1

UNDERSTANDING THE FILIPINO CONCEPT OF NATIONALISM

A Research Proposal

Presented to the

Faculty of the Department of Political Science

School of Law and Governance

University of San Carlos

Cebu City, Philippines

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the course

POSC 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis

By

DELIMA, CHAD MICHAELL G.

POWAO, JAYFORD O.

October 2014

2

University of San Carlos

Department of Political Science

Center for Governance, Leadership, and Development PoSc 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis

PLAGIARISM FORM (this must be filled appropriately and submitted along with the Thesis Proposal)

University of San Carlos Student Manual 2006 Edition

Art. IV Service Support Units

2.5.7 Major Offenses: Plagiarism, forgery, falsification, tampering, alteration or misuse of official school records, documents or credentials

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Name Chad Michaell G. Delima Program AB POSC PTS 4 Course POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis

Title of Thesis Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism

I, the undersigned, confirm that I understood the University policy about plagiarism and the importance of intellectual honesty. I testify that the work I submitted is wholly my own, and that any quotations or section of text taken from the published or unpublished work of any other person is duly and fully acknowledged therein. Signature of Student

Date of Submission

Oct. 21, 2014

Student Receipt ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Name of Student Chad Michaell G. Delima Title of Course POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis Date Received Received by (N&S)

3

University of San Carlos

Department of Political Science

Center for Governance, Leadership, and Development PoSc 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis

PLAGIARISM FORM (this must be filled appropriately and submitted along with the Thesis Proposal)

University of San Carlos Student Manual 2006 Edition

Art. IV Service Support Units

2.5.7 Major Offenses: Plagiarism, forgery, falsification, tampering, alteration or misuse of official school records, documents or credentials

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Name Jayford O. Powao Program AB POSC PTS 4 Course POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis

Title of Thesis Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism

I, the undersigned, confirm that I understood the University policy about plagiarism and the importance of intellectual honesty. I testify that the work I submitted is wholly my own, and that any quotations or section of text taken from the published or unpublished work of any other person is duly and fully acknowledged therein. Signature of Student

Date of Submission

Oct. 21, 2014

Student Receipt ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Name of Student Jayford O. Powao Title of Course POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis Date Received Received by (N&S)

4

APPROVAL SHEET

This research paper entitled Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism

and as submitted by Chad Michaell G. Delima and Jayford O. Powao in partial fulfilment

of the requirements for POSC 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis, has been examined

and accepted for Oral Defense.

Research Committee

Dr. Ryan C. Urbano

___________________________

Chairman

Fr. Joseph B. Anore, MAPM Arra Katrina C. Villaruel, MAAL

____________________ ________________________

Member Member

Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD

________________________________

Faculty Adviser

5

University of San Carlos

Department of Political Science

Center for Governance, Leadership, and Development PoSc142CC Data Gathering and Analysis

COMPLIANCE FORM (this must be filled appropriately and submitted as scheduled; a copy must also be attached as annex to the final technical report)

Name of Researcher : Chad Michaell G. Delima and Jayford O. Powao

Title of Thesis : Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism

Date of Submission : Oct. 22, 2014 Direction: Be sure to comply with the recommendations/suggestions of the defense panel. Write your action to each of the recommendations and indicate the specific page for inclusions and changes.

Comments/Recommendations

Actions Taken about

Comments/Recommendations Page No. Incorporated Completely

Incorporated but Refined

Not Incorporated

Title Page and Preliminaries

1. Provide results in the Abstract 2. Provide Executive Summary 7-8

The Problem and Its Setting

OK

Theoretical Background

1. Improve the discussion on Hechters framework of nationalism

2. Provide the details and characteristics of each type 3. Transfer in TB the exhaustive discussion of Philippine

history found in Chapter 4

20-38

Research Methodology

1. Improve the methodology to match the data required 2. Check comments given during the proposal defense

on the ff: respondents, environment, treatment of data

42-49

Results and Discussions

NEEDS REVISION 1. Improve the data presentation, provide only the

highlights 2. Where is your data analysis and presentation 3. Key points of certain facts of history 4. How are you going to do with each of the data

(treatment) (interpret) 5. More validation of the themes

53-85

6

6. In every timeline, build your case (base on the matrix) 7. Distinguish reference from data source 8. Characteristics of specific era 9. Should present the findings and interpretation 10. Present the data and explain each era 11. Characteristics that make state-building, etc. 12. Provide prper transition statements to ensure

coherence 13. Title of Matrix (end ofChap 4) 14. Proper treatment of data 15. Relate communitarianism to nationalism

Conclusion and Recommendation

1. Establish claims in your conclusion 2. Provide doable recommendations 3. Be careful with the language of your

recommendations

86-90

Citation and Bibliography

1. Source of history 2. Proper citation of presented data 91-94

Language, Grammar and Choice of Words

1. Pls. consult an editor Appendices

OK

Noted By: Students Name and Signature: Chad Michaell G. Delima Jayford Powao Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD Adviser

7

Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism

ABSTRACT

This study aimed to understand the Filipino concept of nationalism. As stated by

some Filipino thinkers, Filipino nationalism is more in the mind than in reality (Mercado,

1988). President Ferdinand Marcos also said that Filipinos do not really possess a clear

concept of nationalism because of its colonial experiences. Hence, the student-researchers

traced back the historical background of Filipino nationalism in order to achieve a clearer

picture of the contemporary sense of nationalism among Filipinos.

Guided by the general objective of understanding the Filipino concept of

nationalism, a qualitative style of research methodology was pursued. Key informant

interviews were conducted among the members of the academe and resource persons

from National Commission for Culture and the Arts and other institutions. Also, the

student-researchers conducted documents review of related literatures by extracting

relevant data from the previous literatures written by authoritative writers.

Communitarianism was used in the study as its theoretical background because of

its concept that fits to the description on the existence of diverse local cultures in the

Philippine society. Moreover, this study utilized four classifications of nationalism (State-

building, Irredentist, Unification, Peripheral) according to Michael Hechter in his book

Containing Nationalism (2000).

Based on the research conducted by the student-researchers, the Filipino concept

of nationalism had faced different challenges before its conception. Cultural diversity and

language barriers were among the recognized challenges of nationalism. But despite that,

Filipinos were able to sustain and further develop their quest to identify their own identity

as Filipinos. The recognized recent challenges of nationalism were globalization and

regional integrations. These concepts were considered by scholars as developers of

external influences that could hamper the development of nationalism of the younger

generations.

