This article was downloaded by: [Universite De Paris 1] On: 12 May 2013, At: 04:19 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rtap20 ‘True History’ in Wabula, Buton Island Hiroko Yamaguchi Published online: 29 Nov 2011. To cite this article: Hiroko Yamaguchi (2011): ‘True History’ in Wabula, Buton Island, The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, 12:5, 478-488 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442213.2011.611528 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and- conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
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This article was downloaded by: [Universite De Paris 1]On: 12 May 2013, At: 04:19Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK
The Asia Pacific Journal ofAnthropologyPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rtap20
‘True History’ in Wabula, Buton IslandHiroko YamaguchiPublished online: 29 Nov 2011.
To cite this article: Hiroko Yamaguchi (2011): ‘True History’ in Wabula, Buton Island, The AsiaPacific Journal of Anthropology, 12:5, 478-488
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442213.2011.611528
PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE
Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions
This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Anysubstantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden.
The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representationthat the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of anyinstructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primarysources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings,demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly orindirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
Figure 1 Map: Sulawesi and Buton Island. Source: Southon 1995 (p.12), retouched by
author.
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located at Bau-Bau, the capital of former Buton district (Kabupaten Buton), and Bau-
Bau City (Kota Bau-Bau) at present. The steep hinterland of the town rises up to the
imposing fortified precinct of Wolio which is regarded commonly as the remains of
the royal centre of the Buton Kingdom. Wolio nobility still dwell inside its walls.
A key account of the Butonese kingdom, authorised and published as an official
regional history during the administration of President Soeharto (1968�98) was
written by a Wolio-speaker named A. M. Zahari, a secretary of the last sultan La Ode
Falihi who reigned 1938�60 (Zahari 1977). The chronicle pervaded Buton society
through the regional cultural and educational policies of that time (Yamaguchi 2011,
pp. 247�57). The name of Wabula scarcely appears in this official history of the Buton
Kingdom, except as one of several villages of commoners that held formal positions in
the kingdom as a defensive perimeter (known as Matana Sorumba). Under post-New
Order decentralisation, it is the Wolio fortress and Wolio-centric history that have
formed the focus of efforts to develop cultural tourism attractions in the Buton region.
The Cia-cia speakers of Wabula, in contrast, continue to be located geographically and
socially in an out-of-the-way place, at the periphery of Butonese society.
The history of the Buton Kingdom is narrated in various contexts of Wabula social
life. Though the basic narrative resembles the official version, Wabula people relate
this history by situating themselves as major protagonists, insisting that it was not
Wolio but rather Wabula that represents the place where the Buton Kingdom was
originally founded. The past events narrated by Wabula people cannot be confirmed
objectively in primary sources written outside Buton society (Yamaguchi 2007, 2011,
pp. 237�44). Wabula people, nevertheless, insist that their narratives are the ‘sejarah
yang benar’ of the Buton Kingdom*the ‘True History’. This paper investigates the
practice and meaning of historical narratives in the micro-social contexts of the
people who narrate them in order to understand the manner in which Wabula people
feel the reality of the ‘truthfulness’ of their narratives (see also Yamaguchi 2011, pp.
14�29). It focuses on an agricultural-calendric pilgrimage ritual as one of the key
social contexts in which this ‘True History’ is narrated, and considers how the
narratives are inseparably related to the space and time of the Wabula’s social life.
Pilgrimage and ‘True History’
The annual social life of Wabula village is ordered by the ritual milestones of the
agricultural calendar. Rituals are practiced at the particular period of ‘oecological
time’(Evans-Pritchard 1939) determined in accordance with cultivation cycles,
changing seasons, waxing and waning of the moon, and so on. Each ritual is
remarkably intricate, and according to the explanation of the Wabula people, the
processes and actions involved in each ritual express and correspond to each stage of
the generation of human life (Yamaguchi 2005, pp. 151�80; see Figure 2). Through
the practice of these rituals, the historical paths of the ancestors of Wabula society is
replayed and the hierarchical order of the customary village council, the Sarano
Wabula (SW), is annually reaffirmed (Yamaguchi 2011, pp. 166�72).
