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ERSTE FoundationFellowship for Social Research
Labour Market and Employment in Central and Eastern Europe
2013–2014
Ukrainian labour migrants in Poland: part of society or unwanted visitors?Oleksii Polegkyi
1
Oleksii Polegkyi
PhD researcher, Wroclaw University, Poland
Ukrainian labour migrants in Poland: part of society or unwanted visitors?1
Preface The fall of Communism has brought about significant social and economical changes
and consequently, labour migration has reached serious dimensions in the regions of Central
and Eastern Europe. The majority of the countries that make up this territory lacked sufficient
experience in managing labour migration and integrating immigrants into society.
These factors have resulted in the growth of an international mobility experience for
Poles. Poland has become sending emigrant country and simultaneously - the host of the tens
of thousands of foreigners, including legal and illegal immigrants.
This is probably only the first stage of this well-spread phenomenon, ”once
immigration to Poland has been initiated as a mass and long-lasting phenomenon, it will
follow what seems to be a universal European migration cycle”.2
As Marek Kupiszewski and other Polish researchers argue, Poland should be
immensely interested in proper labour migration regulations and practices: as both the
sending country, and the receiving country, aiming to manage migration flows with a view to
meet the emerging labour market shortages and to enhance the overall economic growth of
the country.3 But not less important is the way the majority of Poles perceive these
immigrants in their country. In various studies this factor was found as being practically
insignificant. Poland is a very homogenous society and there is often no adequate
understanding of the social and economic value of labour migration. Moreover, attitudes
towards foreigners might also be an important mediating and decisive factor in Poland’s
immigration process.
1 This research project was developed within the ERSTE Foundation Fellowship for Social Research 2013 2 Górny A., Grabowska-Lusińska I., Lesińska M., Okólski M. (eds) Immigration to Poland: policy, labour market, integration. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2010:18 3 Kupiszewski, Marek (ed.) Demographic developments, labour markets and international migration in Poland - policy challenges. CEFMR Working Paper. Warsaw, 3/2007:17
2
Research objectives and methodology The aim of this research is to provide a comprehensive overview of the Ukrainian
labour migration phenomenon in Poland stemming from an economic, demographic, but
firstly, from a social perspective.
The focus of research will be twofold. The first part comprises the analysis of the
current situation of Ukrainian labour migrants in Poland and their possibilities to integrate
into society. The second focus analyzes the perception of Ukrainian labor migrants in Polish
society, their image in Polish public discourse, and Ukrainians perceive the relations towards
them from the Poles?
Theoretical assumptions Larry Sjaastad4 introduced the human capital model to migration research. This model
treats migration as an investment decision of an individual. The human capital theory assumes
that personal assets such as skills, education, and physical abilities are fundamental “capitals”
that boost economic production. According to this model, migration occurs when the
anticipated future income available at a destination country is greater than the future income
at the individuals’ current location, plus the costs of migration. Besides migration costs, all
kinds of expenses associated with moving abroad have to be taken into account, including the
psychological costs of leaving family and friends behind. The main contribution of the human
capital approach is that we should not only pay attention to add labour market variables like
wage and unemployment differences, but should also consider the importance of the
heterogeneity of individuals and their social backgrounds.
According to Bauer and Zimmermann5, individuals calculate the present discounted
value of expected returns of their human capital in every region, including their homeland,
depending on their skill levels. Migration occurs, if the returns, net of the discounted costs of
movement, are larger in a potential destination region than the returns in the country of origin.
The costs of movement not only include material expenses like differences in the costs of
living and foregone earnings, but also the social and psychological costs that arise , for
example, from the separation from family and friends. Every individual evaluates the returns
and costs in a different way, depending on personal characteristics such as age, gender, and
level of education. According to this approach, it is expected that an increase in immigration
4 Sjaastad, L. A. "The Costs and Returns of Human Migration," The Journal of Political Economy, 70, 1962: 80-93 5 Bauer Thomas K., Zimmermann Klaus F. ‘Assessment of Possible Migration Pressure and its Labour Market Impact Following EU Enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe’. IZA Research Report No. 3, July 1999:15-16
3
may causes a decline in wages of the receiving country and could also lead to increased
unemployment. Both declining wages and increasing unemployment in the receiving country
might, therefore, make it beneficial for individuals to move on to another region or to return
home. Individuals within the same country can display very different propensities to migrate,
because the rate of remuneration on specific human capital characteristics is different in the
destination and receiving country. The human capital approach concludes that the probability
of obtaining a job in the destination country depends on the skill level of the migrants and
their incentives to invest in destination-specific human-capital.
Research Methodology This study draws from a variety of source, including, a combination of desk review,
research reports, a qualitative analysis of a secondary data and a primary data collected using
qualitative semi-structured interviews with Ukrainian working migrants.
Analyzing the Ukrainian labour migration phenomenon in Poland and social
perception of the character and scale of migratory movements requires the following methods,
which will be employed in the research:
Analysis of official documents, statistical data and previous studies on
regional developments and migration trends in Poland
Results of public opinion polls
Qualitative method: semi-structured interviews with Ukrainian labour
migrants. The collection and analysis of semi-structured interviews will be an
initial qualitative assessment
A sample Selection Criteria for qualitative semi-structured interviews was based on
the Snow ball criteria. The sample size is dependent on the ability of the researcher to reach
his or her respondents according to the limited time of the research (we based ours on 14 in-
depth interviews conducted in 2013 with Ukrainian migrants). These semi-structured in-depth
interviews, range from one hour to one and a half hours with all participants. All the
interviews, were conducted in Ukrainian or in Russian, transcribed, translated and coded.
Each participant referred at most 2-3 contacts
There should be a minimum of 5 points of entry
Gender: respectively to gender proportions of working Ukrainian migrants in
Poland 50% of female and 50% of male
4
Two categories of labour migrants have been interviewed:
Low skills and seasonal labour migrants (50%)
High skills labour migrants (50%)
Sampling location: Mazowiecke Wojewódstwo (Warsaw region), Dolnośląnskie
Wojewódstwo (Wroclaw).
Respondents have been interviewed under the conditions of confidentiality.
Short overview of Ukrainian situation The collapse of the USSR transformed migration on the post-Soviet territory from an
internal to an external one and brought therefore, a significant increase in the cross-border
mobility of the population. Nowadays, Ukraine is among the most prominent countries in the
world with a large number of international migrants. Ukraine is simultaneously a country of
origin, transit, and destination for migrants. These immigrants coming to Ukraine are mainly
from former Soviet republics.6 But also some transit migrants (mainly from different regions
of Asia) who did not succeed entering to the European Union stayed in Ukraine.
