Tribal Urban

CUraTed by Chris boylan

2 July- 26 July 2014

Tribal Urban3rd biennial gathering of Oceanic objects + contemporary Australian art

From the vast oceans to our east and northeast come the deep time traditions of

the Polynesian, Micronesian & Melanesian peoples. The practices of the Oceanic

peoples are unlike those of any others on this earth. European artists from Gau-

guin to Picasso were enamoured with their visual culture and contemporary aus-

tralasian artists such as Samuel Tupou continue to be informed by this heritage.

Of great interest to my colleagues and i is the notion that Oceanic peoples traditi-

onally did not view their religious & decorative objects as ‘art’ within the Western

concept. rather, they saw them as practical objects created for use in religious or

social ceremonies and in every day life.

Tribal Urban is the gallery’s third offering up of Oceanic art juxtaposed with con-

temporary australian art. We are neighbours after all and my colleagues and i very

much want to showcase the divisions & intersections of the two worlds when nest-

led side by side. art traditions differ and the scale of time differs; yet the beauty of

the practical alongside the ethereal is beguiling.

Michael reid

FeMale FiGUre, Mekeo people, Papuan Coast, PnG

Early 20th Century

Wood, shell, fibre, paint

63cm high

This early colonial figure was brought to Australia pre-Second World War.

The detail is exquisite, with the fine traditional body decorations and tattoos,

shell jewellery, grass skirt, hair, etc. it is an exceptional and rare piece

of early colonial art from the Mekeo people, just to the west of Port Moresby.

Provenance: Caspian Gallery, sydney

This finely woven wicker shield is most probably from Roviana, New Georgia Island.

Similar examples are in the South australian Museum, adelaide. (ref: Craig, b. & beran,

H., “Shields of Melanesia”, Crawford House publishing, australia, 2005, pp 243 )There are three distinct types of wicker shields and this particular example, with rounded base

and pointed top, is the most rare. Deborah Waite (1983:132) lists only four known examples in

Museum collections. These shields often have an abstracted figure in black wicker. in “Shields of Melanesia”, barry Craig writes:

“The black design plaited into the shield is too abstract to permit speculative interpretation

but anthropomorphic interpretation cannot be excluded.”

The back of the shield has a finely woven fibre handle, packed with pandanus leaves;

possibly to protect the hand in battle and also protect the handle in storage when not in use.

WiCKer shield, solomon islands 19th/early 20th Century

Cane, bark

91cm high x 26cm wide

This shield, called “ kumba reipi”, was originally painted in earth ochres and was decorated

with abstract traditional designs. The punctuated motifs still exist under the over-painted

“Phantom”. Such shields with “new ideas” began to be produced in the early 1980s and

the practice continued for the next 15 years. Some became quite elaborate with references

to football teams and even beer drinking. The “Phantom” also became a popular emblem

– copied from comics that were freely available from the small growing towns of the High-

lands, Mt Hagen in particular. The ‘Phantom” was seen as a hero-type who both protected

the homeland, and (probably more importantly) was known as “The Man Who never Dies”

– and these words were often written on the shields. Such shields were used by the first

generation of Highlanders to attend school and become literate; and Highlanders love to

incorporate new ideas and new materials in their culture.

FiGhTinG shield, “Phantom”, Wahgi Valley, Western highlands, PnGMid 20th Century

Wood, paint, cane

171cm high x 67cm wide

The Wahgi Valley tribes create possibly the largest shields in the world, taller than a man,

and wide enough to protect several warriors in warfare. This shield, known as “kumba reipi”

in Melpa language, has typical abstract designs incorporating the circle and triangle motifs,

but there is an underlying anthropomorphic meaning. The semi-circles are painted a

brilliant blue, using enamel paint, but the rest of the shield employs traditional colours and

materials. The colours on this shield are essentially earth ochres; only the centre has been

re-painted with reckitt’s blue, made from a colonial bleach block. The shield dates to the

period after independence (1975), when warfare began to re-assert itself.

Provenance: Collected c. 1990 in the Wahgi Valley.