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One specific practice of visiting a series of locally significant sites is characterised as
the ‘summit’ of Wabula’s annual series of rituals, and occurs as part of a wider rite
called Mataano Galampa which is organised before harvest. It involves a half-day trek
from the present coastal village of Wabula to the ancestors’ original settlement at a
place called Koncu, and then to the site of a second former village named Liwu,
established as a fortress following wholesale migration from Koncu (see Figure 3).
Beside the trail which is followed the remains of various tombs and fortifications as
well as stones are offered as historical evidence (bukti sejarah) by senior officials of
the Sarano Wabula, who narrate past events concerning the sites to a group of
youthful pilgrims, that is, presenting the ‘True History’ of Wabula and its relationship
with the Buton kingdom as a whole. The following section of the paper describes this
journey as undertaken by Wabula people, and traces the historical path of Wabula’s
ancestors as this is revealed to the group within accompanying narratives of ‘True
History’. The account is drawn from my field notes dated 20 January 2001, though for
descriptive purposes I will often make use of the ethnographic present. The languages
used were mainly Indonesian and Wabula. The abbreviation BWb indicates a
Wabula term.
Proceeding to Koncu
Around noon, the party of about fifty young villagers and a few senior officials of the
Sarano Wabula start from the square of Ombo, a place located between the mosque
and the Galampa, a place for village council and rituals considered to demarcate
between the religious sphere and the customary sphere. From the southern edge of
the village, they cross a field of manioc and cashew nut, and start to climb a steep and
Season of east wind (dry) Season of west wind (rainy) Season of east wind
Seeding and planting harvestNovember December January July
(Pingkari-ngkari)
Reliving & reconfirming order (byritual dancing) Reconfirming & trace origin & historical course of ancestors (by pilgrimage)
Reliving & reconfirming order (by ritual dancing)
The twenty-fourth nightmoon a crescent
The fourteenth night moon
Bante(Reclamation)
Pingkari-ngkari(Protection against disasters)
Mataano Galampa(Before harvest)
40 days 10 days
Pidoaano Kampurusi(The first harvest of maize)
Pidoaano Kuri (The first harvest of manioc)
‘marriage’ ‘conception’ ‘pregnancy’ ‘birth’ ‘time of nothing’
Supplementalfarming
Supplementalfarming
Farming season
Figure 2 Oecological Time, Agricultural-Calendric Rituals, and Local Representation.
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narrow mountain path. Soon the party reaches an open space of a few metres in
diameter, and stop walking to take a rest. A senior SW member then addressed the
group:
[1]SW1: Here is Latowarani, a place where La Kambue and others took a rest whenthey first went toward to Koncu.
His voice was not very loud but strong enough to be carried to all. The pilgrims
listened quietly. A second senior SW2 continued narrating:
[2]SW2: La Kambue is a person who established (kambu-kambunoBWb) thecontents of history, custom, and culture of Wabula. He is remembered by the nameof Rajawangkati or Sijawangkati in the Wolio-version of history. He came fromBangka. . .then established Koncu as the first kingdom of Buton. La Kambue thenestablished the Wolio Kingdom, taking Koncu as a model.
By the trailside there are other locations where La Kambue and other founders are
said to have rested. One of Sarano Wabula states that the group must also rest at each
of those places. However, we actually stop at only some. We proceeded to walk,
clearing away undergrowth with hatchets and climbing a steep hill. Soon we came to
‘stones used to
‘stones of promise’ Koncu (village of origin)
‘tombs of King Kumaha,
N
Main road
‘tomb of Queen Wa Ka Ka’
‘place of anchor’
Liwu (ex-village)
Cultivated land
Towards a neighbouring village
houses
The sea
be pigs’
‘four gates’
Wabula-bula, etc’
four gates, ‘Ombo’ ruins of mosque, ‘Galampa’,etc
Latowarani(resting place)
Figure 3 Journey of Pilgrimage.
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a place where about ten huge stones were lying around the trail. The senior SW1
narrates while pointing to the stones:
[3-1]SW1: These stones used to be pigs reared by the ancestors. These are theremains and evidence of the Hindu time when we still had pork.
The (younger) SW2 then points out another middle sized stone nearby and explains:
[3-2]SW2: This stone used to be a watchdog of the pigs during the same period.
At this SW1 quietly reproved SW2:
[3-3]SW1: It is impossible that dogs become stones. You ought not to say such aridiculous thing, or we would be regarded primitive (primitif).
