants (including ‘š’ as in this case), the suffix should be -

eva instead of -ova. This is a sound change called umlaut. Even though the spelling of the word ‘Bush’ would

imply that umlaut should not be occurring, its pronunciation (ending on the Croatian vocal 'š') makes it

obligatory.

xvii This example is similar in nature to the aforementioned term 'the Buchananites'. In the source text, the author

wrote the term 'Eisenhower conservatism'. Dwight D. Eisenhower, the 34th President of the United States, was

known for promoting the so-called 'dynamic conservatism', a variant of conservatism largely inspired by

Eisenhower's religious beliefs

(https://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300604.001.0001/acprof-

9780195300604-chapter-7). Seeing as he is considered to be the most well-known representative of this variant

of conservatism, I chose to translate the term in question as 'dinamički konzervativizam'.

xviii I racked my head while trying to find a suitable solution for the terms 'network density and integration',

namely the term ‘(social) network’. These terms belong to the realm of sociology (as well as sociolinguistics). In

English, ‘social network’ refers to “a network of social connections and personal relationships between people”

(https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/social-network). However, in Croatian the term

should be translated as 'društvena mreža' (even Struna has this term as being the equivalent to 'social network'),

but the term has acquired additional meaning since the time when the source text was published – today people

mostly use the term ‘društvena mreža’ in Croatian to refer to social media and internet platforms used for

communication. The problem lies in the fact that both ‘social media’ and ‘social network’ are usually translated

as ‘društvena mreža’. Considering that the source text deals with political science and not sociology per se, I

decided not to be as strict here with terminology so as not to disturb the fluidity of the text for the reader, who

might be wondering why the term ‘društvena mreža’ is mentioned in the context of the Bush administration.

Thus, I translated the terms ‘gustoća i integracija društvenih skupina’.

xix In the source text, the author used an expression 'tactical squabble', which is frequently used in the context of

politics and refers to an argument between two parties about the approach an organization should take. In

Croatian there is no equivalent expression, so I resorted to using descriptive translation. The solution I opted out

for, ‘interna prepiranja oko plana rada’, was used for several reasons: firstly, the word ‘prepiranja’ was used

because I wanted to convey a similar meaning to squabble, which refers to an altercation over petty matters, and

‘prepiranje’ perfectly fits the description seeing as it connotes a childish fight over something trivial; secondly,

‘interna’ and ‘oko plana rada’ were both used to convey the same meaning the word ‘tactical’ conveyed in the

source text, which is that the squabble in questions happened within the same organization about their tactic

moving forward.

xx In this particular case, I found it necessary to translate the name of the policy document because, unlike the

names of the institutions from the source text, the reader should immediately know what the text of the document

is about – a proposed plan of action for the new American defense policy. In addition to the translation of the

document’s title, I decided to give the reader the original title in brackets in case they are interested in

54

researching the document in question. With this solution, I managed to provide the reader with the context as

well as the chance to do further research.

xxi The term 'hawk' in politics refers to an individual who supports and advocates for an aggressive foreign policy

(the opposite term being ‘dove’, who aims to resolve political issues in a non-violent manner, as per

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_hawk). Despite being literally translated a few times as ‘sokol’, I don’t

consider this concept and this term to exist in the Croatian language; a typical Croatian reader would not usually

be familiar with the expression ‘(politički/ratni) sokol’. Taking all of this into account, I believe the best solution

here had to have been descriptive translation. In this particular context, the author aimed to describe Bruce P.

Jackson as a conservative advocating for the war on Iraq, so I reflected this in the translation itself: ‘zagovornik

Rata s Irakom’.

xxii Tenses in the source text tend to vary between present simple and past simple while describing the

characteristics of each status group. I interpreted the use of present simple as simply naming the traits that all

popular or rejected or neglected children share, while past simple was used when the author of the source text

wanted to describe particular research findings and generalize them. I chose to focalize my translation in the

present tense for several reasons. Firstly, I aimed to simplify the use of tenses in the target text so as not to mix

several tenses and potentially confuse the reader. Secondly, all of the traits exhibited by children from a

particular status group are their general characteristics, so I did not make the same distinction between the

present and the past as the author of the source text did because I did not find it that relevant to the understanding

of the text. Thirdly, when I considered the function of the text, it seemed to me that the author wished to state

certain scientifically-proven facts about each status group, and all of these facts are based on empirical evidence,

no matter if the author wrote them as facts in the present or research findings in the past tense. Thus, I

completely omitted the distinction between past and present tenses in the target text.

