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DELHI THE HINDU
TUESDAY, APRIL 28, 20206EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE
EDITORIAL
Greater responsibilityIt has become a case of aHamletian dilemma for theIndian government to takea call on ending thelockdown. The decisionthat involves lives on theone side and livelihoods onthe other would always bedifficult to arrive at. Thelockdown is believed to beending as usual, if one goesby signs from thegovernment. Even thoughthere could be evidence ofa slowing down as far as thevirus spread is concerned,the government should not
forget the many thousandsof migrant workers leftstranded and the manymore who are poor andliving on a thread withmeagre support. Theeconomy and livelihoodshave taken a big blow evenduring the first phase of thelockdown. The hard task isto convince people to stillfollow the same norms. Itshould be made clear thatthe onus of being safe willnow lie more on theindividual than it is now.Dr. D.V.G. Sankararao,
Nellimarla, Andhra Pradesh
The Vitamin C debateSince 1970, there have beenheated debates for andagainst the use of VitaminC. But the focus is on therole of Vitamin C as animmune system booster,protecting us frominfections such as thecoronavirus, asrecommended by Dr. RajanRavichandran, a seniornephrologist of Chennai(Tamil Nadu, April 27).While recommending theintake of Vitamin C, he hasalso raised a scare, citingthe case of a 74yearold
man in Belgium whodeveloped serious kidneyproblem due to high dosesof Vitamin C for a week.The most common sideeffect of high doses isdiarrhoea if taken on anempty stomach. On kidneystones, Dr. Ravichandranhas cited an odd case fromBelgium and not a flood ofsuch cases in Chennai orIndia. A medical team ledby Dr. Sushila Kataria,physician at MedantaMedicity Hospital,Gurugram, Delhi NCR, hassuccessfully treated 11
them from West Asia. Foran economy and a Statedependent on foreignremittances, this will comeas a double blow. This crisisshould be a chance tocreate investmentfriendlyopportunities. It is time tobring about a change in theattitude of the labour force,shedding militant tradeunionism which has beenthe stumbling block toinvestment. Sharada Sivaram,
Kochi
Italian nationals who wereadmitted with COVID19.She has gone on record thatVitamin C and a new drug,Tocilizumab, were given tothese patients. Dr. Vijaya Ganesh,
Chennai
Chance for KeralaPeople have still to findtheir feet in terms of thelockdown, and as far asKerala is concerned, therecould be moreunsettlement. It could be inthe form of expatriatesreturning home, most of
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected] must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.
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Sujatha Singh
Yes, we all know that theworld we once knew hasgone, perhaps forever. Much
has changed and will continue to.What has not changed though, ishuman nature itself. The way wereact, as a species to the unknown,or to an existential threat, on ascale not experienced in recenttimes, to something that we cannot quite comprehend as yet, in itsentirety.
We have arrived, once again, atthe boundaries of the human race’s collective knowledge, and it issobering to be reminded that whatwe do not know is much greaterthan what we do know, about ourselves and the world we live in.
A leadership roleThe fact that there is no end insight to the COVID19 crisis doesnot prevent us from making prognoses of what a postCOVID19world may look like. The pandemic has added heft to arguments offoreign policy analysts across theentire spectrum of strategic thinking, from nationalists and antiglobalists, to advocating a more robust multilateralism and aleadership role for India in mobilising international cooperation.
I believe, however, that beforewe get too involved in the contoursof a postpandemic world, we firstneed to think about where we areheaded as a postpandemic India.Yes, there will be a churning as na
tions scramble for advantage inthe world order as the pandemicrecedes, but I think we need to bemore concerned at this point oftime with the social and economicchurning under way within ourown country, accentuated andmagnified by the COVID19 crisis.
The role that India plays in thepostpandemic world order will bedetermined by how we deal withthe crisis now, and how weemerge from it. This, in turn, depends on certain fundamental factors — the quality of leadership,the quality of administration at alllevels, (Centre, State, district andvillage), the robustness of institutional frameworks, the quality ofhealth care, and our social coherence as a people.
Admittedly, the manner inwhich some of these have functioned recently, does not engender great confidence. Further, themanner in which we have dealtwith the pandemic until now hasmade it painfully clear, as nothingelse has in recent times, that thereare two Indias — an India in whichsocial distancing is possible and anIndia in which it is not.