Despite of all those mentioned challenges, Filipino nationalism had its own

breakthroughs in Philippine society. The most popular was the eradication of the foreign

colonizers that reigned supreme in a span for several centuries. Filipinos were able to

overthrow regimes and tyrannical colonizers because of their unity and solidarity to

achieve freedom. Former President Ferdinand Marcos fell victim to Filipino nationalism

that despite his rule with an iron fist, it did not stop the Filipinos to re-claim their freedom

and regain their democractic way of life.

8

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The general objective of this study was to understand the Filipino concept of

nationalism and was guided by the specific objectives. Firstly, it would find out the

historical background of Filipino nationalism by studying its historical influences.

Secondly, the study would identify the kind of nationalism that Filipinos possess by

utilizing Michael Hechters classifications of nationalism based on his book Containing Nationalism (2000) namely State-building, Peripheral, Irredentist and Unification.

Thirdly, it would examine the current condition of the identified kind of nationalism that

Filipinos possess. Fourthly, the study would determine the challenges encountered by the

development of Filipino nationalism and its breakthroughs in society. Lastly, the study

would theorize on the future potentials of Filipino nationalism in Philippine society.

The study assumed that the Filipino sense of nationalism is not yet clear. It also

conformed to the hypotheses that: Filipino nationalism was shaped by colonial

experiences of the past; that Filipino nationalism is affected by present circumstances

such as cultural diversity and communitarianism; that the kind of Filipino nationalism is

dependent on the interface of both past and present circumstances; and that breakthroughs

and challenges being encountered by Filipino nationalism significantly contribute to the

theorizing of its future potentials.

The significance of the study included the attempt to contribute to the enrichment

on limited literatures about Filipino nationalism. The study could also be used as a future

reference for further study on Filipino political philosophy. As a whole, the study hoped

to contribute to the Political Theory and Systems Track of the Department of Political

Science through the giving of emphasis on the study of nationalism.

The scope and limitation of the study included the look into the evolution of

Filipino concept of nationalism and the significant factors that shaped its identity. The

problems and challenges that concern Filipino nationalism were also taken into account.

The treatment of data and discursive analysis thereof pursued Michael Hechters classifications of nationalism which are State-building, Peripheral, Irredentist,

Unification. Such classifications were analyzed in order to describe Filipino nationalism.

The theory of communitarianism was used as the theoretical framework because

based on the cultural accounts of the Philippine society, it is being composed of diverse

cultures. Also, communitarianism is a localized concept of nationalism according Dr.

Resil Mojares. Despite its diverse culture, Filipinos are perceived to have achieved unity

with one another in countering external influences, which best fits Will Kymlickas pronouncement about communitarianism: Citizens identify each other without sharing a common religion and disagree about the good life but still identify each other because

they share a sense of belonging to an intergenerational society which has some historical

reference points and a common future (Kymlicka, 2002).

9

Based on historical accounts, Filipino nationalism was influenced by colonial

effects. Romeo Cruz (1975) in his book Ang Pagkabuo ng Nasyonalismong Filipino said

that Filipino nationalism is a borrowed concept implanted upon us from our past colonizers. This statement was affirmed by former Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos (1980) in his book An Ideology for Filipinos. He argued that colonial influences made us confused on who we really are as Filipinos and what future we must pursue.

By utilizing Michael Hechters classifications of nationalism which were state-building, irredentist, peripheral, unification, the closest description of Filipino

nationalism was State-building nationalism. The description of a state-building

nationalism was the recognition of the presence of a multicultural population that

intended to create a united homogenous society. Homogeneous in a sense that despite of

the cultural differences people tend to unite themselves against a recognized common

enemy that threatened their culture, heritage and traditions. Based on the description,

State-building nationalism is indeed the kind of nationalism that Filipinos possess.

The student-researchers had a few recommendations in order to further develop

Filipino nationalism that the Filipinos possessed. Firstly, the student-researchers

recommend the enrichment of the limited existing literatures that expounds Filipino

nationalism. There must be a government-academe cooperation that would encourage

historians to study and re-write Philippine history in a manner that is based on a Filipino

historians perspective that could further develop the conception of nationalism among Filipinos. Secondly, there must be a reform on the Philippine educational system that

would look into the Filipino subjects by not just a mere study of the language but

performs rigid instructions that would instill the importance of Filipino nationalism to the

young students.

10

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

TITLE PAGE 1

PLAGIARISM FORM 2

APPROVAL SHEET 4

COMPLIANCE FORM 5

ABSTRACT 7

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8

TABLE OF CONTENTS 10

1 INTRODUCTION

Rationale of the Study 12

THE PROBLEM

Statement of the Problem 13

Statement of Assumptions 14

Statement of Hypothesis 14

Significance of the Study 15

Scope and Limitations of the Study 15

DEFINITIONS OF TERMS 15

ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY 16

2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

Review of Related Literature 18

Theoretical Framework 39

Conceptual Framework 41

11

3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Research Environment 43

Research Respondents 44

Research Instruments 47

Research Procedures 48

Gathering of Data 48

Treatment of Data 49

4 PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA 53

5 SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 86

BIBLIOGRAPHY 91

APPENDICES 95

A Transmittal Letters for Key Informant Interviews 96

B Questionnaires for Key Informant Interviews 103

C Answers from the Key Informant Interviews 111

D Monitoring Sheet 117

E Informants Profile 119

F Transcriptions of the Key Informant Interview 121

G Prior Informed Consent Form 137

H Curriculum Vitae 140

12

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Rationale of the Study

In the course of human history, states evolved because society had a practical

need for it. Societies transformed from simple pastoral communities to complex societies

which needed a government to administer the societys affairs and to maintain peace and

order in the society. With the emergence of the state, an ideology was developed which

became a principal form of self-identification and a sense of consciousness and

belongingness to the nation, together with sentiments and aspiration for the promotion of

security and prosperity of that particular nation. This ideology is called Nationalism

(Baradat, 2009). It can be inferred that through nationalism, people were provided with a

sense of importance, identity and belongingness to the state. Many states which used to

be politically divided were unified because of Nationalism. Such a concept was also

classified into four according to Michael Hechter (2000), to wit: State-building

Nationalism, Peripheral Nationalism, Irredentist Nationalism and Unification

Nationalism.

In addition, Jean-Jacques Rousseau in 1762 shocked the ruling elite of Europe by

his postulation that countries do not belong to the monarchs but to the people themselves

which eventually resulted to French Revolution in between 1789 and 1799. Nationalism

has become one of the most important powerful political ideas of the past 200 years. It

has had a great impact on every person in every modern society (Hechter, 2000).