Ukraine currently supplies significant labour to the European Union countries, but
only an insignificant part of migrant workers from Ukraine become legal migrants in their
destination countries. The majority of these people works undocumented, and is therefore
considered irregular migrant workers.7
An important trend contributing to the Ukrainian labour situation is the increase in
labour migration, driven mainly by economic reasons. The major problem of the Ukrainian
labour market is the high rate of unemployment in some regions (official statistics do not
reflect the real number of unemployed persons) and unsatisfactory wages. The huge
difference in salary between Ukraine and European countries pushes a significant share of the
population to search employment abroad.
The deep economic crisis in Ukraine in the 1990’s provoked the huge migrations flow.
The fall of the GDP in Ukraine was the worst among all of the countries in the Eastern Europe
region (between 1990 and 1999, the GDP fell by 59.2%, according to Ukrainian State
Statistics Service), The situation changed a little bit in the mid-2000’s, due to some revival of
the Ukrainian economy (average annual GDP growth of 8.5% in the years 2000-2008) and
hopes related to the success of the so-called “Orange Revolution”. Introduction of visa
6 MPC – Migration profile: Ukraine, 2013, http://www.migrationpolicycentre.eu/docs/migration_profiles/Ukraine.pdf 7 Migration in Ukraine: A Country Profile 2008. International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2008:12
5
regimes for trips to the neighbouring Central European countries (Czech Republic and
Slovakia introduced a visa regime for Ukrainian citizens in 2000, Poland and Hungary in
2003) and also some revival of the Ukrainian economy contributed to a minor decrease of
labour migration in the mid2000’s. However, the financial crisis of 2008-2009 and the
political instability in Ukraine has destroyed the hopes for changes in the labour market.
According to different studies, the overall stock of Ukrainian migrants working abroad
after 1990 ranged from 1 to 5 million persons. The official statistics registered 2.7 million
Ukrainian emigrants between 1991 and 2010. Around 2 million of them emigrated to post-
Soviet countries and around 700,000 emigrated towards other countries.8
As a result of a nationwide sociological survey conducted by the Institute of
Sociology at the National Academy of Science of Ukraine until 2006, 15.7 per cent of
Ukrainian families have had at least one or more members with the experience of temporary
labour migration.9
(See: Figure 1)
The first large-scale survey on labour migration, conducted by the State Statistics
Committee of Ukraine (SSC) in 2001 in 8 oblasts of Ukraine (covered 8,000 households with
18,000 working-age individuals), allowed assessing temporary labour migrations abroad at
that time. The number was 2.3 – 2.7 million people or 10% of the working age population10.
According to the EU-funded Project “Effective Governance of Labour Migration and
its Skills Dimensions”, implemented by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and
shared with the International Organization of Migration (IOM) in 2012, 1.2 million
Ukrainians, or 3.4% of the population worked abroad. Almost half of them (48.5%) were
short-term migrant workers.11
According to a State Statistics Committee survey on labour migration conducted in
2008, about 50% of the emigrated Ukrainians work in Russia, others - in the neighbouring
Central European countries (Poland, Czech Republic) as well as in the Southern European
countries (Italy, Spain, Portugal). If before the crisis of 2008, Poland occupied the forth place
as a destination country for Ukrainian labours, in 2012 it moved to second place, after Russia.
(See: Figure 2)
8 It should be noted that official statistics significantly underreport population’s migration movements. The first Ukrainian Census of 2001 revealed that actual losses of the population due to migration were 1.7 times higher than stated in figures from the current records mentioned above. See: Libanova, E., (ed.), Complex demographic research in Ukraine, (Комплексне демографічне дослідження в Україні). Ukrainian center for social reforms, Kyiv. 2005: 144 9 Ukrainian Society 1992-2006 / Ed. by V.Vorona, M.Shulga. – Kyiv, Institute of Sociology NAC, 2006: 546. (in Ukrainian) 10 Researches in the field of labour migration: Ukraine: analytic report, ILO, Kyiv, 2005 11 Source: http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/ukraine/press_corner/all_news/news/2013/2013_05_31_2_uk.htm
6
The increasing attractiveness of Poland caused by economic crisis and growing
unemployment in the EU, especially in countries of southern Europe (where previously many
Ukrainian migrants worked), and a more restrictive immigration policy adopted by the
majority of EU countries in comparison with Poland. An important role is played also by a
developed network of Ukrainian immigrants in Poland.
The degree of economic divergence between Ukraine's regions is significant. These
economic disparities and asymmetric development paths between the regions have to be
perceived as one of the factors explaining the current geographical distribution pattern.
(See: Figure 3)
In general, the population of western Ukraine is more involved in labour migrations
than people residing in other parts of the country. It can be explained by the low level of
industry development in the western part of Ukraine; other key factors include EU border
proximity, established migration networks, personal, and cultural ties.
Temporary labour emigration has a stronger influence on the domestic labour market,
particularly on the level and scale of unemployment. According to the calculations of experts
at the Institute of Demography of NASU, the unemployment rate would be 1.6 times higher in
2008, if there would have been no labour migration.12
Remittances have a stabilizing, anti-crisis effect on the economy of Ukraine.
Remittances flowing from labour migrants working to Ukraine are an increasingly important
source of extra income for migrant families. According to World Bank, the total amount of
remittances in 2012 exceeded 6.5 billion USD that were transferred into Ukraine. The
National Bank of Ukraine suggests an even higher figure of USD 7.5 billion for 2012, which
accounts for 4% of GDP in Ukraine, with informal transfer channels constituting
approximately 14% of the total flow.13
The legal status of Ukrainian labours abroad improved due to migration amnesties in
several destination countries (Italy, Spain, Portugal) and to new legislations on foreign
employment (Russia and Poland). According to the survey, in 2008, 35.1% of labour migrants
had permits for work and residence, 39.3% had temporary registration, and 25.6% stayed
abroad without any official status. The biggest share of such irregular migrants was reported
12 Kalicka V. et al., (2009): Establishment of the middle class in Ukraine: dominating idea of national strategy of Ukraine [Stanovlennya seredniogo klasu v Ukraini: dominant nacionalnoi strategii Ukrainy], Kyiv, p. 234 13 National Bank of Ukraine (NBU), 2013, http://www.bank.gov.ua/doccatalog/document?id=80651
7
for Poland (56.2%) and Italy (36.2%), while the lowest number was reported for Spain. 14
(See: Figure 4)
According to survey performed by the Razumkov Centre Sociological Service in
April, 2010, quite a large number of respondents reported readiness to look for a job abroad.