FiGhTinG shield, Wahgi Valley, Western highlands, PnGMid 20th Century

Wood, ochre, enamel paint, cane.

175cm high x 67cm wide

This is a fine old Asmat shield covered in detailed motifs, mainly depicting the shell nose

ornament, bi pane. The motif at the head of the shield is a stylized rayfish head. All are im-

portant headhunting symbols. asmat shields are used in warfare, but are equally important

in dance and ceremony. The shield is believed to have protective powers in warfare, but

also within the village environs to protect from evil spirits and sorcery spells.

Provenance: This shield was collected at Pupis village in 1986.reference:“ new Guinea shields”, new york exhibition catalogue, Chis boylan, 2012

shield, Wasar river, Western asmat, West Papua, indonesiaMid 20th Century

Wood, paint

189cm high x 64cm wide

nassa shells continue to be used today as part of the traditional currency of the Tolai peo-

ple. They are important for bride Price Payment, that is, when the dowry is paid for a new

wife. They are rarely sold or traded and few are found outside Papua new Guinea or their

traditional use within Tolai society. They are of great value and highly prized.

When a man accumulates many shells, he threads them on lengths of cane to keep them

together and organized. These shells can then be used in daily transactions, for example,

to buy a pig or a canoe etc. When the man becomes quite wealthy, the threaded shells are

wound together into circles like this one and called loloi Usually they are bound with

pandanus or banana leaves to preserve their whiteness, and then stored away. it is in effect,

a shell bank.

at important community events the loloi are brought out for display and are presented

to the wife’s family as the most important part of a bride Price. They are also presented at

compensation and funeral gatherings where they are used to pay debts to those who have

assisted the deceased through life.

at these ceremonies the shell lengths are unwound from the circular loloi, and cut into

sections, to be presented to the various participants.

Then the process of acquiring enough shells to make another Giant Shell ring starts all

over again.

GianT nassa shell rinG, “loloi”, Tolai people, east new britain, PnG.Mid 20th Century

Nassa shell, cane fibre

73cm diameter, 10cm deep

GianT nassa shell rinG, “loloi”, Tolai people, east new britain, PnG.Mid 20th Century

Nassa shell, cane fibre

73cm diameter, 10cm deep

YUa, made from the giant clamshell Tridacna, are the most important wealth items among

the people of the Prince alexander Mountains in the East Sepik region. They were cut from

a large clamshell using bamboo instruments, then carefully grinded with sand to create a

smooth flat finish. This was a long and arduous task.

The YUa were often buried, to protect them from being plundered during tribal wars.

indeed, it is evident on this particular stone YUa that certain pigmentation has been absor-

bed as a result of being buried for long periods of time. This being the case, it is an ancient

YUa, many generations old.

in addition, this YUa is a “head ring”, meaning it was the principle ring when lined up in

a bride price transaction. These wealth exchanges, during marriage, compensation and

funeral ceremonies, always comprise many rings of varying sizes.

ClaMshell WealTh rinG, ( yUa ), arapesh people, yangoru, PnG19th/early 20th Century

Clamshell

28cm diameter

ClaMshell WealTh rinG, ( yUa ), arapesh people, yangoru, PnG19th/early 20th Century

Clamshell

28cm diameter

Figures of this type are extremely rare. The back shows where the figure was once attached

to an enormous king post from the “Malu Haus Tambaran”. This particular building, more

than likely constructed in the 1930s, fell into disrepair during the 1950s. The back of the

figure shows where it was once attached to the post at the feet, back and head; the neck and

legs standing proud of the post.

The figure represents a male ancestor figure. The deeply incised zig-zag designs are typical

of Manambo figurative carvings, and denote body scarification.

The timber is called kwila, the hardest wood found in the Sepik river area, and generally

used on such important Spirit House posts.

larGe Male FiGUre, from the spirit house post, Malu village, Manambo people, Upper sepik river, PnG

Early 20thCentury

Wood

163cm high x 34cm wide x 18cm deep

This figure from New Ireland was once part of a reliquary scene. It was quite possibly the

central figure, with arms outstretched and smaller figures either side.