xxiii In this sentence I decided to omit the word 'glamour' for two reasons. Firstly, I believe that when translated

into Croatian, its meaning overlaps with the meaning of some words that precede it, e.g. social prestige and

influence, which makes 'glamour' redundant in this particular context. Secondly, even if I did leave it in the

target text, its translation 'glamur' or '(društvena) slava' would not fit the context well because in Croatian it is

used more often in the context of celebrities and entertainment.

xxiv I had a difficult time translating the verb 'to dislike' in this context. The negation of the Croatian verb 'sviđati'

did not seem to fit the context well (*'vršnjacima se odbačena djeca aktivno ne sviđaju'). Later in the source text,

the author writes that 'peers express a dislike for both subgroups', which is another example of the verb '(ne)

sviđati' not fitting the context. This was the moment when I started thinking of alternative solutions which could

express the author's intentions and provide the reader with the appropriate context. Considering the fact that all

rejected children are disliked by most of their peers, one could say that disliked children are rejected children, so

I decided to translate the verb in question as 'odbaciti' or 'odbacivati', depending on the context.

xxv I found it unusual that the author of the source text repeated the same information twice: that rejected children

fall into two categories, rejected-aggressive and rejected-withdrawn children. I believe that translation should not

only transpose the meaning but also improve the text whenever possible. This is why I added the phrase 'Kao što

je već napomenuto’ at the beginning of the sentence in questions, ensuring that it is connected with the same

information mentioned previously in the text.

xxvi As I stated in the first translation note, I decided to use only the present tense in the text. However, in this

particular case, I decided that it was necessary to adhere to the past tense from the source text because I believe

that the verb 'to report' requires it. It would not sound natural to say that 'odbačeno-povučena djeca opisuju

osjećaj usamljenosti' because it clearly refers to past research findings where children had to report on their

feelings. Also, in addition to keeping the same tense from the source text, I also added 'u istraživanjima' so it is

very transparent that this fact was based on research.

xxvii When the author of the source text wrote ' the aggressive youth often subgroup into an antisocial peer

hierarchy', he cited Lifelines and Risks: Pathways of Youth in Our Time by Cairns and Cairns. I was not sure

what he wanted to express with the quoted sentence, so I found the original book to get more information

(accessed on https://books.google.hr/books/about/Lifelines_and_Risks.html?id=aGimIg3nNl4C&redir_esc=y).

Cairns and Cairns stated that “[aggressive children] are as likely to be members of social groups, even nuclear

members of those groups”, indicating that the aggressive youth form friendships just as much as nonaggressive

55

children. This led me to believe that the author of the source text wanted to say that aggressive children formed

their own respective friendship groups consisting of antisocial children, thus I translated the quoted sentence as

‘agresivna mladež često se odvaja u zasebnu grupu antisocijalne djece’.

xxviii I felt compelled to incorporate both genders in here because I strongly believe that for too many years the

masculine grammatical gender has been the norm in the Croatian language (and many other languages that have

grammatical gender) and we as translators can be activists and influence the world around us with our texts.

xxix In the case of the organization ‘The Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group’, I wondered if I should

translate it, use addition, keep the original name in English or have both the English and Croatian names in the

target text. Once I settled on these four options, I started to eliminate them one by one. I knew I wanted to keep

the English name so as to give the reader from the target culture an opportunity to look up the organization if

they wished to do so for any reason, thus the option of simply translating the name was eliminated. Then I

eliminated the option of having the English and Croatian names in the text because it seemed futile to disrupt the

flow of the text, especially considering the organization in question is a source in parentheses. I was left with two

options: addition or keeping the original name. In my effort to provide the reader with as much context as

possible, I opted out for addition – it did not disrupt the fluidity of the text, and it served as a short description so

the reader from the target culture can know what the organization does (‘istraživačka grupacija The Conduct

Problems Prevention Research Group’).

xxx The author of the source text stated that 'One rare longitudinal study conducted by Nelson and Dishion (2004)

has demonstrated (…)' and when I translated this into Croatian, I found that it could be easily misinterpreted:

'Jedna rijetka longitudinalna studija koju su proveli Nelson i Dishion 2004. godine istraživala je (…)' could

mean that this is one of the rare studies that was conducted specifically by the researchers Nelson and Dishion.