However, the number of people who were not ready to look for a job outside the country
borders increased compared to 2003 (respectively, 60.3% and 52.6%). The share of people
ready to look for legal work abroad decreased (from 32.6% to 26%), of those disposed to seek
illegal earnings – remained stable (respectively, 8.7% and 8%). More inclined to work abroad
are residents of the West and Centre, persons under the age of 4015.
(See: Figure 5)
Labour migration of Ukrainian citizens became large-scale and is linked to numerous
social challenges, but the full-fledged policy focusing on this issue has not been formulated
yet. According to Libanova and Malynovska, the major regulatory activities are: “control of
activities of recruiting agencies providing services of employment abroad; diplomatic efforts
related to conclusion of the inter-country agreements on employment and social security; and
counteraction to human trafficking”.16
Migration may have positive effects on individual members of the family or on the
income of people; however for the family as a whole, it has a disintegrating effect. An
increase in the share of women among the labour migrants and their commitment to stay
abroad is one of the reasons for family crisis and dissolutions, and problems with raising
children left in Ukraine. The outflow of the most active inhabitants of rural settlements and
depressed regions, narrows development opportunities in these settlements and regions and
deepens regional disproportions.
Specifics of Poland Poland is in the first stage of transforming from typical emigration into an emigration
and immigration country. The large scale outflow of labour force from Poland led to serious
population losses and to the establishment of migratory patterns and networks in other EU
countries. The new mobility patterns in Poland that transformed it from an emigration only to
an emigration and-immigration country. Till the present days, Poland has maintained its status
14 Libanova E., Malynovska O. Social Impact of Emigration and Rural-Urban Migration in Central and Eastern Europe. Final Country Report: Ukraine. European Commission, DG Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, 2012 15 Razumkov Centre Sociological Service, 2010, p.14 http://www.razumkov.org.ua/upload/Yurchyshyn_SIDA_employment_poll.pdf 16 Libanova E., Malynovska O. Social Impact of Emigration and Rural-Urban Migration in Central and Eastern Europe. Final Country Report: Ukraine. European Commission, DG Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, 2012: 26
8
as a net sender in European migratory flows. A novelty was the experience of inflow of
immigrants that triggered a need for the new regulation and policies responding to the new
phenomena.17 “Poland – traditionally a migrant-exporting country – cannot yet solidify its
status as a migration destination country, neither statistically nor in terms of migration’s
importance in the public discourse”.18
On the Polish labour market we can currently observe two parallel processes: from
one side – a considerable unemployment rate (according to Polish GUS more than 14% in
2012), and the lack of labour in some segments of labour markets, enhanced by emigration of
specialists and skilled workers to other EU countries.
Although the recent post-accession migratory and labour market developments in
Poland, still represents more of a sending, than a receiving country in the European labour
migration system, but as Marek Kupiszewski argues, the revealed labour market shortages
clearly indicate that the immigration to Poland is likely to rise in the future. In his opinion,
Poland should be immensely interested in proper labour migration regulations and practices:
first as a sending country, aiming to offer best protection and employment conditions to Poles
abroad, and secondly as a receiving country, aiming to manage migration flows with a view
to meet the emerging labour market shortages.19 The picture of present-day scale of migrants
in the Polish labour market does not foretell a future massive and institutionalised inflow of
immigrant labour. However, as other Polish researchers believe20, “current immigration levels
may be sustained and indeed a massive, institutionalised influx may occur due to employers’
strategies, such as a growing demand for foreign labour in the secondary labour market”. But
in the nearest future, Poland will need foreigners used as a substitute for domestic labours
with possible emergence of ethnic enclaves and continued segmentation of the labour market.
Demographic situation in Poland In 2004 the population of Poland officially amounted to about 38.2 million permanent
residents, however this number does not take into account the long-term legacy of
unregistered emigration.
17 See: Okólski M. The effects of political and economic transition on international migration in Central and Eastern Europe, in: Massey, D.S., Taylor, J.E. (eds.), International migration: prospects and policies in global market. Oxford University Press, 2004c; Kupiszewski Marek (ed.) Demographic developments, labour markets and international migration in Poland - policy challenges. CEFMR Working Paper. Warsaw, 3/2007 18 Górny A., Grabowska-Lusińska I., Lesińska M., Okólski M. (Eds.) Poland: becoming a country of sustained immigration. IDEA Working paper, 2009:117 19 Kupiszewski Marek (ed.) Demographic developments, labour markets and international migration in Poland - policy challenges. CEFMR Working Paper. Warsaw, 3/2007 20 Górny A., Grabowska-Lusińska I., Lesińska M., Okólski M. (Eds.) Poland: becoming a country of sustained immigration. IDEA Working paper, 2009:117
9
POPULATION ABSENT IN 2004—2011 DUE TO DEPARTURE ABROAD FOR
TEMPORARY STAY BY COUNTRIES OF STAY — ESTIMATES (in thousands)
(The presented estimates should be treated as approximates given the differentiated
data sources — national and international ones)
Year: 2002 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
TOTAL 786 1000 1450 1950 2270 2210 2100 2000 206021
In the forecast, the global population size of Poland is expected to decline from 38.2
million in 2004 to between 29.4 and 30.3 million people (corresponding to a decline by 21–
23%), respectively under the ‘Stagnation and Control’ (S&C) and ‘Development and
Liberalisation’ (D&L) migration scenarios till 2054. The results for the overall labour force
resources include a decline from 17.2 million in 2004, to between 12.3 and 12.8 million
people respectively under the S&C or D&L migration scenarios.22
In Poland, the official age of retirement is 60 years for women and 65 for men. Under
the assumptions of the forecast, with life expectancy in 2054 foreseen to equal 80.4 years for
males and 85.8 years for females, such retirement ages are impossible to uphold, especially as
they are very unfavorable for women in terms of the height of their future pensions.
So, from a demographic point of view, the long-term reduction of population loss can
be achieved through a fertility increase. The second possible option to reduce the imbalance
of population structures resulting from the ageing process is an increased migration. Although
the second option will not change the demographic situation radically, because the migrants
are also getting older over time, it can change the situation in the labour market at least short-
time.