Crucial investmentsThe COVID19 epidemic has mercilessly highlighted our shortcomings and our failures, even as wepride ourselves on being theworld’s largest democracy and itsfifth largest economy. It has highlighted our ageold fault lines ofcaste, class and creed. There arestill too many inequalities, and toomany of us who have been left behind, on whom the effects of thelockdown have been the most severe, compounding the economicdistress of recent years.
Yes, the lockdown was neces
sary in order to pause the spreadof the pandemic. However themanner of its implementation,without the government of Indiaeven foreseeing, much less planning for, the consequences of sucha step, or coordinating with Statesin advance, or spelling out how itwould support the millions so affected, was harsh in the extremeon the poorer sections of our population. It was starkly reflected inthe thousands of migrant workersbelieving (not without reason) thatthey were invisible to the Establishment, and not knowing whatelse to do, leaving by foot, tryingto reach the only safety net theyhad — extended families andhomes in their villages.
There lies grave danger here, ofboth the health and the economicconsequences of the crisis intersecting amongst our poor, withpotentially devastating consequences for them as well as for ouroverall attempt to manage the novel coronavirus.
It often takes a crisis to bringabout fundamental change. Canone dare hope that this crisis toowill bring about such change forthe good? That it will bring aboutthe policies and mindsets necessary to deal with the injustices andinequalities so painfully magnifiedby recent events?
It is time for the government tolay out a comprehensive road mapto deal with both the health and
the economic consequences of thecrisis, and to make long overdueinvestments on the massive scaleneeded, in universal health care,education and social security. Orat least to plan for it, and to raisethe resources to back these planswith adequate funding, regardlessof the fiscal deficit that will follow.
In its absence, we run the risk ofsocial disorder, as witnessed inBandra (Mumbai), Surat (Gujarat)and other parts of India where ourpoor are in lockdown. Growingperceptions of injustice and of thegovernment’s indifference to theirplight could well lead to widespread outrage that would be difficult to control.
The investment that needs to bemade in the millions of our peoplewho live in poverty, or on the edgeof it, are not merely welfare measures. They are fundamental toour socioeconomic transformation, which in itself is an imperative. Also, if India is to be in anyposition to make use of opportunities that emerge in the reorderingof the global economy as the pandemic recedes.
On the global stageIn parallel with an inclusive, allofIndia effort on the domestic front,India needs to be part of international efforts to deal with the COVID19 crisis — multilateral, regional or bilateral. It makes soundhumanitarian as well as strategicsense for us to supply medicines ofwhich we are the major producers(dependent though we may be, onChina for 70% of the active pharmaceutical ingredients needed toproduce them), to other countries. It is also important that weparticipate in international effortstowards finding a vaccine and
ramp up capacities to produce it inthe quantities needed, both forour own people and for the world.
Yes, the world will havechanged by the time the crisis recedes, but we, the human race,will continue to be what we havealways been — relentless in oursearch for wealth and power, bothwithin nations and without. Onthe international front, nationswill continue to strive for strategicadvantage in furthering their interests and constrained by realpolitikin striving for the common good.Countries that emerge in positionsof relative economic advantagewill present competing visions forthe postpandemic world order. Ifwe wish to play a leadership roleand to present a vision for a moreinclusive world defined by international cooperation, then we needto back it with our own example,on the domestic as well as the international fronts.
I believe that in any postpandemic world order that emerges,regardless of whether it is U.S.centric or Chinacentric, there isno scenario in which India, a universe in itself, and home to onesixth of humanity, will not occupya place. The question is this: Willwe emerge as part of the problemor as part of the solution? Will weemerge weaker or stronger as a nation? Will we have been guided bydivisive political agendas that deepen our fault lines? Or will we haveworked towards an inclusive Indiathat embraces all of us in its fold,regardless of caste, class or creed?The pandemic has brought us toan inflection point. How we dealwith it will determine our place inthe future world order.
Sujatha Singh is Former Foreign Secretary
India in the postpandemic world The manner in which the country deals with the crisis will determine its place in the future world order
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The COVID19 pandemic is unprecedented, involving as itdoes far too many variables.
The very complexity of the novelcoronavirus leads to radical uncertainty. Hence, it it unlikely that theworld will ever be the same again.Abnormal could well become thenew normal.
Pandemics have often changedthe world and reshaped human society. Empires have collapsed.Commentators are already talkingof fundamental alterations in governance and business norms.What is left unsaid — and likely topose an even bigger challenge — isthe extent to which the pandemicwill impact human values and conduct. There is already concernthat a diminution in human valuescould occur, and with this, theconcept of an international community might well cease to exist.Each nation is tending to look inwards, concentrating on its narrowly defined national interests.