SW2 looked uncomfortable. Although I was surprised that the elder SW1 used the
term ‘primitif ’ *a term I had rarely heard*the others in the group did not seem to
care and made no comment.
The party set out walking, and soon stopped at a place where there were some huge
stones lying beside the path with nicks on their surface. Young villagers told me that
they are named ‘the promise stones’ (batu perjanjian). A senior SW narrated:
[4-1]SW: This is the stone at which the brother and sister Suribajara and Wabula-bula had sex (kawin) and made a promise to elope. The nicks on the stone are thepromise written in Chinese. These are remains of the time when our ancestors stillused Chinese. Wa Ka Ka, the first queen, was from China, and this stone is theproof of it. ‘Koncu’ means ‘stone’ in Chinese, too.
[4-2]Another SW: Suribajara and Wabula-bula were the children of Wa Ka Ka.There were in fact ten children of Wa Ka Ka, but three of them, includingSuribajara and Wabula-bula, have been erased by the Wolio people from the historyof Buton.
They asked me to decipher the ‘promise’ written in ‘Chinese’ on the surface of the
stone. Since the marks did not seem like Chinese characters to me, I could not fulfil
the request. Though the party seemed disappointed at first, soon they restarted
walking saying ‘Even if you can’t read it, this can’t be helped, since it is written in
archaic Chinese.’
Koncu and the Time of Queen Wa Ka Ka
After a two-hour trek the party reached Koncu. In a thick forest, walls about 3-m in
height were visible, covered in vines and moss. There was no obvious entrance;
leaning on a tree bough against the walls to keep our footing, the party climbed over
and entered. There was another artificial pile of stones that seemed like the remains of
interior walls. According to a Sarano Wabula, there were originally four gates located
one on each side of the walls surrounding Koncu. Since the walls were badly broken
and covered with thick growth, however, only one of those gates could be readily
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identified to me. No source of water or traces of human life were visible in and
around Koncu.
At the centre of a not very large open space inside of the walls there is a tomb
surrounded by a low fence on four sides made of cement, about 2.5-m length and
about 2-m width. The inside of the fence is covered with middle-sized stones, and
there is no obvious grave-marker or headstone. A SW relates:
[5]SW: This is the tomb of Wa Ka Ka who is the founder and the first queen ofKoncu Kingdom. Even though the Wolio people say ‘Wa Ka Ka flew away to the skyin her last moment’, it is not true. The truth is that she also took office as the firstqueen of the Wolio Kingdom (after being inaugurated as the queen of the KoncuKingdom), then went back to her homeland, Wabula, and died. This is the truehistory. Since she was Hindu, her tomb does not have a grave post like Muslims’graves have. This tomb is the proof of it.
Beside the tomb, some senior Sarano figures then made a fire and broiled the head
of a goat. This animal had been slaughtered beforehand by the Wabula Imam, who is
also a member of the Sarano Wabula. The cooked meat was placed on a bamboo
stand and prepared as an offering. Another senior SW told the young men gathered
around:
[6]SW: After being inaugurated as the first queen of Koncu Kingdom, Wa Ka Kadecided to build a new capital at the more strategic place of Wolio (in cooperationwith La Kambue and other founders) in order to rule the whole land of Buton. Thepolitical centre had been located at Koncu at that time (though there were twocapitals, Wabula and Wolio). In the era of King Kumaha, however, due to thebetrayal and unfairness committed by a Wolionese king named Murhum, the centreof Buton was taken to Wolio and Wabula was demoted to a defensive spot calledMatano SorumbaBWb. This is the true history. This has, however, never beenwritten in the Wolio version of history. The truth has never been written.
At the tomb of Wa Ka Ka, senior Sarano members engaged in a series of smaller
rites referred to as ‘dreaming’ and ‘calling the names of ancestors’. Young people who
had listened to ‘True History’ narrated by the senior Sarano Wabula watched the
process of rituals and assisted. After finishing the rituals, the offerings were taken
down from the spot and eaten by all the participants.