Analysis and forecasts for the demand for workers on the Polish labour market show
that, over the next ten years, shortage of workers on the Polish labour market and the
consequent need for foreign workers is unlikely to occur. According to M. Szylko-Skoczny
and M. Duszczyk in 2020, the level of immigration to Poland will be, depending on the
scenario, 30 to 80 per cent higher than in 2008 (average near 50 per cent). However, the
demand scale for foreign workers depends on the economic situation in Poland, and on
whether structural reforms will be implemented in coming years. At the same time, as Szylko-
Skoczny and Duszczyk claim, the scale of employment of foreign nationals on the grey
market still remains unknown. Furthermore, analysis indicates that between 2009 - 2020 the
21 The Demographic Yearbook of Poland 2012. Central Statistical Office of Poland, Warszawa, 2012, Tabl. 58 (222) 22 Kupiszewski Marek (ed.) Demographic developments, labour markets and international migration in Poland - policy challenges. CEFMR Working Paper. Warsaw, 3/2007:7-18
10
occupational structure of foreign workers in Poland will be subject to transformation. The
relative proportion of low-skilled construction workers and those employed in agriculture will
fall, while the percentage of foreign nationals employed in positions of low and medium level
service sectors will increase.23 As a result, in the future, the employment of foreigners may
not be a matter of choice – rather one of necessity for some sectors of Polish economy.
Polish migration policy has been becoming more open to immigrants between the
years 2009 and 2011, especially immigrants needed by the Polish economy (seasonal workers,
foreign students and graduates, highly-skilled migrants).
The issue of immigrants’ integration had a low priority for policymakers ”due to a
relatively small scale of inflows and their mostly seasonal or transit character, rarely resulting
in settlement”24. There is no will among policymakers and politicians to encourage
immigrants to settle in Poland. We can agree with Gorny and others that “migration policy in
Poland, being a set of ad hoc and post factum activities carried out without a migration policy
doctrine and combined with restrictive rules of entry, work and settlement for foreigners does
not favour more institutionalized inflows and settlement of immigrants”.25
Poles’ attitude to immigrants of other nationalities Attitudes towards foreigners from the native population might also be an important
decisive factor for coming to Poland. In various studies this factor was found as being
practically insignificant. According to Gorny and others26, probably due to the very small
amount of migrants living in Poland, few Poles had the chance to directly contact or
collaborate with a foreigner. On the other hand, as foreigners usually remained almost
‘invisible’, “they did not provide the native people with frequent opportunities to express any
particular attitudes or dispositions. According to a majority of foreigners, however, the
contacts they had with Poles hardly discouraged them from staying in Poland or coming there
again”. 27
23 Szylko-Skoczny M., Duszczyk M. Polish immigration policy – opportunities and challenges for the labour market. University of Warsaw, Institute of Social Policy, 2010: 17, http://www.ips.uw.edu.pl/pliki/badania/politimigrac_rynekpracy2010/immigr_policy_en.pdf 24 Górny A., Grabowska-Lusińska I., Lesińska M., Okólski M. (Eds.) Poland: becoming a country of sustained immigration. IDEA Working paper, 2009:76 25 Ibid: Górny A., Grabowska-Lusińska I., Lesińska M., Okólski M. (Eds.) Poland: becoming a country of sustained immigration. IDEA Working paper, 2009:118 26 Gorny A., Grabowska-Lusinska I., Lesinska M., Okolski M. (Eds) Poland: becoming a country of sustained immigration. Warszawa, 2009 27 Ibid: Gorny and others, 2009:27
11
Polish society in general, as considered by some Polish sociologists,28 is at least
reluctant to strangers. These kinds of attitudes facilitated by the fact that the average Pole had
very limited contacts with foreigners and foreign workers were a completely unknown
phenomenon.29 Over the years, Poland was a country of emigrants providing European and
non-European labour markets, rather than a destination country for a migration.
Poles' attitudes to other nationalities depend on many factors: national stereotypes,
current socioeconomic events, historical legacies, personal experiences, and many others.
Generally, Poles declare sympathy for these nations, who represent a positive reference group
for them, determine the level of their ambitions and aspirations, and represent the world to
which they want to belong. Their friendly feelings arouse therefore, first at all to nations
where the level of socio-economic development is higher than in Poland. Other factors
include cultural proximity, historical events, current social and political events, and personal
experience. For many years, Poles have had a better attitude to nationalities of Western
Europe. This distribution of sympathy is associated with the stereotypical image of the rich,
developed “West” and poor, backward “East”. This stereotype is confirmed by objective
measures of socio-economic development.
We can identify at least two contrary opinions within the debates on migrants in
Poland. On the one hand, there is a position that wants to protect Poland from an
“immigration flood”, which can damage Polish culture and society. On the other hand, there is
the perspective applying more economic arguments, based on the needs of immigration due to
some gaps within certain segments of the labour market.
As is indicated by public opinion polls, with years Poles have become more open to
foreigners, in comparison to the 1990’s, although quite a strong negative attitude is still
palpable towards other nations. These attitudes have evolved significantly, from almost
unequivocally highly favourable towards all nationalities to far less favourable and strongly
differentiated with respect to migrants’ nationalities. The highest level of sympathy and
tolerance was notable towards the westerners; the lowest level towards Romanians (in popular
perception – Gypsies), “Russians” (including Ukrainians and Belarusians) and Jews (Jews,
28 See: Konieczna, Joanna. Polacy-Ukraińcy, Polska-Ukraina. Paradoksy stosunków sąsiedzkich.[Polish-Ukrainians, Poland-Ukraine. The paradoxs of neitbouring relations] Uniwersytet Warszawski, Warsaw, 2003 29 Also, we can look at the amount of Poles who have been abroad at least once. Since 1993, the proportion of people with experience of foreign travel has increased systematically (20 % in total). At present, over two-thirds of Poles (69%) declare having been abroad at least once, while less than one-third (31%) have never left the country (see: Figure 6). Source: Polish public opinion. CBOS, November 2012
12
not Israelis). However, no extreme feelings and behaviours towards any ethnic or national
group were exhibited.30
According to a survey conducted in 2012 (Polish public opinion, CBOS)31, about one-
third of the respondents expressed sympathy towards Russians, Belarusians, Armenians, the
Chinese, Ukrainians and the Vietnamese (those nationalities represent the biggest ethnic
minorities in Poland). The attitude to these nations is characterized by a small plurality of
positive feelings, and in some cases positive and negative feelings are equally common.