Institutions under fireIt is singularly unfortunate that ata time like this, existing international institutions such as the United Nations, the United Nations Security Council and the WorldHealth Organization (WHO) areseen to have failed to measure upto the grave challenge posed bythe pandemic.
While the UN Security Councilis under attack for being slow indealing with a situation that appears, at least on the surface, fargraver than any military threat inrecent decades, WHO has beentarred with the charge of bias andof grossly underestimating the nature of the epidemic. That prestigious global institutions shouldhave been singled out for attack at
this time speaks volumes aboutthe mood prevailing across theworld.
Economic shockThere are many other aspects ofthe COVID19 crisis that will drastically impact the globe. On the economic front, the World Bank hasalready predicted negative growthfor most nations. India’s growthforecast for the current fiscal yearhas been put at 1.5% to 2.8%. Contraction of the economy and theloss of millions of jobs across allsegments will further complicatethis situation.
What is likely to change evenmore dramatically are certain other aspects relating to politicalmanagement and security. Bothterms are set to gain new meanings. The role of the state as an enforcer of public good will almostcertainly become greatly enhanced. The dominant imperativewould be to not put limits on therole of the state even where the situation may not be as grave as thepresent one. Many pieces of legislation of yesteryears that had beenrelegated to the archives — theywere perceived to be anachronistic in a modern democratic setup—may get a new lease of life. Somepieces of legislation such as theDisaster Management Act alreadyreflect this reality today. Otherpieces of legislation could followin its wake.
This trend is already becomingevident to some extent across theworld. Europe has shown a willingness to sacrifice personal liberties in favour of greater state control.
There are no serious protestsover the fact that many of the powers being vested in the instruments of state in democracies today, to meet the current challenge,are eerily similar to those alreadypractised by authoritarian regimessuch as China.
Post COVID19, the world mayhave to pay a heavy price in termsof loss of liberty. An omnipotent
state could well become a reality.
China in the spotlightFarreaching changes can also beanticipated in the realm of geoeconomics and geopolitics. Theworld needs to prepare for a seachange. One nation, viz. China, ispresently seeking to take advantage of and benefit from the problems faced by the rest of theworld in the wake of the epidemic.Already one of the most prominent nations of the world and animportant player in internationalinstitutions, China remains totallyunfazed by the stigma that the current world pandemic owes a greatdeal to its negligence — the firstidentified and detected COVID19victim in Wuhan was on December1, 2019, but it was only in the second week of January 2020, thatChina sounded the alarm. Moreimportantly, it is seeking to convert its ‘failure’ into a significantopportunity. This is Sinocentrismat its best, or possibly its worst.
Already indispensable as theworld’s supplier of manufacturedgoods, China now seeks to benefitfrom the fact of its ‘early recovery’to take advantage of the travails ofthe rest of the world, by using itsmanufacturing capability to itsgeoeconomic advantage. Simultaneously, it seeks to shift from being a Black Swan (responsible forthe pandemic), to masquerade asa White one, by offering medicalaid and other palliatives to severalAsian and African countries tomeet their current pandemicthreat. In turn, it seeks to gain a ge
opolitical advantage by this action.China also seems to be prepar
ing for the eventuality that the current pandemic could hollow outthe financial viability of manycompanies, institutions and banksacross the world. There areenough reports of China’s intentions to acquire financial assetsand stakes in banks and companies across the world, taking advantage of the scaleddown valueof their assets to support this. India seems to have woken up onlyrecently to this threat, after the Peoples’ Bank of China acquired a 1%stake in India’s HDFC, taking advantage of the sharp decline in theprice of HDFC stocks. Across theworld, meanwhile, the clamouragainst China’s hostile takeoverbids is becoming stronger. Severalcountries apart from India, suchas Australia and Germany, havebegun to restrict Chinese foreigndirect investment in companiesand financial institutions in theircountries, recognising the inherent danger of a possible Chinesehostile takeover of their criticalassets.
This may not, however, beadequate to checkmate China,which is poised to dominate theRegional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), thus enabling it to exploit market accessacross the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, East Asian nations, Australia and New Zealand.Together with its Belt and Road Initiative, which seeks to combineregional connectivity alongsidegaining a virtual economic andsubstantial stranglehold acrossAsia, China is ostensibly preparingthe way for a Chinacentric multilateral globalisation framework.