These Malangan figures represent ancestor spirits.

The major figurative works in New Ireland relate to funeral ceremonies, and traditionally

were set up – like an altar – to celebrate the life of an important person. They were then

left to slowly deteriorate and rot in the tropical weather.

Provenance: Peter Hallinan collection, collected in new ireland in the early 1970s.

MalanGan FiGUre, neW ireland, PnGMid 20th Century

Wood, ochre paint

79cm high x 60cm wide x 12cm deep

This impressive fibre figure represents a type of earth spirit referred to as Bolimboku.

This is a specific male spirit figure called Obukinjo. These figures were made for ceremonial

use towards the end of the Moka Kina wealth ritual, when there are large gatherings of

people and a pig killing ceremony. They are generally used only this one time.

The figure was carried on the back of the central dancer who was accompanied by others,

sometimes wearing gourd masks. in the ceremony, the dancers would break through a

fence onto the dance ground into the middle of hundreds of spectators.

The figure was decorated like a man for ceremony, with headdress, bark belt,

woven armbands, apron, shell valuables etc. at the end of the ceremony the feathers and

valuables were removed and the figures generally discarded. New Guinea Highlands Art in

general is ephemeral – made for the time of the ceremony then destroyed.

In 1969 Stan Moriarty photographed and collected a similar figure that is now in the

collection of the art Gallery of nSW and currently on view in “Plumes and Pearlshells”( art

Gallery of nSW, until10th august 2014.)

SPiriT FiGUrE, Wahgi Valley, Western Highlands, PnG

Mid 20th Century

Fibre, tapa bark, woven armbands, shell, feathers

223cm high x 42cm wide

Wood on the isolated coral islands of the Tokelau group is rare and precious. Storage con-

tainers, called tuluma, were carved to contain fishing tackle – hooks, ropes etc. The box has

a tight fitting lid, and when at sea in a canoe, the lid was tied on with sennit rope to ensure

that if the canoe capsized, none of the fishing tackle was lost. The box would float until

retrieved. These boxes were also fine storage containers in the house and the best were

decorated with geometric pearlshell inlay. This is a particularly large and fine example.

Tokelau consists of three small islands of 8 square kilometres and has a total population of

1,700 people.

Provenance: This box was collected from a country manor in leatherhead, England, where

it has been used since the 19th Century as a coalscuttle beside the living room fire. Note the

abrasions inside the box, where the coal has been raked out.

POLYNESIAN FISHING TACKLE BOX, Tokelau, South Pacific Ocean19th Century

Kanava wood (“cordia subcordata”), pearlshell inlay

25cm high x 44cm wide x 31cm deep

These paddles from the austral islands are among the most intricate and beautifully carved

objects in the Pacific, entirely covered in delicate incised geometric patterns. The finial has

tiny figures with large abstract heads. Their function is not clear but they would appear

to have been used ceremonially, rather than at sea. With the arrival of European explorers

and whalers in the 19th Century, these dance paddles were greatly admired and were

traded for European goods. Many of them made their way back to Europe.

The austral islands are in central Polynesia, just south of Tahiti, with the main islands

being rimatara, rurutu, Tubuai and ra’ivavae.

POLYNESIAN DANCE PADDLE, Austral Islands, South Pacific OceanEarly / Mid 19th Century

Wood

105cm high x 20cm wide

These axes are thought to be ceremonial, not practical tools of work. They have intricately

carved handles in fine geometric designs. The stone axehead has a fluid, sculptural form,

that is bound to the shaft with fine sennit (coconut ) fibre. These axes are said to symbolize

one of the aspects of the god Tane as a patron of woodworking and carpenters. Polynesian

religion and mythology placed great emphasis on nature; Tane is the Polynesian god of

light, and the forests and trees.

This is one of the earlier Mangaia axes. later in the 19th Century they became elaborated

into pedestal-type handles with openwork carving and were probably made

for trade to Europeans.

Mangaia is in the southern part of the Cook island group, just to the east of Tahiti.