From a longer perspective, it is clear that the attitude to a vast majority of nationalities
has improved. While sympathy and antipathy to Ukrainians is equal, the improvement in
attitude to them has been the strongest. Compared with 1993, the proportion of respondents
who display sympathy towards them has grown three-fold, while the number of respondents
who expressed dislike decreased by half.
(See: Figure 8)
As can be observed from the analysis of Public Opinion Research Centre, the relation
to other nations depends primarily on the level of education and financial situation of
respondents. The higher the education, the more frequent the declarations of sympathy were
for the nations, and particularly noticeable is the difference between, on the one hand, people
with university degrees (average level of sympathy to other nations in this group is 16.8
(average 14.4), on the other hand - primary education (9.2) and vocational education (10.9).
Respondents with higher education also characterized by a much lower than average level of
hostility towards other nations (6.2). Relations with other nations clearly differentiate the
financial situation of the respondents. The groups differentiated by age, where older people -
over 65 years of age were the only ones to differ and were characterized by a low level of
sympathy for other nations (mean 9.8), although low levels of hostility (6.7). Taking into
account the declared political orientations, it can be noticed that a positive attitude towards
other nations was expressed by respondents who support centrist and liberal parties (mainly
Platforma Obywatelska) – meaning, 15.4, and the least - those politically indifferent (10.2).32
30 See: ‘Stosunek Polaków do innych narodów’ [Poles' attitudes to other nations] CBOS, Public Opinion Research Centre, Warsaw, February 2013 31 (See: Figure 7) 32 Ibid: Stosunek Polaków do innych narodów. [Poles' attitudes to other nations] CBOS, Public Opinion Research Centre, Warsaw, February 2013:9-11
13
According to another research33, a relatively small group of respondents (17%) believe
that the influx of citizens of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine to work in Poland will have positive
effects for them personally, and the third of respondents (32%) - expected negative effect. The
majority of respondents (55%) recognize the benefits for the national economy and the fourth
respondents (25%) see it as a threat. The better educated the respondents were, the more they
recognized the economic benefits. The vast majority of respondents (77%) believe that
companies employing foreigners have benefits from incoming labour migrants.
Ukrainian labours in Poland Ukrainians represent the most significant group in terms of legal immigrants and
irregular foreign workers in Poland. Knowledge on illegal participation of foreigners in the
Polish labour market is very limited, as well as research on the shadow economy. According
to S. Golinowska, analyses based on registered employment only showed that the largest
demand for foreign labour is generated by small and medium-size enterprises; however, this is
not relevant to their share in the total number of active companies in Poland.34
The analysis of number of residence permits issued to foreign citizens (Office for
Foreigners) reveals that Ukraine is the country sending to Poland the largest number of
foreigners.
(See: Figure 9)
Biggest group of foreigners according to type of residence permit and citizenship, 2002 Citizenship Ukrainian Russian Belarusian Vietnamese Category [%] number [%] number [%] number [%] number permanent residence 23% 6 723 14% 4 016 7% 2 023 6% 1 666 temporary residence 29% 6 610 8% 1 912 8% 1 820 4% 806
Total foreign population (long-term status): permanent residence: 29 748, temporary
residence: 23 03235
33 Szylko-Skoczny M., Duszczyk M. Polish immigration policy – opportunities and challenges for the labour market. University of Warsaw, Institute of Social Policy, 2010:13 http://www.ips.uw.edu.pl/pliki/badania/politimigrac_rynekpracy2010/immigr_policy_en.pdf 34 Golinowska, S. (ed.) Popyt na pracę cudzoziemców.Polska i sąsiedzi [The demand for foreign labour. Poland and neighbouring countries]. Institute of Labour and Social Studies, Warsaw 2004 35 Source: National Census of Population, Central Statistical Office of Poland, Warszawa 2002
14
FOREIGNERS WHO RECEIVED PERMIT FOR SETTLEMENT AND
RESIDENCEF OR A FIXED PERIOD BY CITIZENSHIP
For settlement For residence for a fixed period Year: 2000 2005 2009 2010 2011 2000 2005 2009 2010 2011 TOTAL: 858 3589 2936 3336 3733 15039 22625 30563 30451 29650 Ukraine: 156 1518 1280 1553 1690 3216 8304 8490 8427 816536 Number of people who hold a valid residence permit (as of 31.12.2012) by citizenship and type of permit.37
Citizenship Assylum Permanet residence
Permanet residence of EU
Temporary residence Total
UKRAINE 2 16 329 1 940 15 980 34 303
Total 2 369 47 908 5 722 54 503 111 971 In the nineties trade was a main activity undertaken by Ukrainians in Poland. Travels
abroad became an important aspect of survival for many Ukrainian families. The petty traders,
so called “shuttles”, bringing small amounts of goods to sell across the border, gained
incomes from the difference in prices and exchange rates. At the same time, the experience
gained by the “shuttles” and the established contacts with locals gave possibilities for
Ukrainian citizens to find jobs in Polish the labour market. This period was characterised by
irregular labour migration, i.e. the majority of Ukrainian labour migrants moved to European
countries on tourist visas and worked there without working permits. 38
Finally, trade was replaced by short term employment as a main economic activity of
Ukrainians in Poland. Migrants situated in less favorable segments of labour market chose
activities that were not so attractive for Polish workers. In the nineties, labour migration of
Ukrainian citizens was mostly spontaneous and developed as a form of self organization of
society.
Until October 2003, Ukrainians benefited from a non-visa entrance; afterwards they
had a quiet easy access with tourist visas. As a result, up until December 2007 and the
36 The Demographic Yearbook of Poland 2012. Central Statistical Office of Poland, Warszawa, 2012: 458 37 Source: Office for Foreigners in Poland. Statistics. http://www.udsc.gov.pl/Zestawienia,roczne,233.html 38 Libanova E., Malynovska O. Social Impact of Emigration and Rural-Urban Migration in Central and Eastern Europe. Final Country Report: Ukraine. European Commission, DG Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, 2012.