A faltering WestThe geopolitical fallout of this pandemic could be still more serious.One distinct possibility is that COVID19 would effectively put paidto the existing global order thathas existed since the late 1940s.The United States which is already
being touted in some circles as a‘failing’ state, will be compelled tocede ground. Weakened economically and politically after COVID19has ravaged the nation, the U.S.’scapacity to play a critical role inworld affairs is certain to diminish.The main beneficiary of this geopolitical turnaround is likely to beChina, a country that does notquite believe in playing by therules of international conduct. Europe, in the short and mediumterm, will prove incapable of defining and defending its commoninterests, let alone having any influence in world affairs. Germany,which may still retain some of itspresent strength, is already turning insular, while both France anda postBrexit United Kingdom willbe out of the reckoning as of now.
West Asia and IndiaComing to West Asia, both SaudiArabia and Iran are set to face difficult times. The oil price meltdownwill aggravate an already difficultsituation across the region. Theremay be no victors, but Israel maybe one country that is in a positionto exploit this situation to its advantage. In the meantime, the economic downturn greatly reducesIndia’s room for manoeuvre. InSouth Asia, it faces the prospect ofbeing isolated, with the Chinesejuggernaut winning Beijing newfriends and contacts across a region deeply impacted by the economic consequences of the COVID19 pandemic. Likewise,India’s leverage in West Asia — already greatly diminished — willsuffer further, with oil prices goingdown and the Indian expatriatecommunity (who are among thehardest hit by this downturn) outon a limb. Many of the latter mayseek repatriation back to the hostcountry, substantially reducingthe inflow of foreign funds to Indiafrom the region.
M.K. Narayanan is a former National
Security Adviser and a former Governor
of West Bengal
The script of disruption and a new order Across the globe, the geopolitical and geoeconomic fallout of the COVID19 pandemic could be serious
M.K. Narayanan
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The appalling images of a person flinging water
bottles and biscuit packets towards people at a
quarantine facility in Agra, Uttar Pradesh that
emerged on Sunday show the many things wrong in In
dia’s fight against the COVID19 pandemic. Those who
were supposed to be kept in isolation were seen squash
ing against the iron grill, desperate to fetch the food and
water on the other side. The district administration has
since claimed that the issue has been resolved, but not
before officials betrayed their insouciance. The hapless,
fenced off people were even blamed for getting restless
after their food was delayed by several hours. Infected
people and health workers taking care of them are fac
ing dehumanising treatment from the rest of the society
and they are often housed in a revolting environment in
many places. U.P. has been particularly slow in devising
a sensitive and efficient strategy. Of the 75 districts in
the State, 53 have fewer than 100 isolation beds; 31 have
active cases. In terms of ICU beds and ventilator availa
bility, U.P. is among the worst States. Agra had 372 cas
es, and 10 deaths by Sunday evening. Meanwhile, the
State bought faulty personal protective equipment that
would have aggravated the risks for healthworkers. It is
an irony that the Centre asked other States to follow the
Agra model in the pandemic fight.
Truth be told, U.P.’s debility is not recent or unique.
The densely populated heartland of India has a history
of bad governance. The shared character of weak State
capacity across Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and
U.P. has been left unattended by successive govern
ments. The only reasonable goal of the prolonged lock
down could have been buying time for shoring up the li
mited resources, which is a function of the political
leadership. The data presented by the Cabinet Secre
tary last week reveal a very dismal level of prepared
ness by U.P., Bihar and Madhya Pradesh, while Rajas
than has managed things better by creating temporary
facilities and ramping up existing ones. Most States are,
however, treating the lockdown as the solution to the
pandemic. The Centre needs to demonstrate leader
ship in ensuring that States scale up their capacities and
communicate this to the public. It needs to particularly
reassure healthcare professionals that everything pos
sible is being done to protect them. There needs to be a
campaign led by the Prime Minister to erase the stigma
against patients, and to mitigate the fear of the pandem
ic itself. The difference between caution and paranoia
needs to be emphasised. In India’s particular social
context, the notion of social distancing has only added
to the disease stigma. The Prime Minister has called for
social solidarity in the face of the pandemic more than
once last week, and that message needs to spread.