In order to avoid the potential confusion, I used addition and punctuation: 'Jedna rijetka longitudinalna studija u

ovome području, koju su proveli Nelson i Dishion 2004. godine, istraživala je (…)'.

xxxi There was only one Croatian translation of the term ‘conduct disorder’

(https://hrcak.srce.hr/index.php?show=clanak&id_clanak_jezik=338899) and it was ‘konduktivni poremećaj’.

However, I have not been able to find another legitimate source for this translation, so I have decided to look up

the meaning of conduct disorder in English. I have found out that it refers to children and adolescents who show

signs of aggression, destructive behaviour, substance use, delinquency, etc. (for example,

https://www.stanfordchildrens.org/en/topic/default?id=conduct-disorder-90-P02560 or

https://www.healthline.com/health/conduct-disorder#symptoms). These articles also point out that conduct

disorder is a type of behavioural disorder, meaning that the latter term is a hypernym, which is commonly

translated as ‘poremećaj u ponašanju’ in Croatian. While researching what this term entails in Croatian, I found

that Croatian psychologists differentiate between two types of behavioural disorders: active or externalized

(symptoms include aggression, delinquency, hyperactivity, skipping class, etc.) and passive or internalized

(symptoms include shyness, withdrawnness, depression, anxiety, etc.) (per

http://www.zzjzpgz.hr/nzl/100/agresija.htm). Following this, I have deduced that conduct disorder in English

corresponds to the Croatian term ‘aktivni poremećaj u ponašanju’.

xxxii I wish to explain the general approach I took while translating this text. When we consider the function of

the text, we need to say a couple of words about its main theme, which is a story of a young boy who is growing

up in a rural area with his authoritative and emotionless father, whose approval the boy is chasing, and his caring

mother, while modernization (or the outside world) is slowly creeping into their village. The underlying ideas of

the novel are the ups and downs of growing up in a place where boys cannot show emotions and standing out is

looked down upon by the community. I believe that the exact place of the events is not as crucial to the story as

the explained ideas are, which means that those events can happen anywhere while the novel still preserves its

relatability. The key goal I wanted to meet was to simply tell a story that a lot of people can relate to. What I

decided to do was to leave the setting of the novel intact but somewhat neutralize it so as not to confuse the

reader.

xxxiii The verbs in the source text are mostly in the present tense, with some in the past tense. I decided to use

only in the present tense in the target text (present simple and present perfect) because it gives the reader the

impression that the described actions are more immediate and not simply retold by the narrator after the fact.

Also, considering that the narrator is a young boy, it seemed more appropriate to translate it in the present tense

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because the immediacy implies a sort of exploratory look on the world wherein the reader can feel the illusion of

childhood innocence.

xxxiv When it comes to punctuation, I wondered whether I should keep the original punctuation from the source

text or adjust it in the target text. Firstly, we have to look at the function of the original punctuation; what did the

author try to achieve? I believe that the punctuation serves a function that is similar to that of tenses explained

above - it breaks up sentences into shorter elements, making it sound more snappy and immediate, which is

congruent with the fact that the narrator is a child. Furthermore, in this way the text does not have that many long

and complicated sentences but, on the contrary, the sentences are short and simple, reflecting the point of view of

a child who is exploring the world as it happens around him. Taking all of this into account, I decided to keep the

original punctuation in order to preserve this exact feeling of abruptness and child innocence in the target text as

well.

xxxv Names of the cows mentioned in the text (Lozonja and Šarava) are typical Croatian names given to cows (as

per Čilaš Šimpraga, A. i Horvat, J. (2014) Iz hrvatske zoonomije: imenovanje krava. Folia onomastica Croatica.