In addition, the Philippines, a developing country having historical experiences

with colonialism and with culturally diverse population, was said to have not really

13

possessed a clear concept of nationalism. According to Leonardo Mercado (1988:9), the

concept of what is a Filipino is tied up with the concept of nationalism which is more in

the mind than in reality. However, enrichments are yet to be made on what kind of

nationalism characterizes that of the Filipinos and the several significantly defining

factors that contributed to it. To quote former Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos

(1980), as an effect to our colonial experiences, we have no clear conception on who we

really are, what do we stand for, what we are dreaming for and what our world as

Filipinos is leading to. Thus, the guiding aim of this research is to come up with a

theoretical understanding of Filipino nationalism that has practical implications therein.

THE PROBLEM

Statement of the Problem

The general objective of this study was to understand the Filipino concept of

nationalism. In line with this, it would be supported by the following specific objectives:

To find out the historical background of Filipino nationalism

To identify the type or kind of nationalism that the Filipinos possess by utilizing

the classification made by Michael Hechter (2000). The following types of

nationalism according to Hechter are:

a) State-building, b) Irredentist, c) Peripheral and d) Unification

To examine the current condition of the identified type or kind of Filipino

nationalism

14

To determine the breakthroughs, limitations, and challenges of Filipino

nationalism

To theorize on the future potentials of Filipino nationalism

Statement of Assumptions

The student-researchers conformed to the assumption that the Filipino sense of

nationalism is not yet clear and that because of significant colonial interventions, our

sense of nationalism as Filipinos is more in the mind than in reality.

Statement of Hypothesis

The student-researchers were guided by the following hypotheses:

That Filipino nationalism is shaped by colonial experiences of the past

That Filipino nationalism is affected by present circumstances such as

cultural diversity, communitarianism, and individualism

That the type or kind of Filipino nationalism is dependent on the interface

of both past and present circumstances

That the breakthroughs, limitations, and challenges being encountered by

Filipino nationalism significantly contribute to the theorizing of its future

potentials

15

Significance of the Study

This study would be beneficial to the enrichment of existing literatures written

about the interface of nationalism. Considering the current trend of structuring better the

identity of Filipino political philosophy, this research would serve as a guiding reference.

Mapping out both historical and contemporary encounters of the Philippines is crucial to

any proposed systemic interventions. In addition, this research hoped to contribute to the

Political Theory and Systems track of the Department of Political Science through the

giving of emphasis on the study of nationalism. The end goal of which is to influence the

operation of the system (i.e. system on transformational leadership).

Scope and Limitations

This paper was delimited to the study of the Filipino concept of nationalism. It

would also look into the evolution of the Filipino concept of nationalism, as well as the

significantly defining factors that help shape its identity. This paper would also tackle the

challenges and problems concerning Filipino nationalism. In the discursive analysis

thereof, emphasis was accorded to the classifications of the type of nationalism put

forward by Michael Hechter (2000).

Definition of Terms

Nationalism - an awareness of ones membership in a nation in which ones highest

loyalty is to the nation; a state of mind in which it unites different people belonging to

different cultures to a single national identity; together with a desire to achieve, maintain

16

and perpetuate the identity, as well as safeguard and promote the prosperity of that

nation.

Filipino a person belonging to the Republic of the Philippines

Concept an idea, notion or perception; can be synonymous to sense

Understanding the ability to perceive and comprehend the nature and significance of a

given item

Organization of the Study

This paper was composed of three (3) chapters. The first part of chapter one

discussed the rationale of the study. It included the statement of the problem as well as

the statement of assumptions and hypothesis. The end part of chapter one focused on the

significance of the study and how it could be related as a relevant discussion to the

discourse in Political Science. It attempted to answer the question, what makes the

subject matter a problem that is worthy to be researched. This end part of chapter one

also deliberately discussed the studys scope and limitations as well as operational

definition of terms.

The second chapter provided the theoretical background. It elaborated on the

important and relevant variables that the researchers have found to be significant in the

study. This chapter also showcased important literatures and case studies which may

serve as relevant references for analysis and interpretations. A conceptual framework was

created in order to simplify the presentation on how the researchers would go about

understanding Filipino concept of nationalism.

17

The third chapter discussed the methodology of the study. It provided the tools

that were used in order to gather relevant supplementary data. It included explanations on

the choice of environment, respondents, instruments, and procedures in the treatment of

data.

18

CHAPTER 2

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

Review of Related Literature

Nationalism has its roots which can be traced back to ancient societies.

(Roshwald, 2006). Nationalism has emerged as one of the most important political idea

of the past 200 years according to Baradat (2009) and it has had a great impact on every

person in every modern society. Many divided countries have been united together for the

love of the nation-state. With the emergence of the nation-state, nationalism was

developed as its ideological justification. Nationalism is used as a frame of reference as

well as a yardstick by which to measure and assess people and policy. It is a principal

form of self-identification; thus, it has the power to unite the people. Nationalism is so

powerful that it has dominated almost every other idea system. Almost all of the

ideologies, the state was given a role and a dominant place.

The organization of this papers literature review would present first the

discussions on Nationalism. It would be followed by arguments building on the Filipino

concept of nationalism, its history and its conception. Finally, it would present the

synthesis of the processed literature as well as the gaps and limitations of the related

studies thereto.

There is no single definition of Nationalism. Kohn (1944) posits that nationalism

is first and foremost a state of mind and an act of consciousness. The collective or group

consciousness will strive towards creating homogeneity within the group, a conformity

and like-mindedness which lead to and facilitate concerted and common action.

19

Furthermore, McLean (1996) and Anbarani (2013), argue that nationalism is a means of

mobility of feelings and national sensation for homeland and catching political or

national economic goals.

According to Leon Baradat (2009) in his book Political Ideologies: Their Origins

and Impact, the theory of Nationalism is an abstraction. Rather than giving loyalty to a

person such as noble or a king, people were asked to commit to an idea, to a tradition, to

a history, to a notion of fraternity. Nationalism represents the union of a political

phenomenon with the identity of the human being. Nationalism focuses on the national

group as the principal political unit, and it demands that the national group be served by a

state a nation-state. Nationalism can be a unifying factor in that it demands the

subordination of all identities, values, and interests to those of the national group.

Nationalism is also exclusivist because it demands that each individual gives loyalty to

one-nation state. Emotional attachment to nationalism is so strong because nationalism

gives the individual an identity and extends that identity to something greater than the

self. Nationalism does more than simply describe a political entity. It creates a mirror in

which individuals see and define themselves. It is also a prism through which individuals

observe, assess, and react to events and to other people.