15
enlargement of the Schengen area, the trend of illegal work on the basis of legal stay visas and
documents was the most characteristic feature of the Ukrainian immigration. Ukrainians who
are engaged in circular migration in and out of Poland do not differ in appearance from Poles,
who worked in Western Europe39. Poland’s protective to local labour forces labour policy and
a liberal visa policy for eastern neighbours were the principal factors which led to the circular
type of mobility and temporariness of the migration process in the case of the eastern
neighbours. 40
The new visa regime brought about administrative and bureaucratic procedures that
complicated mobility. What was before the fluid movement across the border became
characterized by long curves, customs, higher money expenses and other difficulties.
Ukrainian migrant workers in Poland can be categorized by their legal status as
follows:
• persons with a permanent residence permit simultaneously securing the right of
unlimited employment;
• persons with a temporary residence and employment permit;
• persons staying legally temporarily (education, tourism or private purposes) and
working illegally in Poland;
• persons staying illegally and working illegally in a foreign country.
Workers belonging to the first two categories are best protected in legal terms.
Some Ukrainian citizens with Polish roots are working in Poland on the basis of Polish
Charter (Karta Polaka). In 2008 a new legal measure for ethnic Poles was came into force.
Ethnic Poles originating from states of the former Soviet Union, who were awarded the Karta
Polaka could enjoy certain advantages when staying in Poland. They can take up any legal
occupation (including being self-employed) without a work permit, also it allows its holder
easier to get an entry visa. Moreover, those in possession of the Karta Polaka will receive free
access to educational institutions, the health system in emergencies and some other benefits.
But Karta Polaka will not entitle its holder to settle in Poland, nor will the holder acquire
Polish citizenship. Till the end of 2012, by Polish Consulate in Ukraine was awarded more
than 46 thousands of Karta Polaka.
39 See: Iglicka K., Gmaj K., Borodzicz-Smoliński W. Circular Migration Patterns. Migration between Ukraine and Poland. European University Institute. Italy, 2010 40 Bieniecki Miroslaw, Ukrainian labour migrations to Poland, in: Marie Jelinkova, Ian Cook (ed.) Visegrad Moves, Multicultural Centrer Prague, Warszawa 2007
16
Following IOM Kiev analysis41 the occupational status of the Ukrainian labour
migrants varies in different countries. In Poland, employment in agriculture prevails (66.7%
of female migrants). Although construction is the main sector of employment of male
migrants in all destination countries, a share of those employed in transport is large in Russia
(11.1%), while more than a quarter of migrants are employed in agriculture in Poland.
Ukrainian women follow a pattern similar to Polish women working as domestic
workers abroad, circulating on a regular basis between their country of origin and the host
country, entering the latter legally, but in general engaging in unregistered employment. This
category of migrants usually stays in Poland for three months (on the basis of tourist visa). In
the periods of their absence in Poland they are replaced by relatives or acquaintances. Women
replace each other since they do not want to lose their job. Prevalence of Ukrainian females
within the frames of domestic services is so significant that the label “Ukrainian lady” has
become nearly a synonym of a foreign housekeeper in Poland. They are hired mainly because
they are cheaper but also because they work hard and are ready to work flexible hours”. 42
Without Ukrainian seasonal workers it would be very difficult for small agricultural
enterprises and even for some sectors to find enough labour for peak seasonal work. The costs
of social contributions and taxes are very high for employers. The Ukrainian workers
themselves don’t put pressure employers to legalize their work as it would reduce their wages.
Both sides ignore the risk of being punished – in private houses or small rural communities it
is minimal.
Ukrainian seasonal workers stay in Poland usually for no longer than three months,
concentrated mainly in agricultural and construction sectors, and after this period they return
back to home. Working in Poland, they occupy those segments of the labour market that are
not attractive to the local labour force and do not obtain rights of residence and labour for
longer than this period.
In the agricultural sector people frequently seek employment with the same employee
for several seasons. Information about agricultural work in Poland is usually distributed
through migrant networks and drivers who, acting as informal work-intermediaries, are eager
to bring migrants to work. A crucial role is played by such a “bus driver” who brings
Ukrainians to Poland and is a contact person and a mediator between potential employer and
seasonal employees. Ukrainians usually work unofficially, however sometimes Polish farmers
41 IOM Kiev. Labour Migration Assessment for the WNIS Region, International Organization for Migration. Kiev, 2007 42 Iglicka K., Gmaj K., Borodzicz-Smoliński W. Circular Migration Patterns. Migration between Ukraine and Poland. European University Institute. Italy, 2010:12 http://www.eui.eu/Projects/METOIKOS/Documents/CaseStudies/METOIKOScasestudyPolandUkraine.pdf
17
provide the migrant with housing registration. Nevertheless, migrants are exposed to police
checks, a fact that limits their freedom of mobility in Poland. As a result, their ability to
develop social ties to Poles as well as their integration potential suffers.43
In 2006 a pilot project was introduced in which citizens of Ukraine, Belarus and
Russia could work without a work permit up to three months of the year. Currently, citizens
of five countries (Ukraine, Belarus, Russia, Moldova, and Georgia) can work without a work
permit when an employer registers in the local Labour Office a declaration of intention to
employ a person for no longer than 6 months per year. 44
As can be seen from the statistics of the Polish Ministry of Labour and Social Policy,
the employment of foreigners in Poland, in 2012, apparently decreased (compare to 2010-
2011). In 2012 39, 144 work permits were issued, compared to 40,808 in 2011(decrease is
4%). The downward trend was also observed in the case registered at labour offices, where
employers stated their intention to employ a foreigner. The statistics show that in 2011, there
were 259 777 declarations on the intention to employ foreigners submitted by the employers,
in comparison to 180073 submitted in 2010. And so, in 2012, the labour offices registered
243 736 employer statements of intention, so it is more that 16 thousands (6%) less than in
2011.45
Ukrainians, however, still have the highest activity among foreigners in the context of
migration to Poland (near 52% of all work permits and more than 90% of the recorded
statements of employers).46
FOREIGNERS WHO RECEIVED WORK PERMIT IN POLAND BY CITIZENSHIP AND
PERIOD OF PERMIT’S VALIDITY
year 2005 2008 2009 2010 2011 TOTAL: 11 151 21 733 32 410 37 121 40 808 Ukraine: 2 897 6 321 10 200 13 150 18 669 47
43 Poland: becoming a country of sustained immigration. (Eds.) Górny A., Grabowska-Lusińska I., Lesińska M., Okólski M. IDEA Working paper, 2009:86 44 Szylko-Skoczny M., Duszczyk M.Polish immigration policy – opportunities and challenges for the labour market. University of Warsaw, Institute of Social Policy, 2010, http://www.ips.uw.edu.pl/pliki/badania/politimigrac_rynekpracy2010/immigr_policy_en.pdf 45 Source: Office for Foreigners in Poland. Statistics. 46 Sourse: Minister of Labour and Social Policy. http://www.mpips.gov.pl/analizy-i-raporty/cudzoziemcy-pracujacy-w-polsce-statystyki/ 47 The Demographic Yearbook of Poland 2012. Central Statistical Office of Poland, Warszawa, 2012:461
18
The foreigners employed on the basis of the above mentioned declaration are mainly
citizens of Ukraine. The branches of economy in which Ukrainians work were mainly in
sectors characterized by seasonal increases and decreases in employment, namely
construction and agriculture. The popularity of such forms of employment is probably due to
the seasonal nature of that kind of work, since it is possible to employ the foreigner on the
basis of the employer’s declaration only for a period not exceeding 6 months in 12
consecutive months. If after six months the employer is still willing to hire the foreigner, the
only possibility to do this is through a work permit application. The work permit, in turn, is
issued for a fixed period of a maximum of three years and may be renewed.