Liwu and the Time of King Kumaha
The party left Koncu around three o’clock in the afternoon. After walking on the path
downhill for an hour, the walls of the Liwu fortress came into sight on the hillside
between Koncu and coastal Wabula village. On the way a senior Sarano Wabula
addressed the young people around him:
[7-1]SW: It was in the reign of King Kumaha that the Wabula people moved fromKoncu to Liwu. They selected the location by dint of pimanuBWb (a process ofdivination using a cockerel). It was also in the reign of King Kumaha that theybecame Muslim. . ..
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Author: Who introduced Islam to Wabula?[7-2]SW: It was Sheikh Abdul Wahid.Author: Is that the same Abdul Wahid who introduced Islam to the WolioKingdom?[7-3]SW: That’s right. Wabula, however, was Islamised prior to Wolio. AbdulWahid first landed at Burangasi (a place located at the southern edge of ButonIsland), then called on Wabula on the way to Wolio. King Kumaha had ruled Koncufor forty years before becoming Muslim, and ruled another forty years afterbecoming Muslim.
Liwu fortress is surrounded by walls some 2- to 3-m high and 1 km long. A couple
of Wabula people dwell inside cultivating cassava and maize. The walls have four
gates as with Koncu, and there are ruins of houses on stilts, foundations of buildings,
tombs, and so forth. A senior Sarano Wabula then started to narrate:
[8]SW: This is Galampa (pointing to a foundation in the grass). Here is Tonga Atawhere the ancestors moved from Koncu and held the first village council (pointingaside). These are the remains of the mosque (pointing to another foundation infront of Tonga Ata). This is Ombo which demarcates the customary sphere from thereligions sphere (pointing to a stalactite shaped column about two meters highlocated between the remains of Galampa and the mosque). When people still livedin Liwu, the rituals of Mataano Galampa and Pidoaano Kuri would have beenconducted at Galampa and in this square of Ombo.
Inside of Liwu fortress, there are tombs of the main characters of the ‘True History’
already mentioned such as King Kumaha, Wabula-bula, Wa Ka Ka’s youngest
daughter, and so on. A senior Sarano Wabula stated that the name of Wabula village
is derived from Wabula-bula as he pointed to her tomb. The young people in the
group listened to the narratives as they walked in and around the fortress with
seniors, relieving their thirst with the juice of young coconuts.
Leaving Liwu for Wabula Village
As the sun began setting, the party left Liwu and set out on the return journey. On the
way, they informed me that the migration from Liwu to coastal Wabula village
occurred at the end of 1960s. Half of the young people participating in the journey
told me that it was their first time doing so, while the other half had participated
before and listened to the ‘True History’ narrated by seniors at that time. Many young
villagers said that they had previously heard aspects of this ‘True History’ in various
contexts in everyday life, but asserted that this journey allowed them to see the
‘evidence of history’ with their own eyes such as ‘the stone of promise’, ‘the tomb of
Wa Ka Ka’, and the like, as well as to gain a more detailed version of ‘True History’.
They also said that they came to witness that four gates existed at Koncu and Liwu
alongside the remains of the mosque, Galampa and Ombo at Liwu as exist at present-
day Wabula village. Through participation in the journey, the spatial configuration of
present-day Wabula village is confirmed as having been modelled on that of Koncu
and Liwu, reinforcing the idea that the rituals associated within those spaces, and
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which exist at the centre of local notions of Wabula culture, are similarly modelled on
activities that were conducted at the time of Koncu and Liwu.
I felt some relief and satisfaction when Wabula village began to be visible on the
coastline below the path; others in the party may have shared these feelings as our
downward pace quickened. We arrived at Wabula village at last in the gathering
twilight, after six and a half hours trekking.
Journey of Time and Initiation
In reliving the historical paths of ancestors, visiting places of origin, the activities
described above might well be considered a pilgrimage in the sense of ‘a sacred
journey [. . .] undertaken by a person in quest of a place or a state that he or she
believes to embody a valued ideal’ (Morinis 1992, p. 4).
As they come into contact with ‘historical evidence’ the Wabula elders narrate an
episode or some episodes of ‘True History’ not in accordance with the temporal
sequence of events as they occurred in the past, but in order of the appearance of sites
encountered in the present. In Wabula, historical understandings are spatialised.
Further, one of the prominent aspects of the Wabula case, is that this understanding
does not merely trace and relive events and acts involving ancestors but rather, engage
a broad range of concerns with the past itself, that is to say, history.