To explain why nationalism has taken such different forms in different societies,

it is better to seek a typology that is derived from analytical considerations and to help

account the normative differences between types of nationalism. Michael Hechter (2000)

in his book Containing Nationalism says that there are four types of Nationalism which

are: State-building Nationalism, Peripheral Nationalism, Irredentist Nationalism and

Unification Nationalism

20

State-building nationalism is a type of nationalism that is embodied in the attempt

to assimilate or incorporate culturally distinctive territories in a given state. It is the result

of the conscious efforts of central rulers to make a multicultural population culturally

homogeneous. This type of nationalism tries to unite cultural distinctive territories to a

one and cultural homogenous state. Since the rationale for state-building nationalism is

often geopoliticalto secure borders from real or potential rivalsthis kind of

nationalism tends to be culturally inclusive. Central rulers of a given culture can unify

their country by expelling culturally alien populations (as in the Spanish Reconquista), or

by exterminating them (often the fate of the indigenous people of North America)

(Hechter, 2000). The characteristics of this particular type of nationalism is that there

were presence of a multicultural population and that the central rulers try to maximize on

such characteristic in order to solidify the particular society despite of its diversity so that

people themselves would act against external influences and foreign excursions. With this

type of nationalism, the central government is safe from outside intervensions because its

multicultural population is supportive to the government.

Peripheral Nationalism occurs when a culturally distinctive territory resists

incorporation into an expanding state, or attempts to secede and set up its own

government. It seeks to bring about national determination by separating the nation from

its host state. The Balkan regions were first to develop peripheral nationalism. Among

them were Serbia and Greece who declared their autonomy and independence from the

Ottoman Empire which was the host state. There is a withdrawal from a central political

authority by a member unit on the basis of a claim to independent sovereign status as in

Quebec and Scotland (Hechter, 2000).

21

Irredentist Nationalism occurs with the attempt to extend the existing boundaries

of a state by incorporating territories of an adjacent state occupied principally by co-

nationals. Irredentism refers to any effort to unite national segments of a population in

adjacent countries within a common polity. Irredentist Nationalism is the least prevalent

form of nationalism. If Peripheral Nationalism or secession involves substracting a

national territory from a state, irredentist movements involve substracting the territory

from one state and adding it to another. Hitlers annexation of Sudetenland is perhaps the

most transparent recent example of Irredentist Nationalism (Hechter, 2000). The most

recent example of this nationalism was the Sabah siege. More than 200 fighter-supporters

of Sultan Jamalul Kiram III of the Sultanate of Sulu raided the island of Sabah in

Malaysia (Inquirer.net, 2013). The aim of the raid was to re-claim Sabah as part of the

Sultanate of Sulu and re-unite the particular territory under the territorial sovereignty of

the Philippine government. Most of the residents in Sabah are Muslims coming from Sulu

but decided to migrate to Sabah for greener pastures. This particular nationalism was

quiet extreme because it used armed force in order to achieve political and territorial

claims.

Finally, Unification Nationalism involves the merger of a politically divided but

culturally homogeneous territory into one state, as famously occurred in nineteenth-

century Germany and Italy that brought King Wilhem I as the king of all unified states

under his rule with the aim to solidify German and Italian populations against external

threats especially Austria. The effect of the unification made Germany to produce the

most powerful army in Europe in the 19th

century. (Hechter, 2000).

22

To sum up Michael Hechters classifications of nationalism, statebuilding

nationalism involved a multicultural population aiming to be culturally homogeneous.

Peripheral nationalism on the other hand, is a political determination by separating a part

of a nation from its host state. Irredentist nationalism is a movement that involves

subtracting the territory from one state and adding it to another and Unification

nationalism aims to unify a culturally homogeneous territory into a single state.

Moreover, Filipino nationalism is a borrowed concept and was implanted to us

from our past colonizers and that we do not have our own genuine nationalism (Cruz,

1975). The development of nationalism in the Philippines is different from Europe where

the idea germinated and its definition is contextual because nationalism has connotations

that shift according to time, place and circumstances (Agoncillo, 1974). The colonial era

of the Spanish brought misconceptions about who we really are and as time went on, the

Americans reinforced those influences which made us more confused on who we really

are (Marcos, 1980).

The problem on how we were able to develop our Filipino sense of nationalism is

expounded by Agoncillo (1974:40). He elaborated that our previous higher education

molded the evolution of Filipino nationalism despite the Jesuits style of education as

mentioned by Jose Rizal - that they were not taught love of country but only what is

beautiful and what is best.

Another instance pertained to the peoples majority support to the Philippine

governments legal actions against the intrusion of Chinese military personnel in our

territories in the Kalayaan Group of Islands. Most Filipinos backed the governments

efforts to contest Chinas actions before the International Tribunal for the resolution of

23

the dispute (Suarez, 2014:1). This mass approval is a gesture of the presence of Filipino

nationalism.

In contrasting the western and eastern concepts of nationalism, Plamenatz (1973)

said in distinction that Western nationalism is civic and the non-Western nationalism or

eastern is illiberal and oppressive. Several thinkers have made the same pronouncement

that Western nationalism is essentially rational and liberal towards the appreciation of

human rights and seeking cooperation while the eastern nationalism is focused on

ethnocentrism and grounded in tribal feelings which is motivated by feelings of

inferiority. In other words, the western nationalism is civic based while the eastern is

ethnic based (Beiner, 1999).

Another concept that can help understand nationalism is the concept of

Ubuntuism. This concept does not promote surrendering individuals rights,which means

to say that there is no sacrifice of freedom. It actually increases with the size of the group.

People are after all only fully human when recognized by others (Zandberg, 2014).

Moreover, Ubuntuism promotes that an ideal individual member of society or leader must

possess kindness, generosity, modesty, helpfulness and humility (Broodryk, 2006:21). If

only individuals possess those traits and that they treat other individuals in the society as

same as they treat themselves, there is no need to surrender the rights of people to the

state. Respect must be shown not only to other human beings, but also to the communal

environment, animals, nature and the supernatural. It is therefore possible to live in a

community where there is no external power to impose freedom (Broodryk, 2006:21).

24

Timeline of the Development of Filipino Nationalism

To be able to give a brief presentation of data, the student-researchers provided a

flowchart of events that presented the development of Filipino nationalism throughout the

time and the factors that contributed to its conception.

Opening of the Philippines to World

Commerce (1834-1873)

In 1834, Manila was opened

From 1834-1873 several ports were opened: Sual, Iloilo, Zamboanga, Cebu, Legaspi ports

The Secularization Movement

In 1862, Fr. Pedro Pelaez exposed the discrimination of Filipino clergies

The execution of: Zamora, Burgos, Gomez the three most outspoken leaders of the movement awakened the people to push

for reforms and representation.