Casting out stigmaAs India fights the virus, the message of
caution is in some places resulting in paranoia
Amidst the national lockdown, the Supreme Court
and several other courts have been holding vir
tual proceedings. A question of concern to the
Bar is whether virtual courts have become the “new
normal” and whether it means a move away from the
idea of open courts towards technologybased adminis
tration of justice without the physical presence of la
wyers and litigants. Chief Justice of India S.A. Bobde
emphasises that virtual courts are open courts too; and
that one cannot describe them as closed or in camera
proceedings. The correct way of framing the difference,
he says, is to call them virtual courts as distinct from
“courts in congregation”. A threejudge Bench headed
by the CJI, in an order earlier this month, laid down
broad norms for courts using videoconferencing and
ratified the validity of virtual judicial proceedings. Two
aspects are not in dispute: the vital necessity to keep
the courts open even during a national lockdown so
that access to justice is not denied to anyone; and se
cond, the need to maintain physical distancing. The Su
preme Court Bar Association has written to the CJI and
other judges that open court hearings should be res
tored at the earliest, subject of course to the lockdown
ending. Citing earlier judgments on the importance of
open court hearings, the SCBA has requested that the
use of video conferencing should be limited to the dura
tion of the current crisis, and not become the “new nor
mal” or go on to replace open court hearings.
The SCBA also has a specific request: that proceed
ings held virtually may also be streamed live so that ac
cess is not limited to the lawyers concerned, but is also
available to the litigants and the public. The court admi
nistration should readily agree to this. Advocates ap
pearing in a particular case are now barred from shar
ing the passwords given to them to join the proceedings
through video conference. While it is theoretically pos
sible for the parties to join their lawyers during the
hearing, in practice they may be unable to travel to
their offices. Media access is also limited. These issues
can be resolved through livestreaming. And in the lon
ger term, it should become the general practice. As the
use of technology is stepped up, courts should consider
other steps that will speed up the judicial process and
reduce courtroom crowding. In the lower courts, evi
dence could be recorded, with the consent of parties,
by virtual means. In the higher courts, a system based
on advance submission of written briefs and allocation
of time slots for oral arguments can be put in place. It
may even lead to more concise judgments. Despite the
possibility of technical and connectivity issues affecting
the process, one must recognise that virtual hearings
are no different from open court conversations, provid
ed access is not limited. The opportunity now to im
prove the judicial process must be utilised well.
Virtual, yet openThe situation forced by the lockdown
must be used to improve judicial processes
JOIN @The_Hindu1
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THE HINDU DELHI
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OPED
A Conference of the Madras Domestic Servants of the European Employers was held.The Hon’ble Mr. M.C. Rajah in the course ofhis presidential address said: “Our demandsare elementary. We have to plead hard forthe most elementary rights of citizenship.We have often to ask that we may be treatedas human beings. It is only the Christian missionaries among the European Employersthat treat us at all sympathetically but withothers our aspirations meet but with littlesympathy. In the Legislative Council, I haveoften been reminded that my interpellationsand resolutions relate to trifling matters.They may be trifling and insignificant tothose engaged in the game of transcendentalpolitics. They may not be so romantic as bigpolitical proposals. But “the toad beneaththe harrow knows exactly where each toothpoint goes.” The Government seems to beunder the impression that by appointing afew men of our community to the councilsof the land, they have done their duty to ourcommunity. I am often told that my being onthe Legislative Council is propositive of theinterest the Government takes in our community. As regards the representation in theLegislative Council, though the Joint Parliamentary Committee had recommended sixseats for us, you do not know what amountof difficulty I had in getting five seats reserved for us. I desire that we should betreated as officeservants and not as despicable slaves.
A HUNDRED YEARS AGO APRIL 28, 1920
Domestic Servants Conference.
How will it all end? Policies to address the worldwide crisis broughtabout by COVID19 must satisfy threecriteria. First, they must aim to minimise the loss of life directly resultingfrom the disease, while recognisingthat there remain deep uncertaintiesabout its true nature.
Second, they must restore the elements of economic and social life assoon as possible, so as to avoid disastrous and lasting consequences, including for other aspects of health,schooling, food security and livelihood. The costs of lockdowns havealready been massive and will deepen if they result in foregone healthtreatments, dropouts from school,and permanent closure of businesses. The direct effect of COVID19 onthe life expectancy of the nonelderlywill be modest. But the indirect effects of the lockdown on health andwellbeing may be severe, especiallyfor poorer persons and countries. Anapproach that values all lives mustgive attention to the costs as well asbenefits of the lockdown, conceivingthe public health comprehensively.