POLYNESIAN AXE, Mangaia Island, South Pacific Ocean19th Century

Wood, stone, sennit

65cm high

Metal axe heads were introduced to the Solomon islands by the british in the mid-19th

Century. While generally used as work utensils, some like this piece had a ritual handle

made for them, and they were used both in warfare and in ceremony. This axe has particu-

larly fine pearlshell inlay.

FiGhTinG aXe, Malaita, solomon islands19th Century

Wood, pearlshell inlay, 19th century british trade axe head

97cm high

The baba mask is worn in ceremony by a man, with his body totally covered by a flowing

fibrous grass skirt made from sago leaves. The mask is made of tightly woven cane and

generally represents a bird – in this case a cockatoo – and the faces are brightly painted. in

ceremony, the dancer wearing this mask carries a stick or short spear; he represents a spi-

rit, and generally appears before the beginning of important rituals. His purpose is to clear

the area of any evil spirits and also to keep women and children at bay. in earlier times,

these confrontations between the baba and the spectators could be quite violent, resulting

in bad injuries or even death. The spirits were considered all powerful, and to be obeyed,

but also it was a control mechanism by the big Men over the population.

baba helMUT MasK, abelam people, Prince alexander Mountains, PnGMid 20th Century

Cane, ochre paint

47cm high x 30cm wide x 34cm deep

baba helMUT MasK, abelam people, Prince alexander Mountains, PnGMid 20th Century

Cane, ochre paint

59cm high x 27cm wide x 35cm deep

The gourd masks are used in ceremonial gatherings and represent spirits of the bush or

mountains. Some are said to represent the spirit that causes leprosy. These masks can

have serious ritual meanings but equally they may be used in comical plays to relay stories

to the spectators.

Formally these gourd masks were found throughout the Highlands. Many were collected in

the 1950s and 1960s and several are currently on display at the aGnSW exhibition “Plumes

and Pearlshells”. Today they are generally only found in the more remote regions of the

Eastern Highlands.

GoUrd MasK, Kamano people, eastern highlands, PnGMid 20th Century

Gourd, paint, resin, pig teeth

29cm high

The somp is a magic and ritual item of immense value. it is owned by a clan, rather than

an individual, and has the immensely important function of “attracting wealth to the clan”.

Kina shells, cresent-shaped pearlshell necklaces, are important objects of wealth, as well as

pectoral decoration, among these people; but the somp has the magic to attract new wealth.

soMP WealTh PeCToral, Mendi Valley, southern highlands, PnGEarly 20th Century

Wood, pearlshell, cane, red ochre

28cm high

Wood figures in the Abelam were carved almost exclusively for use inside the Spirit House

(Haus Tambaran) during initiation ceremonies. They were of varying sizes ranging from

quite small up to three metres tall. This is a medium-sized figure. The carving is simple and

striking. These figures represent spirit beings called Nngwalndu. They are always painted

in quite bright earth ochres, employing a lot of yellow, combined with red, white and black.

This figure has lost much of its ochre over time, but traces remain.

FiGUre, abelam people, Prince alexander Mountains, PnGMid 20th Century

Wood, ochre paint

119cm high x 25cm wide x 17cm deep

Timbu means “Sky” in the Wiru language and connects these woven figures to the very

powerful Sky Spirits. These spirits, in fact, have little to do with the affairs of men; however

they have great power and signs of their power include widespread frosts that destroy all

garden produce and create famine; earthquakes; volcanic eruptions, etc. There were tra-

ditionally cyclical rituals that paid homage to, or placated these spirits, held perhaps every

8-10 years. These rituals involved the ceremonial arrival in the village of these timbuwarra

figures followed by pig sacrifice and feasting. Apparently also at times of calamity, when

nature was considered out of balance, these figures were made and used in the ritual.

afterwards, at a time decided by the big Men, when it was considered that the natural ba-

lance had been restored, these timbuwarra figures were ritually buried in a hole. This was

said to preserve their power and in effect, also returned this power to the Earth.

Timbuwarra sPiriT FiGUre, Wiru people, southern highlands, PnG20th Century

Cane, ochre paint

183cm high x 43cm wide

2 July- 26 July 2014