The return of the Jesuits and Dominicans known for their scholarship and maintained a relatively high standard of instruction

and hence stimulated the progress of Philippine educational system.

The liberal regime of De la Torre (1869-1871)

The Spanish civil war in 1868 overthrew Queen Isabela II

In 1869, Governor Carlos Maria De la Torre arrived in the

Philippines and applied democratic and liberal ideas

He encouraged freedom of speech and formation of associations

25

The Propaganda Movement (1872)

Systematic efforts to spread opinion and beliefs by means of pen and tongue

The aims of the movement: 1. Integration of the colony as a regular province of Spain 2. Secularization of the parishes 3. The restoration of the representation of the Philippines to the

Spanish Cortez

4. Restoration of freedom of speech, press, assembly and religion

The 1896 Philippine Revolution

During the 19th century, colonial and feudal system of exploitation reached its fullest development and ripened.

Under the strain of increasing exploitation, the national democratic aspirations of the broad masses of the people rose.

The revolution was started by Katipunan led by Andres Bonifacio which asserted sovereignty of the Filipino people, the protection and promotion of civil liberties, the confiscation of friar estates and the elimination of theocratic rule.

The American Era (1899-1946)

American aggression weakened the Filipino resistance but did not die out

Laws were enacted by the Americans to counter the influence of revolution (Ex. Flag Law)

Filipino liberators were labeled by the Americans as bandits to degrade their credibility and discourage other Filipinos from joining

On Nov. 30, 1930, Crisanto Evangelista founded the Communist Party of the Philippines with an orientation against US imperialism

HUKBALAHAP after fighting against the Japanese in Woeld War Two changed its name to Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan or HMB to fight with an anti-imperialist orientation against the Americans

July 4, 1946, US gave the Philippines its independence

26

The Japanese Era (1942-1945)

At the height of the World War Two, Gen. McArthur left the Philippines after losing the battles against the Imperial Army

HUKBALAHAP was formed to fight the Japanese invaders In 1944, McArthur returned and liberated the Philippine islands

against the Japanese

Post-Japanese Era

In the 1960s, Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas merged with HMB to fight in an anti-US imperialism campaign along with the growing student movements

They did not recognize July 4, 1946 as a genuine independence bestowed by the US because political machinery in the Philippines were submissive to the US because it was patterned the same as the US political system

In Dec. 26, 1968, PKP was divided because of internal politics and clashing opinions. CPP-MLM was born with the drive against US imperialism and local forms of oppression and exploitation claiming that the fight of Andres Bonifacio for independence was unfinished and it is their moral obligation to continue the cause

27

Pre-Spanish Period

Before the Spaniards came, the people of the Philippine archipelago had a semi-

communal and semi-slave social system in many parts and feudal system in some parts

especially in Mindanao and Sulu where Islam has already been established. The basic

political and economic unit in the whole archipelago was the barangay. It was headed by

the chieftain called the rajah or datu. During the pre-colonial era the people were

confined to the barangay which was the basic political and economic unit all over the

archipelago. People belonged to more than 100 ethnolinguistic communities, but the

The polarization of nationalism in 1970s With the rise of the leftist movement and the occurrences of the

Vietnam War, Filipinos became sensitive to their nationalist beliefs

As described by Dr. Mojares, nationalism at that time became an either-or situation

A mere speaking of foreign language can raise eyebrows and can be called as anti-nationalistic or pro-colonialism

The arm struggle was rising because of the leftist belief that Spanish and American independence were just a sham

1986 People Power Revolution

Nationalism shifted towards political transformations National identity is characterized towards the commitment to

freedom and democracy Important corollary notions were struggle against tyranny and

injustice

28

overwhelming majority of them belonged to the biggest ethnolinguistic communities:

Ilocano, Pangasinan, Kapampangan, Tagalog, Bisaya, Ilonggo, Waray and Maguindanao.

It was possible for the Spanish colonialists to conquer by armed force and convert some

communities to Christianity and then conscript from one locality in order to further carry

out the conquest and conversion of another locality from the late 16th

century onwards

because the native people were divided into so many independent small societies and

scores of ethnolinguistic communities (Guerrero, 2005).

According to Mastura (1984), Muslim Filipinos were the only people who had

successes in forming what could be called states prior to the Spanish arrival in the

Archipelago. The greatest achievement along this line was the Sultunate created by

Kudarat who at the height of his power presided over the most extensive political entity

governed by a native rule in the Philippines until the formation of the present republic.

There was already an existing unity in the tribe or locality headed by Sultan Kudarat.

Moreover, Mastura (1984) continued to explain that by holding the ideal espoused by

Sultan Kudarat, that all Filipinos are one whatever be their faith, origin, or station in life

acting as a symbol and agent of that unity. This contention was supported by our Key

Informant, a historian, Professor Imbong of UP Cebu he said that:

During the pre-colonial period, the people were very regionalistic. The only region that achieved unity was Mindanao.

29

Spanish Era

Throughout the long period of Spanish colonial regime, many revolts broke out

which was sporadic all over the archipelago against the tribute, corvee labor, commercial

monopolies, excessive land rent, land grabbing, imposition of Catholic faith, arbitrary

rules and other cruel practices of the colonial rulers. There were at least 200 revolts of

uneven scope and duration. These grew with cumulative strength to create a great

revolutionary tradition among the Filipino people. One of the most successful revolts in

the first century were those led by Sulayman in 1564 and Magat Salamat in 1587-88 in

Manila and by Malagat in 1596 in Cagayan. Almost simultaneously, Tamblot in Bohol

and Bankaw in Leyte raised the flag of revolt. Revolts also broke out in Nueva Vizcaya

and Cagayan respectively. The most widespread revolts that occured in the 17th

century

were those inspired by Sumuroy in the southern provinces and Maniago, Malong and

Almazan in the north provinces of the archipelago. The Sumuroy revolt started in 1649

and spread northward to Albay and Camarines Sur and southward to Masbate, Cebu,

Camiguin, Zamboanga and Northern Mindanao (Guerrero, 2005).

As Professor Imbong added,

There were many packet of revolts around the country but it was sporadic not yet really nationally united. One popular example of this was the

revolution which was led by Dagohoy at Bohol.

Jose Maria Sison on his book For Democracy and Socialism against Imperialist

Globalization wrote that:

National consciousness arose in the response to the intensification of colonial, feudal and racial oppression. The people started to realize that

they must rise up as a new nation in armed revolution in order to liberate

themselves from the foreign oppressors. National sentiment and

aspirations became defined in terms of achieving national independence

from Spanish colonialism and establishing a modern nation-state..