Third, they must aim at a glidepath out of the crisis, that can reasonably be projected to end it onceand for all — not merely to manage itindefinitely through, for instance,periodic lockdowns. That idea hasbeen motivated by abstract epidemiological models which do not takeaccount of other health effects, letalone nonhealth effects, of draconian policies, and which make mechanical assumptions about individuals. On and off policies can resultin deep damage. There are costs involved in starting and stoppingschools and business, but beyondthis, human beings need regularityto plan and act sensibly.
An effective health systemThree directions for policy are suggested by these three criteria. First,infections which do not lead to fatalities or lasting illness must be treatedas on balance desirable, when determining the right balance of policies.This recognises a central tradeoff —
avoiding infection versus gainingpossible populationlevel immunity.As long as the disease is circulatingand no medical breakthrough hasbeen achieved, lockdowns, masstesting, contacttracing and quarantining can only buy time. Reducingthe flow of persons who get the disease in each moment diminishes thestock of those who have been exposed, which extends the duration ofvulnerability of society. This is notspeculation but arithmetic, supposing any degree of immunity fromhaving had the disease. Widespreadtesting and contacttracing can helpto manage the flow of infections andreduce the danger to those especiallyat risk, but would have to be continued indefinitely until a vaccine isdeveloped, and demands adequatepublic health infrastructure, severelyneglected in many countries. Theneed to rebuild an effective basichealth system is underlined by thefew success stories to date in handling the outbreak, such as Kerala.
Testing on a mass scale is far frombeing achieved even in the most advanced countries, let alone others.To add to this, spreading the illnessover time will likely not lower thenumber of deaths in developingcountries to the same degree as indeveloped countries which possesssuperior, although still constrained,curative health infrastructure. As already noted, lockdowns and othermeans of delaying the spread of thedisease come at enormous costs toother pressing societal objectives, including health itself (the already reduced rates of control of other infectious diseases in India and othercountries provides a case in point).Due to different circumstances, the
appropriate strategies for protectinglife may vary across countries evenwhen the end is the same.
Second, policies must make a linkbetween restoration of economicoutput and adequate investment incontaining, indeed ending, the disease. This means that costs of vaccine development, mass testing andother measures attacking the diseasemust be viewed as enjoying a healthysocietal return. The very low contributions so far to the internationalfund to develop a vaccine for the virus shows the scale of mismatch between the losses already incurredworldwide and likely to be incurredin the future, and investments to limit those losses. Failure to financevaccine development is not merefree riding, but borders on suicide,since the prospective gains of individual countries would more than justify paying for the needed investment. Private firms are also beingencouraged to contribute, butshould agree that any breakthroughmust be freely available and benefitall. Recognising the interdependenceinvolved in fighting the disease, andits economic and social consequences, the UN must provide the leadership that has been so far missing.
Smart policiesThird, ‘smart’ design of policies canpermit restoration of economic andsocial life. Such policies should bedesigned and targeted to allow lowerrisk segments of the population toreturn to daily activities, while protecting higherrisk ones. For instance, systematic collection of testresults and other data can be used tomanage restrictions so that they arelocal and temporary. Large and
dense gatherings can be prevented,but others allowed, especially thoseinvolving younger persons. Financialcompensation for lost earnings, andinkind support to limit social contacts, such as services to deliver essential goods to the home, can beprovided to family members andprofessionals who help the elderlyand vulnerable. Public infrastructurefor those who have no suitable alternatives, such as residential facilitiesto support selfisolation where needed, can be developed. Some policychoices will be complementary, forinstance because schools must reopen in order that parents can work.Public actions must enable and encourage desired behaviours, ratherthan restrict and punish undesiredones. Technology can play an assistive role but is no substitute for public understanding and voluntarychoices, fostered by supportive public policies that remove obstaclesand enhance benefits of the behaviours being sought. An approachthat is effective at balancing andachieving the desired goals can andshould also be democratic. The aimmust be to reduce risks and manageinterdependence, rather than tobuild walls, whether around individuals, localities or countries.
Smart policies can include resumption of contacts across nations,for instance by beginning with testing and quarantines of visitors progressively. Now that infection rateshave risen everywhere, the benefit ofcontinued isolation on reducing thespread of the disease is limited, butits other costs are great. It is morefeasible to bring the disease undercontrol in one’s own society throughinternal measures than to ensure itscontrol everywhere. That is likely tobe impossible because of war zones,weak states and broken health systems. A country that has achieved adegree of control over the diseasecan, however, sustain links to theworld with confidence, and need notwait for universal success to begin torestore international contacts.