So, we can observe the formation of a typical temporary labour migration system.
Therefore, questions arise as to whether the Ukrainian seasonal workers are integrated into
Polish society, whether it is possible to measure the degree of integration, and whether the
integration approach should be examined critically in view of the existing and functioning
system of temporary labour migration.
Relations with Poles in the eyes of Ukrainian labour migrants48 Ukrainian immigrants are often perceived in Poland as being able to integrate to Polish
society in a smoother and less troublesome manner. Ukrainians have a similar language and
cultural code, which allows them to successfully accommodate in Poland without needing any
special integration programs. This is related to a long history of common neighborhoods, and
geographical, linguistic, and cultural proximity.
In the eyes of Ukrainian workers, Poland is an attractive country - better
developed and organized than Ukraine. It is associated with current issues rather than the
historical past. Some of the dominant elements in this picture are successful Polish
reforms and well-functioning economy and government.
“Look, how Poland has changed from communist times! When I came here near 10
years ago, it was very similar to Ukraine, but now - it is really Europe! ”
Olga, 38
With regards to why she is going to Poland to work, one of the interviewees answered:
“Because it is close and everything is clear. Sometimes I go to Russia, but there everything is
more complicated.”
Svitlana, 43
48 Based on the results of semi-structured interviews
19
Ukrainians generally do not feel discriminated on the base of their origin. Problems
arrive with formal institutions are however, the most typical (for example with regards to
obtaining a residence permit), but they assume that all foreigners in Poland are facing similar
problems.
“Here, everything is better organized. If you are going to do some formalities – you
can expect that you will do what you need in time and without money… However, sometimes
they have too many formalities and rules”
Maxim, 49
In Poland many people hold the idea that too many Ukrainians want to come to the
country to settle. However, the findings of our research do not confirm this: only one third of
respondents are potentially ready to settle in Poland (and mainly because of family ties with
Poles).
The motivations for migration may be described as a combination of economic, social
and personal factors. The decisions to search for workplaces abroad are clearly affected by
unemployment and dissatisfaction with the domestic labour markets and certainly related to
the search for a higher-quality of life. But for high-skilled respondents the main factor are the
possibilities for “carrier and personal development”.
“I came to Poland, because a Polish company offered me a very good job. And here I
have a space for growing… I have a lot of contacts with international partners and, probably
later, I will try to find a higher position in the other country”
Andriy, 28
We asked our respondents to range labour migration motives by the degree of
importance for them. Near 90% of low-skilled respondents stressed that “low wages and
personal income in Ukraine” is the most important reason for seeking jobs abroad. Near 30%
of high-skilled respondents placed it also in the first place, while the other 70% stated that
“possibilities for career grow was the main reason for leaving country”. Another important
reason was expressed by 65% of low-skilled respondents, who mentioned “unemployment”
(30% of high-skilled respondents), but 68 % of high-skilled respondents mentioned as very
important reasons – “no possibilities for making careers in Ukraine, and personal
development” (33% of low-skilled respondents). For 26% of low-skilled respondents another
important reason was also - “low quality of services and bad housing conditions in Ukraine”
(34% of high-skilled respondents), 24% - “bad governance, corruption, no prospects for
future” (46% of high-skilled respondents).
20
Irregular workers follow well established patterns elaborated by their networks instead
of searching for longer stay possibilities, as they are often not aware of other options. Those
who work illegally in Poland focused primarily on the problem of finding work and earning
money to send home. Young people are more frequently oriented towards non-circular
migration, which constitutes a negative trend for Ukraine.
The important role for possibilities to integrate into Polish society is played by social
and cultural capital gained by Ukrainians before of their arrival to Poland. According to most
respondents, the chances for legal and a higher quality of life in Poland were expressed by the
people who possessed a certain cultural and professional capital. The lack of professional
achievements in the home country allows them only to occupy the limited niche among
immigrants and fundamentally reduces the chance of changing their place in the social
hierarchy.
The social ties are formed mainly within their own social group or between the similar
social groups of students and high-skilled workers on the one hand, and illegal workers from
another. Social groups are distinguished by their style and standard of living, a different range
of social contacts in Polish society and a variation of plans for the future and life aspirations.
“Circular migrants” appear to be the least eager to develop social relations outside
their sphere of work; any relations they do develop are relegated mainly to other migrants.
Highly-skilled “immigrants” are willing to maintain contacts with other foreigners, though
these are usually combined with relations with Poles.
High skilled migrants have the broadest range of relations with Poles. In their case,
having many Polish acquaintances and friends is typical. And the number of years spent in
Poland is not a decisive factor. Relations with other Ukrainians are less in common in this
group in comparison to seasonal or low skilled workers.
It should be noted that the majority of respondents who work illegally in Poland are
not interested in legitimating their status on the basis of the Polish labour law. This is due to
the fact that in these cases they must pay quiet high taxes and they will lose advantages that
are crucial for their competitiveness in the labor market. For many employers it is also not
profitable to legalize Ukrainian workers (especially irregular) because it will lead to higher
cost of labours.
The fact that some Poles complain about competition from Ukrainian respondents was
similarly explained either by the fact that the Poles do not want to do certain types of work for
the proposed salary, or by the fact that Ukrainian have stronger motivations to work.