30

According to Prof. Churchill in his article for the National Commission for

Culture and the Arts which is entitled History of the Philippine Revolution, there was an

impact to Filipino awareness towards nationalism when the Spanish opened the

Philippines for world commerce. She wrote that,

The seeds of revolution were, in fact, sown earlier in the nineteenth century when Spain's enforced isolation of the Philippines was shattered

with the opening of the country to foreign commerce and the resulting

development of an export economy by non-Spanish foreign enterprises

(British, American, Chinese). Consequently, revolutionary and liberal movements in Europe and elsewhere, in addition to the persistence of friar

autocratic rule, brought winds of change in the political climate in the

Philippines.

Upon the opening of world commerce in the Philippines, the influx of liberal

ideas of John Locke and Jean Jacques Rosseau were very influential to the sprout of early

awareness of Filipino nationalism (Morano, 2014).

Secularization Movement and Gomburza

The secularization movement during the Spanish period which was headed by

Filipino priests Gomez, Burgos and Zamora who were the most outspoken leaders of the

movement who were accused of conspiring to overthrow the Spanish colonialism and

were garroted. They headed the movement which alleviated the plight of the Filipino

priests by insisting on the prior right of the native secular clergy to assignment in parishes

over that the friars newly arrived from Spain (Agoncillo, 2002). This also contributed to

the awareness among the people said Prof. Imbong of UP Cebu. The secularization of the

parishes which the Filipino clergymen had fought for was one of the factors that gave

color to the struggle of the Filipinos for recognition. According to Professor Churchill,

31

The public garroting of the three secular priests who were the leaders of the secular movement (in effect, nationalization) of Philippine parishes on February 17,

1872 for their supposed complicity in a military mutiny in Cavity made the Revolution

inevitable.

The return of Jesuits in 1859 followed by the Educational Decree of 1863

improved somehow the educational system of the Philippines. Teodoro Agoncillo on his

book The Revolt of the Masses further argued that,

The Jesuits, long famous for their scholarship and foresight far ahead of any other religious order, maintained a high standard of instruction and

hence stimulated the progress of the Philippines in education. Thus those

who could afford to study for a career were admitted into the Jesuit and

Dominican colleges in Manila and elsewhere, and it was these Filipino

intellegentsia that agitated reforms, calculated to improve the social and

cultural status of the people. Father Feodor Jagor adds that the old situation is no longer feasible with the social changes that time has

wrought. Every facility of communication opens a breach in the old system

and motivates reforms of a liberal nature. The more capital and foreign

ideas penetrate, the more they augment the well-being, intelligence and

self-esteem, thus making the existing evils more intolerable.

The Liberal Regime of De la Torre

Another contributing factor of the early realization of Filipino nationalism was the

liberal regime of Governor General De la Torre. Following the Spanish revolution of

September 1868, in which the unpopular Queen Isabella II was deposed, the new

government appointed General Carlos Mara de la Torre governor of the Philippines. An

outspoken liberal, de la Torre extended to Filipinos the promise of reform. In a break

with established practice, he fraternized with Filipinos, invited them to the governor's

palace, and rode with them in official processions. Filipinos in turn welcomed de la Torre

warmly, held a "liberty parade" to celebrate the adoption of the liberal 1869 Spanish

constitution, and established a reform committee to lay the foundations of a new order.

32

Prominent among de la Torre's supporters in Manila were professional and business

leaders of the ilustrado community and, perhaps more significantly, Filipino secular

priests. These included the learned Father Jos Burgos, a Spanish mestizo, who had

published a pamphlet, Manifesto to the Noble Spanish Nation, criticizing those racially

prejudiced Spanish who barred Filipinos from the priesthood and government service

(Dolan, 1991).

As an effect to the liberalization program of De la Torre, Dolan (1991) explained

that De la Torre abolished censorship of newspapers and legalized the holding of public

demonstrations, free speech, and assembly--rights guaranteed in the 1869 Spanish

constitution. Students at the University of Santo Toms formed an association, the

Liberal Young Students (Juventud Escolar Liberal), and in October 1869 held

demonstrations protesting the abuses of the university's Dominican friar administrators

and teachers.

The Propaganda Movement

One of the seeds of nationalism was the Propaganda Movement led by Filipino

intellectuals like Jose Rizal, Marcelo H. Del Pilar and Graciano Lopez Jaena in which

Jose Rizal first used the term Filipinos in reference to the Indios or the natives of the

Philippines used by the Spanish colonizers which made Filipinos to become aware of

their national identity and not anymore as Tagalogs, Malays or Cebuanos said Prof.

Imbong. The Propaganda Movement also became an effective medium for the free

expression of the propagandists. They demanded the removal of the friars and the

secularization of the parishes, representation of the Philippines in the Spanish Cortes,

33

participation in the conduct of the government, equality before the law, freedom of

assembly, press and of speech and a wider social and individual freedom. The Ilustrados

who were the young, educated Filipino are the ones who are credited to have thought of a

Filipino community free from colonial rule (Ileto, 2008).

This claim is also supported by Teodoro Agoncillo on his book The Revolt of the

Masses that,

The Ilustrados learned that they as Filipinos were not inferior to other people, certainly not to Spaniards. This heightend consciousness led to the

dissolution of the aura of authority and the halo of grace that had bound

Filipinos to the colonial order. Realizing such injustices done to them, as

forced labor, taxes and inequality before the law, the ilustrados began to

wage a propaganda campaign aimed to make Filipinos and Spaniards

equal within the existing colonial framework: they wanted reforms not

independence. In spite of their limited aims, however, the Ilustrados are

credited with having first conceived of a Filipino national community.

As Resil B. Mojares writes in his book Brains of the Nation:

The production of modern knowledge by Filipinos was determinative in the rise of Philippine nationalism. In the late nineteenth century, Filipinos,

increasingly self-aware in their nationality, started to lay the local

foundations of such disciplines as history, anthropology, linguistics,

political science and sociology. Filipinos were engaged in cultural self-

definition in the context of anti-colonial nation-formation. Disciplines

were cultivated not as specialized, abstract systems but as instruments and

ways towards understanding and organizing society. Varied in their creative and critical practices, Filipino intellectuals worried about their

relation to the country from, of and for which they spoke and traced the

possibilities of an autonomous, critical voice in dialogue of the West.