The right perspective is not one ofbusiness versus life nor of life versuslife, but of life and life, seeking to reconcile goals through sensible measures. The interest of each and the interests of all now coincide, not onlywithin nations but for all humanity.
Sanjay Reddy is professor of economics at the
New School for Social Research in New York
The interest of each and the interests of all now coincide, not only within nations but for all humanity
A policy road map to tackle COVID19
Sanjay Reddy
AP
The lockdown of the country has had a devastating social impact. A recent survey of internal migrant workers found that 42% didnot even have a day’s worth of rations left.The situation in the agricultural sector is alsogrim.
Soon after the lockdown commenced, thePrime Minister apologised for the miserythat his decision had caused, but claimedthat he had “no other option”. However, it isfalse that a total lockdown was unavoidable.A lockdown is not a permanent solution forthe pandemic. Models suggest that, in theabsence of other longterm measures, theepidemic could bounce back when restrictions are eased. Therefore, a lockdown is justa method of buying time to prepare thehealthcare system for a long battle.
A result of government failureBut if the purpose of the lockdown is to gaintime, this begets another question. TheWorld Health Organization declared the novel coronavirus outbreak a “public healthemergency of international concern” on January 30. India was lucky because the virusarrived here relatively late. Why did the government not prepare itself despite severalweeks of advance notice?
If the government had scaled up testingcapability in February, tested and quarantined international travellers from highriskcountries, including asymptomatic travellers, and established stocks of personal protective equipment, a total lockdown couldhave been avoided. India could not have escaped the epidemic entirely, but it couldhave minimised damage to the economy,while keeping infections at a manageable level through testing, contacttracing and, possibly, targeted lockdowns. It follows that thesocial catastrophe caused by the lockdown isthe direct result of the failure of the government to respond to the epidemic in a timelymanner.
In his address to the nation on April 14,the Prime Minister remarked that his government took “quick decisions” to contain thedisease. This myth has allowed the government to escape accountability for its past failures and emboldened it to charge aheadwith problematic policies. An example is theIndian Council of Medical Research (ICMR)’sreluctance to expand the scope of testing.On April 27, India had tested 486 individuals
per million of the population. This is not only more than 50 times lower than the corresponding rate in Italy, it is significantly lowerthan the rate in Pakistan. Almost a week intothe lockdown, on March 30, the ICMR admitted that it was testing at “less than 30%” of itscapacity. This raises serious questions aboutwhether ICMR’s strict testing guidelines arepartly motivated by the desire to keep thenumber of reported infections low and disingenuously suggest that the epidemic is incontrol.
Studies suggest that more than 80% ofthose infected by COVID19 are asymptomatic or only mildly symptomatic. Since such individuals can nevertheless infect others,they must be included in the ambit of testing. Otherwise, they could form the base fora rapid spread of the epidemic.
The role of the peopleThe government must not only collect moredata, it must share and analyse this dataopenly so that people can verify the rationale behind its administrative decisions. Instead, the government has started peddlingnumbers that make no sense. Just before extending the lockdown, the governmentclaimed that India would have had 8 lakhcases by 15 April without the lockdown. Butindependent analysts believe that the lockdown’s role in reducing the number of casesin India has been of a smaller magnitude.
In his address, the Prime Minister statedthat “several countries” which were “at parwith India” a few weeks earlier had gone onto develop “2530 times” more cases. But thedata fail to reveal the existence of any suchcountry. The U.S. and Spain, which have theworld’s highest number of infections had,respectively, 53 and 15 times as many casesas India on the day of the address. But thesecountries have always been ahead of Indiaon the epidemic’s curve. By March 14, theyhad reported 27 and 63 times more cases,respectively, than India.
A crisis provides the state with a ready justification to shun both accountability andtransparency. However, while this might beexpedient for those in power, it does not leadto an effective public health strategy. The virus is immune to political spin and datasuppression. This is why the role of the Indianpeople is crucial, and it goes well beyondlighting candles. We can best contribute inthe country’s battle against the epidemic bykeeping ourselves informed, holding the government to account, and constantly pushing it to adopt policies that are scientific,transparent and peopleoriented.