No. 23). Considering that my general strategy when translating this text was to keep the original setting of the

novel while neutralizing culturally specific items, I decided not to translate the names of cows.

xxxvi There are multiple translations for commanding draft animals to move in the desired direction, which vary

throughout the world. After searching for the most common one, I decided to settle on the North American voice

commands (per Conroy, Drew [1995]. Advanced Training Techniques for Oxen. Tillers International. Accessed

on:

https://static1.squarespace.com/static/58d68e502994ca9ba729256b/t/5a319a070852298a66dfd059/15132001391

91/Advanced+Training+Techniques+for+Oxen+TechGuide.pdf).

xxxvii In the source text, the phrasing was ‘glasom u kojem je zbog te prašine više zvukova’. The literal translation

was not an option so I had to think of a way to translate the meaning behind it. If ‘multiple sounds’ best describe

her voice, this must mean that dust altered her voice, making it raspier and rougher. I decided to use the verb ‘to

amplify’ to describe this because it denotes that her voice had changed and became more powerful, which would

match the phrasing from the source text.

xxxviii The language of the story reflects the dialect of Lika. Considering what I explained in the first translation

note, I did not wish to replicate the language with a similar dialect of any English-speaking countries for several

reasons. Firstly, I did not feel comfortable to localize the text into, e.g. rural Ireland, because this entails a lot of

culturally specific elements I am not familiar with and cannot be familiar with because I haven’t lived within this

particular culture. Secondly, as stated before, I believe the essence of this text is not the setting itself but

relatable and fully-realized characters that represent typical family dynamics where a young boy is perpetually

chasing his reserved father’s approval while the mother is caring and kind-hearted. Thirdly, the only thing I

wanted to preserve from the source text is the feeling that their language is rural, which is why I used informal

vocabulary and grammar. Also, this does not mean I wanted to use dialectal language because that would again

localize the text (for example, using a typical Australian word ‘mate’ for a friend). To sum up, the language in

the target text is much more neutral than the one in the source text with hints of informality (such as ‘gonna’,

‘I’mma’ and ‘y’all’).

xxxix The only personal name I chose to translate was a nickname given to a character named Tomica. Everyone

calls him ‘Mali’, probably because of his height. The nickname has a very specific meaning that can easily be

transposed into English and I imagine that it would be very unusual for the reader from the target culture to read

this nickname and know why he’s referred to by this name specifically. Keeping ‘Mali’ in the target text would

mean that the text would lose necessary context, which is especially important in other parts of the novel when

the nickname in question is discussed by Kiddo’s grandmother. For this reason I translated it as ‘Kiddo’.

xl In order to maintain the original setting of the novel and to adhere to my general translation strategy described

above, I chose not to translate personal names of the characters mentioned in the book. Even if I had decided to

translate them, seeing as how none of them convey specific meaning, I would end up choosing generic English

names and disturb the balance between neutralization and keeping the original setting I set up as my goal at the

beginning of the translation process.

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xli When considering whether to translate the culturally specific items mentioned in the book, replace them or

neutralize them, I opted out for the third solution because I believe that the culturally specific items mentioned

(‘rakija’, ‘Ambasador’, ‘Arena’) would only confuse the casual reader whereas the neutral term provides a

universal description that anyone would be able to understand. This is why ‘rakija’ became ‘schnapps’

(https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/schnapps?q=schnapps), ‘Ambasador’ simply

became ‘television’ and ‘Arena’ was neutralized to ‘magazine’. xlii While translating the term ‘cultural resource', I immediately wanted to translate it as 'kulturni resurs'.

However, after I did some research for the glossary, almost all sources had the term 'kulturni resurs' in the

context of tourism, referring mainly to tourist attractions and manifestations which are a part of the tourist offer

of a particular locality. This was incongruent with the English meaning of the term in sociology, which places

cultural resources in the context of cultural capital: “Cultural capital is a cultural resource manifested through

behaviors that mirror cultural dispositions, norms, knowledge, attitude, preferences, tastes, mannerisms, abilities,

competencies, and skills that individuals learn because of their habitus” (Smith, Buffy. Mentoring At-Risk

Students through the Hidden Curriculum of Higher Education. Lanham: Lexington Books. 2013). Considering

this definition, I viewed cultural resources as tools or assets that an individual possesses, and which contribute to

their social status. This is why I translated the term in question as ‘kulturno sredstvo’.

xliii The expression 'to feel at home' could be literally translated as 'osjećati se kao doma/kod kuće' but I believe

that text type should also be taken into consideration when translating. Considering that the source text is a

scholarly book focusing on the concepts of stereotypes, identity and belonging, literal translation did not seem

fitting as it sounded too colloquial for the context. The expressions refers to someone feeling comfortable and

relaxed (https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/be-feel-at-home) so I translated it descriptively:

‘osjećati se ugodno.’

xliv At first I translated ‘vernacular’ as ‘svakodnevni’ and ‘svakodnevica’, believing that it refers to culture in an

everyday sense, especially because in the rest of the sentence the author states that the vernacular sense of

culture refers to a ‘symbolic exchange in the everyday local milieu’. However, when rereading the source text, I

realized that in the first paragraph the author discusses culture as an experience that we express through language

and discourse and later on, he explores vernacular as a category that delineates various cultures, referring to

different languages that create symbolic boundaries between different nations. Furthermore, I then realized that

the symbolic exchange the author mentioned was actually him writing about language. What confused me was

the use of the word ‘vernacular’ because it usually refers to a quality of something being colloquial and

everyday. After deducing that the author was talking about language, I came up with two solutions:

‘kolokvijalan’ and ‘jezičan’. In this particular context, I found that ‘kolokvijalan’ would not fit the context well

seeing as it is usually used in opposition to ‘standardni (jezik)’ so I opted out for a more general translation

‘jezičan’, which tells the readers that culture in this sense is to be taken as a set of (verbal or nonverbal)

linguistic signs that contribute to our sense of identity within a particular culture.

xlv I found the description of the term ‘cultural essentialism’ from the source text to be very complex, and it

seemed that translating it made it lose even more clarity. As I firmly believe that translation is not only a process

of transposing meaning into another language but also a process of improving the text itself, I decided to take the

liberty to simplify the description of the term in question. After doing some research on cultural essentialism

(e.g. https://hrcak.srce.hr/61632, https://hrcak.srce.hr/192996 and https://hrcak.srce.hr/35089), I found that it

refers to a belief that every culture has a set of immutable traits that separate it from other cultures. Thus, I

decided that I wanted to translate the key elements of cultural essentialism – essence, identifiable elements of

culture and immutable difference – so I settled on the following solution: “(…) teorije kulturnog esencijalizma ,

prema kojoj su elementi određene kulture strogo razgraničeni te reproduciraju „esenciju“ te kulture, tj. stvaraju

nepromjenjivu razliku u odnosu na druge kulture.”

xlvi In the target text, I aimed to elaborate the terms ‘lived reality’ and ‘mediated reality’ so the reader can

immediately grasp the meaning without disrupting the fluidity of the text. In this context, ‘lived reality’ refers to

reality in a traditional sense, meaning everyday, face-to-face social interactions, while ‘mediated reality’ refers to

virtual reality, meaning communication through the media, social networks and so on. Considering these

definitions, ‘lived reality’ relates to immediate or direct reality and ‘mediated reality’ relates to indirect reality.

The latter term was not difficult to translate in tune with the goal I set for the translation of both of these terms

(clarity for the reader): ‘posredna stvarnost’. However, the former term proved to be quite difficult to understand

in Croatian if I simply resorted to using direct translation: ‘proživljena stvarnost’ (which is used in Croatian but

rarely). Then I stumbled upon an article (http://www.matica.hr/vijenac/399/dojmljiv-vizualni-dnevnik-3264/)

58

wherein the author discusses the works of Ivica Malčić, a Croatian painter, and states the following: “neposredno

proživljena stvarnost osnovni je i zapravo jedini generator njegove umjetnosti.” This gave me an idea to translate

‘lived reality’ as ‘proživljena stvarnost’ but also add the premodifier ‘neposredna’. In this way the translation

clearly reflects the distinction between the two types of realities (‘posredna/neposredna’) and I’ve met the goal I

set for myself at the beginning of the process.

xlvii The phrase ‘those in command of grand theories’ proved to be the most difficult to translate because I did not

see any correlation between grand theories and the consequences the change of the notion of the ‘outside world’

had on people’s sense of identity, which is what the author of the source text describes in the same sentence. At

first, I thought that it referred to the ruling class, meaning that except for those in command, the consequences of

this change are uncertain for most people (who do not hold any power). This of course disregarded ‘grand

theories’ so I continued to do more research. I found that ‘grand theory’ is a term coined by Charles Wright Mills

which refers to an abstract and generalized system, such as structuralism, Marxism, critical theory and so on.