If the past events narrated above were arranged in temporal order, the story would
be as follows:
‘The Four Founders’ (Mia PopaanoBWb), consisting of La Kambue (who is
known as Rajawangkati in Wolio’s history) and three other men, landed on Buton
and established the first kingdom at the place of Koncu. Wa Ka Ka from China was
inaugurated as the first queen of Wabula (Koncu) Kingdom. The descendants of Wa
Ka Ka afterward formed a noble family, and the descendants of ‘The Four Founders’
formed the group that elected and inaugurated kings. The Wolio Kingdom was then
established, modelled on the political system of Koncu Kingdom. After governing
both Wabula and Wolio, Wa Ka Ka came back to Wabula and died. As her tomb and
‘the stones that used to be pigs’ show, these figures were Hindu at this time. During
the reign of king Kumaha, Wabula people were deceived by a Wolio king named
Murhum, with the result that its status as the political centre of Buton was lost and
the area demoted to one of multiple defensive posts within the Wolio Kingdom. This
process, however, was erased in Wolio’s history. In the reign of King Kumaha, Wabula
people relocated to Liwu fortress and there became Muslim. When people were
dwelling at Liwu they would have practiced key rituals at Galampa and the square of
Ombo, as occurs in Wabula today. They moved again to this present day coastal
village around the end of 1960s.
The narrative has two directions, one referring to the past and the other to the
present. The Wabula journey of ‘True History’ narrates events to (re)make the past as
it was, on the one hand, and at the same time expresses and contests the narrators’
present social situation. Wabula people lucidly recast their peripheral position in the
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Butonese cultural area through highlighting the injustice of Wolio transformations of
history through overt references to ‘changing names of the characters with ‘‘true
Wabulanese names’’’, ‘the elimination of three of ten children of Wa Ka Ka’, ‘betrayal
of King Murhum of Wolio Kingdom’, and so on. It is in this context that Wabula
‘True History’ often cites the ‘history of Wolio’ comparatively, in order to correct its
untruths.
But ‘True History’ is more significant than simply expressing opposition to the
claims of others. This rite in Wabula society can be considered a temporal journey in
which young villagers, in physically tracing the ancestors’ historical course, come to
perceive the past events narrated in ‘True History’ as having actually occurred. It is in
this sense that those accompanying the Sarano Wabula might be said to acquire
critical experiential knowledge underpinning Wabula identity, such that the journey
could be readily characterised in terms of pilgrimage-based practices of initiation (for
example, Turner 1969, Morinis 1992). To be Wabula-nese is to accept ‘True History’
as truth.
Concluding Remarks
In Wabula society, ‘True History’ means the history on past events which really
happened, that is, historical facts, on the one hand, and it also means the history which
correct the wrong information contained in Wolio-centric version of Buton history,
on the other. This paper has described and considered a form of relationship between
human life and history in which people ‘feel reality’ not by means of positivism or
relativism, but by ‘living’, so to speak, the historical narratives as they relive them
through the annual ritual practices in the space and time of their social life.
An additional aspect of the social conditions which encourages the Wabula people
to ‘feel the reality’ of their narratives lies in the fact that the political significance of
Buton has expanded and has more influence on the social life of Wabula people than
in the past. This includes a movement to revive local culture as part of a project that
envisages the establishment of a new province (often referred to as ‘Buton Raya’, that
is, Great Buton). This has a number of implications. As Wabula people have an
identity as Butonese based on their historical ascription to the Buton Kingdom, so
the idea of ‘Buton’ has become not just a symbolic indicator of Wabula identity, but a
more distinct framework which will have a broader administrative impact in the near
future. Uchibori stated, in a monograph on the generative mechanisms of ethnos
(ethnic groups), that a community named by the outside power may sometimes
willingly accept the given name, since ‘it can be not only the obedience to the order
formation of the given entire society-world, . . .but also the trial of the expansion and
internal self-organising of the community itself ’ (1989, p. 34). ‘True History’, as
observed above, does not simply present an origin narrative of Wabula village, but
significantly positions Wabula as an origin place and exemplary centre of the Buton
Kingdom as a whole.
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Note
[1] This article is the revised and translated version of (Yamaguchi 2010).
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