Suvrat Raju is a physicist with the International Centre
for Theoretical Sciences, Bengaluru. Views expressed
are personal
Lacking in transparencyCitizens must keep themselves informed and push thegovernment to adopt scientific and peopleoriented policies
Suvrat Raju
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DATA POINT
In the month of Ramadan, Muslimsrenew their faith by fasting, participating in family and community dinners, and congregational prayers.This Ramadan is unique, however,because of COVID19, which in mostMuslimmajority countries as well asin India has led to the shutting downof mosques and banning of congregational prayers. The holiest sites of Islam in Mecca and Medina have beensubject to lockdowns as well. MostMuslims have adjusted to the newreality justifying it with reference tothe Prophetic tradition that humanlife is more important than the performance of religious rituals.
Defying ordersThe most visible exception to thisrule is Pakistan where reactionarymullahs have defied government orders and insisted on performing congregational prayers even against thepowerful military’s preferences. Imran Khan’s government has buckledunder this obscurantist pressure andallowed congregational prayers tocontinue. It has attached certain social distancing provisions that are unenforceable in the Pakistani milieu.
This is a signal that the most obscurantist elements in Pakistan arenow capable of calling the shots evenin defiance of the country’s powerfulmilitary brass as well as putting atrisk thousands of lives because oflack of physical distancing. Theseelements, including some religiousparties and jihadist organisations,have been gaining ground politicallyover the years. It is commonly assumed that their political clout hasamplified since General ZiaulHaq’sprogramme of Islamising the countryand Pakistan’s participation in the Afghan “jihad” in the 1980s that, it is argued, changed the political culture ofthe country. While there is a gooddeal of substance to this argument itignores the basic fact that while themovement for Pakistan’s creationwas led by a largely secular elite itwas undertaken in the name of religion, and Islam was touted as the raison d’etre for its establishment.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who wasfrom a peripheral Shia community,
became the QaideAzam of the predominantly Sunni Pakistan movement. He and his lieutenants viewedIslam in instrumental terms. To themit was the most effective tool to mobilise Muslim masses to aggrandisepower while leaving Muslims in theminority provinces, who they considered dispensable, far more vulnerable than they would have been in undivided India. All they wereinterested in was creating a Muslimmajority state over which they couldrule since they could not competewith the Indian National Congress forinfluence and power in a united Indiaafter the British withdrawal.
A slippery slope Pakistan’s founders were not interested in creating an Islamic theocracy. However, less than two years afterPakistan’s independence religiousleaders pressured Prime MinisterLiaquat Ali Khan to include in the Objectives Resolution (which later became the Preamble to Pakistan’s firstConstitution) that sovereignty belongs to Allah who had delegated hisauthority to the state of Pakistan.
This was the first step on the slippery slope towards making Pakistanan ideological Islamic state. It is clearfrom hindsight that despite a fewbumps on the way there was a lineardevelopment from the Objectives Resolution to Zia’s Islamisation and theentrenchment of the most reactionary and jihadist elements, the latterencouraged by the military for itsown ends, in Pakistan’s body politic.
The message that India should imbibe from the Pakistani experience isthat once religion is employed, evenfor instrumental purposes, as theprincipal component of a nation’sidentity, it is inevitable that the mostbigoted religious elements will endup defining the dominant ideology ofthe nation’s polity. The experience ofIsrael teaches the same lesson. Established by a secular elite that used religioethnic identity for instrumentalpurposes, it has ended up empowering Jewish fundamentalists who nowhold the political balance.
Mohammed Ayoob is University Distinguished
Professor Emeritus of International Relations,
Michigan State University
Hostage to obscurantismPakistan’s experience shows whyinstrumentalising religion is dangerous
Mohammed Ayoob
Shops inside temples are a common feature,but a veterinary dispensary functions insidethe Angala Amman Temple in Belur, Salemdistrict. There is a blue board of the AnimalHusbandry Department on the temple tower stating that the Belur veterinary dispensary is functioning within the temple. Whenyour correspondent approached the templegate, he was greeted with the bleatings offour famished goats. Enquiries reveal thatthe veterinary dispensary was located in thetemple a couple of years ago since no suitable site was available nearby and a nominalrent is being paid by the department to thetemple authorities. People belonging to allreligious faiths are permitted to visit the dispensary inside the temple for treating theirailing cattle
FIFTY YEARS AGO APRIL 28, 1970
Veterinary Dispensary Inside Temple
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