These theories are typically not concerned with real concerns of everyday life because they primarily focus on

social universals. Now I understood what the author had wanted to convey: the consequences that this change

has had on our social reality are unclear, except to those who look at society from a very broad perspective and

are not concerned with consequences on an empirical, individual level. In Croatian sociology, there are different

types of theories based on their scope: ‘velika teorija’, ‘socijalna teorija’ and ‘sociološka teorija u užem smislu’

(http://www.ffzg.unizg.hr/socio/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/Izgradnja-teorije-u-sociologiji.pdf). It was now

easy to deduce that ‘grand theory’ is ‘velika teorija’, so I translated the phrase as “Osim onima koji se bave

velikim teorijama”.

xlviii The term ‘parochial’ in this context had to remain in English even in the target text because the author

described how the meaning of the English word had changed and acquired negative connotations over time.

However, I found it also necessary to provide the reader with the Croatian translation in brackets that covered

both meanings described by the author. This is why I put three Croatian words in brackets: (1) ‘župni’ because it

refers to the first meaning (‘pripadnik župe’); (2) ‘uskogrudan’ because it refers to the second meaning

(‘uskogrudnost pogleda i ograničeni svjetonazor’); (3) ‘parohijalan’ because the term is repeated later in the text

and I wanted to have only one term that could be used to refer to the English term ‘parochial’ as well that could

encompass both meanings described by the author, which ‘parohijalan’ does according to Hrvatski jezični portal

(http://hjp.znanje.hr/index.php?show=search_by_id&id=eFZuUBg%3D&keyword=parohijalan).

xlix I struggled to translate the term 'nationhood' because in some sources the term had been translated as

'državnost' (e.g. https://hrcak.srce.hr/index.php?show=clanak&id_clanak_jezik=51398), which is not the same as

‘nacionalnost’. Upon examining the terms ‘nationhood’ and ‘nationality’, I realized that both terms are often

used interchangeably, indicating that they are synonyms and that the translation from the cited paper was wrong.

Both terms refer to the quality of being a nation or a large group of people within one nation

(https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/nationality and

https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/american_english/nationhood). Furthermore, in the

context of the source text, the author explores the notion of identity through the concept of nations, which further

proved the synonymity of the terms ‘nationhood’ and ‘nationality’. Thus, I translated ‘nationhood’ as

‘nacionalnost’.

l What troubled me with this sentence was the last part of it: “(…) by symbolically condensing their bearers'

social theories of similarity and difference“. I could not deduce what this meant, so I found the source of the

quote to examine what Anthony Cohen actually wanted to convey. In the original book, Cohen stated that

symbolic boundaries are “mental constructs which condense symbolically their bearers’ social theories of

similarity and difference. They become eloquent emblems of their individual and collective selves. Their

symbolic character enables their forms to be held in common while also enabling individuals to attribute

different meanings to them.” Now I understood that symbolical condensing of social theories of similarity and

difference meant that symbolic boundaries were cognitive boundaries which represented the notions of similarity

and difference that individuals inside these boundaries held. The key elements in the translation had to be that

these symbolic boundaries are cognitive (they exist in the mind) and that they reflect how a certain community

perceives the concepts of similarity and difference. Also, I put the clause in question at the beginning of the

sentence because it fit better syntactically: ‘One su mentalni konstrukti koji simbolično odražavaju „naše“

koncepte sličnosti i različitosti, (…)'

59

li The author used quite complex phrasing in the source text: “(…) a world (…) symbolically thought into

difference as distinct national identities.” At first I could not fully understand the meaning behind the sentence

because of the complicated syntactical structure. I did some research on the phrasal verb ‘think into’ and found

that it is not used very frequently (on language forums some native speakers of English even said it sounded

awkward and unnatural). That is when I knew I had to simplify the whole structure of the sentence and simply

transpose the core meaning, which is that the world is separated by symbolic boundaries into distinct national

identities: ’(…) svijet koji je (…) razdvojen simboličkim granicama na zasebne nacionalne identitete.’ This also

fits the context well because it reiterates the distinction between geographical and symbolic boundaries

mentioned earlier in the text.