The 1896 Philippine Revolution

Under the strain of increasing exploitation, the national and democratic

aspirations of the masses rose. As oppression heightened, the spirit of resistance among

the ruled, especially the peasant masses, increased until the Philippine Revolution of

1996 broke out. The clear revolutionary call for separation from Spain was made by the

34

Kataastaasang Kagalang-galang na Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan which was

secretly founded by leader Andres Bonifacio immediately after Rizals arrest in 1892.

The guiding ideology of the revolution was that of the liberal bourgeoisie which was

modeled upon the French Revolution. The revolution asserted the sovereignty of the

Filipino people, the protection and promotion of civil liberties, the confiscation of the

friar estates and the elimination of theocratic rule (Guerrero, 2005).

As a concept and historical force, Filipino nationality was originally a product of

the revolutionary movement of the people led by the revolutionary organization which is

Katipunan. Previously, the Spanish colonialists referred to their colonial native subjects

as indios or indigenes and to the Philippine-born Spaniards as Filipinos. The

revolutionaries categorically appropriated the term Filipino in a manifesto to refer to the

entire colonized people of various ethnolinguistic communities in the struggle for

national liberation. Previously, the Katipunan leaders and common people often referred

to themselves as Tagalog, Malay or lahing kayumanggi and the reformists in the

propaganda movement in Spain as indios bravos or noble indios. Filipino nationality was

first of all a political-revolutionary term and at the same time carried political,

socioeconomic and cultural significance and content. It denoted revolutionary will and

movement of the people to establish the first nation-state encompassing the entire

archipelago (Sison, 2006).

American Era

Amado Guerrero writes in his book Philippine Society and Revolution:

The people of Bicol continued to wage armed struggle until 1903 when their leader Simeon Ola betrayed them by surrendering. In Visayas,

35

particularly Cebu, Samar, Leyte and Panay, the Pulahanes fought fierce

against US aggressor troops and the puppet constabulary. So did the

masses of Cavite, Batangas, Laguna and Quezon even after general

amnesty was issued. In Central Luzon, a religious organization, the Santa

Iglesia, also waged armed resistance. In the Ilocos, associations that

proclaimed themselves as the New Katipunan conducte a guerilla war for

national independence against US imperialism. The most prominent of the

final efforts to continue the revolutionary struggle in Luzon was led by

Macario Sakay, from 1902 to 1906 in Bulacan, Pampanga, Laguna,

Neuva Ecija and Rizal. However, the fiercest armed resistance after 1902

was waged by the people of Mindanao until as late as 1916.

The status of the Philippines as a colony continued under the US colonial rule.

The evils of the Spanish colonial regime were also carried over to the US colonial

regime. The exploitation of the people became more intensified as Philippines became a

source of raw materials and a market for its surplus products. US imperialism drew from

the country commercial crops such as sugar, coconut and hem and also raw materials

such as logs and mineral ores. The peasantry became more impoverished and the colonial

exchange of raw materials and finished products hastened which crushed local

manufacturers and which compelled the people to buy these finished goods and to

produce mainly raw materials (Guerrero, 2005).

Filipino nationalism was extremely challenged during the American era, but did

not completely vanish but instead became stronger. Our Key Informant Professor Imbong

argued that,

Due to the aggression of the Americans the resistance by the Filipinos was suppressed but the people still had a strong sense of nationalism. In

fact, despite the American aggression, there were several laws enacted by

the Americans which aims to assail the strong sense of nationhood among

the Filipinos. Among this is the Anti-Flag Law which prohibits the

Filipinos to display in public the Philippine Flag because it is a subversive

act that does not recognize the Supreme authority of the imperialist, which

was a crime punishable by death.

36

Moreover, Prof. Imbong expounded that this is one bold example of the American

Governments efforts to cut stop the nationalist feelings of the Filipinos that time. The

evils of the Spanish colonial regime were carried over the US colonial regime. The

establishment of the public school system and the adoption of English as the medium of

instruction enhanced the political and cultural indoctrination of the Filipinos which

weakened national consciousness and facilitated colonial mentality .As a response to the

growing demand for national and social liberation, the Communist Party of the

Philippines was established by Crisanto Evangelista which aimed to apply the universal

theory of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete conditions of Philippine society. Prof.

Imbong explained that in this point of history, Filipino nationalism became stronger by

supplementing the ideas of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin and relating it to the condition

of Philippine society which is characterized by foreign exploitation which necessitates for

us to wage a national-liberation movement.

The Japanese Era

When the Japanese invaded the Philippines on the Second World War,

nationalism as anti-colonialism was raised to new heights of necessity by the brutal

Japanese occupation. Ironically enough, this hatred for one colonizer only increased the

longing for the return of the other colonizer and our blind faith in his promises

(Constantino, 1984). Prof. Imbong explained that this means to say that despite our

resistance against American imperialism, Filipinos longed for a liberation aided by the

Americans against the Japanese. On March 1942, the (Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon)

Hukbalahap was formed which fought against the fascist invaders and asserted the

37

sovereignty of the Filipino people. The patriotic Communists and Red fighters

demonstrated heroic feats of combat against the Japanese. These patriots awakened the

people and led them to gain a large measure of democratic power, particularly in Central

Luzon and certain areas in Southern Luzon. The Communist Party and the Hukbahalap

fought and stood out as the strongest guerilla force fiercely fighting the Japanese fascists

and their puppets. It was their total effort which successfully drove out the Japanese

forces in the country.

Marcos-Era

President Ferdinand Marcos on An Ideology for Filipinos expounded on the needs

to reform the moral consciousness of the people because he recognized that Filipinos

were disoriented and confused and were not united on what is the right future that they

must pursue. He declared Martial Law on September 21, 1972 in line with his vision to

create a new society. A society with unity and citizens that are cooperative to the

government. In this light, Marcoss true intent was not to prolong his stay in power, but

to change and discipline Philippine society. Ultimately, despite his blatant desire for

power, Marcos did too wish to instill a discipline that he believed Philippine society

lacked (Unjieng, 2009).

Growing nationalism in the Philippines was again repressed when martial law was

declared in September 21, 1972, by Marcos. Many Philippine nationalists, among them

student activists, who could not afford to flee into exile, took up arms and were arrested

by the Philippine Constabulary. They were summarily branded as communists and

executed. Many others were "silenced" by wholesale violation of their constitutional

38

rights, such as the freedom of press, of speech and of assembly as Marcos begun to rule

by decrees until the evening hours of February 25, 1986, when Marcos, his wife Imelda,

and their 60-member entourage fled the grounds of the presidential palace in Manila for

exile in Hawaii (Liu, 2003).