21
“A Polish unemployed person can always find a job if he wanted to. Who wants - will
find. It doesn’t matter the person is Ukrainian or Polish. It depends on you”.
Zoltan, 32
Daily contact with Poles - at work, on the street, with neighbors - gave respondents
awareness that actually it "all depends on the person".
”Like everywhere, there are honest people and not very good people”.
Svitlana, 43
Thus, the differences can arise from personal characteristics and /or socio-economic
status, which some Poles as well as some Ukrainians may have. We agree with Colic-Peisker
who argued that hyper-mobile expats do not develop attachments with any location, but their
profession was the main anchor of their identity-belonging and future prospects.49
One of the main differences of high-skilled Ukrainian workers from low-skilled
workers was their distinct feeling of attitudes towards them from of Poles. If low-skilled
workers expressed negative experiences (however overall they were positive), none of the
high-skilled respondents mentioned any negative attitudes.
Contacts and relations between Ukrainians and Poles, particularly in the workplace,
primarily depend on their job positions and social status. As one respondent mentioned, “It
depends on you and the position that you have. People evaluate you according to your skills
and behavior”.
Irina, 29
Conclusion In conclusion, the propensity of migrants to develop and maintain social ties with
Poles depends to a large extent on the social positions and type of economic activity in which
they are involved in Poland. The highly skilled workers reflected a much better integration
process into Polish society. They are more likely to participate in social networks with the
Poles and Ukrainians with a similar status.
Most Ukrainians who strongly connect their future with Poland are those who married
Poles, and those who have a long term work permit. Students often declare a desire to return
to Ukraine - especially if political and economic processes there will promote the prospects of
self-realization. Some respondents declared their wish to move to the ‘West’, but rather for
49 Colic-Peisker V. ‘’Free floating in the cosmopolis? Identity-belonging of transnational knowledge workers’’. Global Networks, 10(4), 2010:483
22
the purpose of acquiring new knowledge (including new language acquisition), experience
(work in their field) or better earnings than if they were to stay there as a permanent resident.
Among those, who consider their stay in Poland as temporary and without perspectives,
those who are working illegally and doing the simplest jobs dominated. The stay in Poland
they interpreted exclusively as a source of income. These people are less interested in
establishing ties with Poles and they do not establish contacts that do not directly affect the
possibility of increasing their earnings.
The image of Ukraine in Polish public discourse is often dependent on a historical
context. The complicated Polish-Ukrainian relations throughout its history are also influenced
by the dramatic events of World War II. The opinion of elderly Poles about Ukrainians is
mostly constructed and affected by the memory of the past and is therefore rooted in historical
stereotypes. The large gap between Ukrainians and Poles built World War II and all the armed
conflicts that accompanied it. However, stereotypes and negative attitudes rooted in the past
play a less important role with years. The importance of such stereotypes depends mainly on
two factors: the level of education and age of the person. Younger generations generally are
based on present-day observations - Ukrainians are for them often poor people, seeking jobs
in Poland, so they are just unattractive.
The current Polish public discourse reproduces some historical stereotypes and creates
a sense of superiority towards Ukraine, based on the opposition between East and West, a
better economic situation in Poland. For many Poles, Ukraine is a country of corruption,
endless chaos, inhibited by poor people seeking any income abroad.
Most respondents reported that they noticed a trend of improving relations between
Ukrainians and Poles. Some of them describe the changes on the examples of better relations
between countries on the political and official level, others – because of increasing the
number and frequency of contacts of ordinary Poles and Ukrainians.
Besides some negative attitudes towards Ukrainians in Poland according to opinion
polls in general, it is not transferable to Ukrainian workers’ personal experience in their
everyday life in the country. Ukrainians generally do not feel hostility or aversion from Poles
in their personal contact with them, and if there are conflicts, they are usually are due to a
personal situation, and are not perceived by Ukrainians as discrimination. That means that
personal contacts are able to modify the influence of stereotypes and not allow them to take
root in the mass consciousness.
From the point of view of Polish interests, Ukrainian migration complements labour
shortages in the Polish labour market. At the same time due to the fact that it acts as a
23
complement (Ukrainians perform work which Polish citizens take reluctantly) it does not
increase unemployment in the Polish labour market. For Poland it might be beneficial to
attract foreign workers, from countries with similar cultural backgrounds, mainly Ukrainians,
who do not cause cultural tension and do not require a special integration policy. On the other
hand, the majority of Ukrainian workers do not treat Poland as a settlement country. In the
light of unfavourable aspects of the current situation with irregular workers from Ukraine, we
could mention first of all the losses for the state budget associated with a high proportion of
undeclared workers in Poland. 50
On the other hand, Ukrainian workers are left on their own in Poland. A support from
the Ukrainian government offered to circular migrants may serve as a tool promoting
Ukrainian state interests. These actions, however, depend on the development of proper
government policy in this field.
Appendix:
Figure 1:
Source: Labour Migration Assessment for the WNIS Region / IOM, Kiev, 2007, p.11
50 Brunarska Z., Grotte M., Lesińska M. Migracje obywateli Ukrainy do Polski w kontekście rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego: stan obecny, polityka, transfery pieniężne. CMR Working Papers No. 60/118, 2012:30
24
Figure 2: Countries of destination of Ukrainian labour-migrants (in % of all Ukrainian emigrants working abroad)
Source: for 2008 - State Statistics Committee of Ukraine, Survey on labour migration, 2008; For 2012 - “Effective Governance of Labour Migration and its Skills Dimensions”, 2012, http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/ukraine/press_corner/all_news/news/2013/2013_05_31_2_uk.htm Figure 3:
Source: Migration in Ukraine: Facts and Figures’, the Ukraine Mission of the International Organization for Migration (IOM),
2011
Figure 4: % of irregular workers by countries (from all Ukrainian emigrants working abroad)
Source: State Statistics Committee of Ukraine, Survey on labour migration 2008.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
Russia Poland Italy Czech Republic
2012
2008
25
Figure 5
Source: Razumkov Centre Sociological Service, 2010:14
Figure 6
Source: Polish public opinion. CBOS, November 2012
26
Figure 7
Source: Polish public opinion. CBOS, November 2012
27
Figure 8
Source: Polish public opinion. CBOS, November 2012
Figure 9
Source: Office for Foreigners in Poland. Statistics.
0
10000
20000
30000
40000
50000
60000
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Foreign applications for legalisation of stay in Poland in 2001-2010
28
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