lii The verb ‘to confound’ typically means ‘to confuse, bewilder, mix up’ or ‘to prove something or someone

wrong’ (https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/confound?q=confound) and I did not

understand how this fit in the context. Did the author try to say that they falsely interpreted their national culture

as being singular, unified and integrated? Or was he conveying that they are the living proof that national

cultures are indeed singular, unified and integrated entities? I could not find any similar examples on the Internet

and almost every dictionary stated that the Croatian equivalent is the verb ‘zbuniti’. I had to focus on the context

of the source text – the author wanted to express that the Saami were mistaken to define national cultures as

singular, unified and integrated because in this way they ignored the fact that national cultures are interwoven

and interconnected. That is when I realized that ‘to confound’ actually stood for ‘to mistake’, so I translated it as:

‘Na taj su način Laponci pogrešno protumačili osjećaj nacionalne kulture kao jedinstven, ujedinjen i integriran.’ liii I believe that this sentence sounds incomplete, both in Croatian and English; it is unclear what the papal

courtiers did exactly and what this injustice that Vrančić suffered by their hands entailed. I found the original

quote from Ivan Tomko Mrnavić: “(…) krivo protumačili Vrančićevu pobožnost, ubrzo su ga poglasili krivim što

je prozreo papinsku darežljivost i zaključili da je nije dostojan.”

(https://books.google.hr/books/about/Govor_na_pogrebu_Fausta_Vran%C4%8Di%C4%87a.html?id=_iA2AQA

AMAAJ&redir_esc=y ) I think this adds a lot of missing information and explains the situation much more

clearly so I decided to incorporate it in the translation: ‘misinterpreted Vrančić’s piety, concluding that he was

not worthy of the Pope’s blessings.’

liv The use of the word ‘dioba’ in this context confused me, especially considering that I was translating a small

part of a larger text and I needed additional context to understand what the author meant. However, even in the

full text there is no mention of any ‘dioba’. I asked myself why the author would choose this word in particular

when it typically refers to an action of something being divided or distributed, like property or inheritance. Also,

I looked at the end of the text where the author mentioned the book Faust Vrančić i dioba predmeta iz ostavštine

Antuna Vrančića u Šibeniku 1576. i 1579. godine. Does 'dioba' then refer to some kind of division of property?

This is why, at first, I thought it referred to all the gifts Vrančić had received from the Roman Emperor but

wondered why the author would write about it again in the paragraph in question. As the first option did not

make sense I started to search for the original quote from Ivan Tomko Mrnavić and found the same expression

with no additional explanation. Then I started considering that ‘dioba’ actually referred to the allowance granted

to Vrančić by the Pope, which made sense because the author states that it was a burden for Vrančić. This was

congruent with the fact that Vrančić considered the allowance to be ‘the bread belonging to the poor’ and simply

wanted to get rid of it. Finally, I settled on the following translation: ‘Vrančić endured the injustice just as easily

as he had taken the burden of the granted allowance.’

lv The official names of religious institutes caused a lot of problems in translation. I had to look up the history of

the Barnabites to find out if they were a religious order or a congregation because it seemed that the author of the

source text used these terms interchangeably. The difference between religious orders and congregations was

only in the classification of vows their members took: members of religious orders took solemn vows while

members of congregations took silent vows (https://www.enciklopedija.hr/natuknica.aspx?id=32794). However,

the difference between these religious institutes became obsolete after the 1983 Code of Canon Law, in which

legal difference was abolished and now all religious orders and congregations fall under the umbrella term

‘religious institutes’ (Canons 607-709: http://www.vatican.va/archive/cod-iuris-

canonici/eng/documents/cic_lib2-cann607-709_en.html#TITLE_II.) What confused me was the fact that the

Barnabites sometimes refer to themselves as ‘the Congregation’ (even though they are technically a religious

order because they take solemn vows of poverty, chastity and obedience) and sometimes as ‘the Order’

(information taken from their official website: http://barnabites.com/constitutions1). In my later research, I

realized why – they were first approved as a congregation in 1553 but in 1550 became “a religious order in strict

canonical sense, its members, however, still adhering to the custom of calling it ‘the Congregation’.”

60

(https://www.newadvent.org/cathen/02302a.htm) Now I had to decide what to do with this in the target text. In

the source text they are referred to as ‘zajednica redovnika Svetog Pavla’, ‘red Sv. Pavla’, ‘barnabiti’ and

‘Kongregacija Sv. Pavla’. Maybe the author wanted to use these variations for stylistic purpose, but I wished to

remain consistent in terminology in the target text. This is why I decided to use the official name of the order

when it was first mentioned in the text (The Clerics Regular of Saint Paul) and put in brackets their popular

name (the Barnabites) so I could refer to them by their popular name later in the text.

lvi When it came to two Croatian titles mentioned in the text, I aimed to settle on one solution to achieve

consistency. The problem was that both works had quite lengthy titles and I did not want to disrupt the fluid

reading of the text by having both the Croatian and English titles, so I eliminated this option. Then I had two

options left: leave the Croatian title or translate it into English. None of the two books had official English

translations so that meant I would have to translate it myself. However, I eventually opted out for the latter

solution because these books serve only as references and having their titles in Croatian would add nothing

meaningful to the target text and potentially leave the reader wondering what the books are about.

lvii I had some trouble deciding what to do with the Italian title of this book. On the one hand, I wanted to remain

consistent with the solutions for translation of all book titles in the text, whether they be in Croatian, Italian or

Latin, which are all, most probably, foreign languages to the target audience. On the other hand, this goal proved

to be very difficult to meet considering that all only one book had an official English translation (New

Machines), the two Croatian books and the one in Italian had no official English translations and considering the

fact that I do not speak Italian. This meant that I would have to resort to using Google Translate or some other

machine translation tool to translate the title of the Italian book (a possible solution could be the literal

translation The Barnabite Writers of the Congregation of the Clerics Regular of Saint Paul). However, directly

following the Italian title was the description of the book “(...) a biography by Giuseppe Boffito, who published

it in Florence in 1933.” Having this in mind, I decided to leave the original title in Italian for two reasons: (1) I

was uncomfortable with translating the title while not speaking Italian myself; (2) the context provides enough

information on the book itself (text type, name of the author, year and place of publication, the content of the

book) without providing the title in English.

lviii In this particular instance, I thought whether to leave the original name of the archive in Italian, use only the

English translation, use both the Italian and English names or add a description before the name of the institution

(e.g. the archive Archivio di S. Barnaba). I immediately eliminated the second option because it seemed that it

diverted too much from the original. Also, I dismissed the last option because of the similarity of the word

‘archive’ in English and Italian, so it seemed redundant. In the end I opted out for using both the Italian and

English names because in this way the reader cannot be confused as to what the institution is and after whom it

was named for. Also, the English name clearly gives away the connection between Saint Barnabas and the

Barnabites, a connection the reader would potentially not have picked up upon if it were written only in Italian.

lix When it came to translating the Spanish name Juan Bautista Vives, I had three options: (1) leave the Croatian

name Ivan Krstitelj Vives, (2) use his original name in Spanish Juan Bautista Vives, and (3) translate the name

into English as John Baptist Vives. The first option made the least sense in this context; the author of the source

text translated the name into Croatian for the Croatian audience, so keeping it in Croatian would not do the same

for the English-speaking audience. When I was left with only two options, I considered which one was used

more frequently in scholarly works in English. According to Google search number, the original name written in

Spanish was used more frequently (even though Google also showed a lot of works written in Spanish, which

skewed the results). Finally, I decided to settle on the option of translating the name into English because the

name can be translated and it is quite a common name in Christian history (e.g. John the Baptist, a famous

itinerant preacher).

lx I wondered if I should translate the Latin text into English, but seeing as how the author of the target text did

not translate the Latin text into Croatian, I decided not to translate them as well. Also, I believe the text is

intended to be read mainly by historians.

lxi In this case I decided to use addition to provide the reader with the necessary context that would further

explain who Frane Vrančić was. I added an explanation so the reader could be aware of Frane's relationship to

Faust Vrančić. In this way the text still remained fluid while giving the readers from the target culture an

additional description of this particular person.

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lxii Similarly to the last example, I found it necessary to use addition. Even though I believe that Titian is a

familiar name to art historians, the target text will potentially be read by laymen and students, thus I wished the

text to serve a didactic purpose as well as informative. However, I did not want to add a lengthy apposition that

could take away from the main function of this portion of the text, which is to describe the most well-known

portraits of the members of the Vrančić family. Therefore, I settled on a solution 'the famous Italian painter

Titian'.