Thus, after declaring martial law in 1972, in order to quell the Communist

threat, which was effectively eliminated by 1976, Marcos then justified martial law as the

only means to create the revolutionary, socially just, and economically equitable New

Society he claimed to seek (Wurfel, 1977).

On Marcos Era, the character of Filipino nationalism was not anymore anti-

colonial because there was no more foreign exploitation but it was a nationalism that is

geared towards the formation of a just nation that upholds the human rights and freedoms

and a nation that champions democracy. This goal was achieved through peaceful

revolution by the people that removed the Marcos regime and restored democracy in our

country. Our Key Informant from NCCA Mr. Salazar conforms to this idea; he said that

the Martial Law had a great impact on our idea of nationalism.

Post-Marcos Era-The 1986 People Power Revolution

The 1986 Philippine People Power Movement was contributory to the expanded

moral consciousness of the Filipinos and viewed moral education as essential to social

and political transformation (Bonoan, 1994). As described by Bankoff and Weekley

(2002), the attitude that Filipino national identity is characterized by commitment to

freedom and democracy. This commitment usually includes important corollary notions

such as an ongoing struggle against tyranny and injustice.

39

Theoretical Framework

The theory used in understanding Filipino nationalism was communitarianism.

Communitarians believed that the sense of community exists in the form of social

practices, cultural practices and social understandings. Communitarianism could help

develop a sense of common national identity. Communitarians argued that states try to

develop solidarity by appealing to ideals of nationhood. Each tried to convince its

citizens that they form a nation and hence belong together to a single political

community and owe each other special obligations. Since the people who share a state are

not only co-citizens but also co-nationals, there is a natural bond of solidarity and a

natural desire to exercise self-government. The rise of nationalism valorized the people

and that nations are defined in terms of the people i.e. mass population on a territory,

regardless of class or occupation--- who become the bearer of sovereignty, the central

object of loyalty and the basis of collective solidarity (Greenfield 1992:14). Nationalism

has created the idea of single national community which encompasses all classes on the

territory. The basis of national identity need not to be a shared conception of the good but

a rather thinner and more diffuse sense of belongingness to an intergenerational society,

sharing a common territory, having a common post and sharing a common future. This

indeed is how national identities function in the western democracies. Citizens think of

themselves as American for example and identify each other Americans without sharing

a common religion or conception of the good. Americans disagree with each other about

the good life but they still recognize and identify each other as Americans, because they

share a sense of belonging to an intergenerational society which has some historical

reference points and a common future (Kymlicka, 2002). In addition, communitarianism

40

can be used in two types: first, Philosophical Communitarianism is primarily concerned

with metaphysical and epistemological issues as distinct from policy issues. It

specifically opposes classical Liberalism, that which construes communities as

originating from the voluntary acts of pre-community or atomistic individuals. It

emphasizes the role of the community in defining and shaping individuals. It believes that

the value of community is not sufficiently recognized in liberal theories of justice.

Second, Ideological Communitarianism can be seen as a radical centrist ideology (a third

way philosophy which includes the belief that, in affirming the core principles involved

on both sides of a political argument, the disagreement can be resolved or rendered

moot). It is sometimes marked by leftism on economic issues and conservatism on social

issues. Communitarians seek to bolster social capital (the value to democracy of social

networks and groups) and the institutions of civil society. It also affirms positive

rights such as state subsidized education, state subsidized housing, a safe and clean

environment, universal health care, extensive public works programs, and often even the

right to a job, and laws limiting pollution, gun ownership, etc (Mastin, 2008:1).

Communitarianism as explained by Dr. Resil Mojares author of the book, Brains

of the Nation is a localized form of nationalism. Nationalism is national in perspective

because it tries to understand the feels and clamours of society based on its national

interests. Unlike communitarianism, the theory is focused on a local perspective which

tries to understand how local communities work and influence each other in terms of

culture and political aspirations. And since the Philippines has an archipelagic setup with

more than 7,000 islands and diverse native cultures, it is challenging and effective to use

communitarianism in understanding Filipino concept of nationalism. This study put into

41

consideration the involvement of communities and how they reacted and interacted with

each other when circumstances arose that their beliefs and traditions were being

threatened thus, giving the rise of Filipino nationalism. The challenges and breakthroughs

of Filipino nationalism could also be examined through the use of communitarianism as a

theoretical framework.

Conceptual Framework

Nationalism

What is Nationalism

Types of Nationalism

Achievements

Filipino Nationalism

Historical Background

Types of Nationalism

Breakthroughs,

Limitations, and

Challenges

Communitarianism

What is

Communitarianism

Connection with

Nationalism

42

CHAPTER 3

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The purpose of this research methodology was to understand the Filipino concept

of nationalism on whether it is existent or in the process of becoming or whatever its

current status is. Literatures had varying takes on the status of nationalism in this country.

In order to understand deeper, the student-researchers would be doing a review of related

literatures pertaining to Filipino nationalism and scholarly interviews with key informants

who were individuals knowledgeable in the aforementioned concept. Considerations were

made to those who came from the academe especially in the departments of History and

Philosophy and government agency such as National Commission for Culture and the

Arts in order to relate whether the pronouncements in the literatures are still relevant up

to this day and to be able to contribute something to the understanding and the discourse

of Filipino nationalism.

This chapter would present the research environment of the study and the research

respondents used in gathering important information. Also the research instruments and

the research procedures would be discussed in order to know how to handle the data

retrieved.

43

Research Environment

The locale of this study was focused on the Philippines at large. Despite the wide

range of geographical area, the student-researchers found it compelling to research about

Filipino concept of nationalism in two divisions and/or timeframes: pre-Marcos and post-

Marcos. Due to varying pronouncements of Filipino scholars about Filipino nationalism,

the student-researchers made use of the era of Ferdinand Marcos administration (1965-

1986) as the point of reference considering the late Philippine presidents vocal

contributions to the discussion on nationalism. The former President Ferdinand Marcos

(1980) once said that as an effect to our colonial experiences, we have no clear

conception on who we really are, what do we stand for, what we are dreaming for and

what our world as Filipinos is leading to.

The study focused on two timeframes in Philippine history in order to explain

Filipino nationalism. The study highlighted the Marcos-era (pre and post) because this

was the particular stage of the Philippine history that nationalism took the spotlight and

elevated itself to be admired by the world. The first timeframe was the pre-Marcos era. It

consisted the eras of early pre-Spanish, Spanish, American, Japanese and post-Japanese.

The post-Marcos era explained the concept of nationalism among Filipinos when the

former dictator was forced to leave his office after a successful bloodless mass revolution

which was commonly called the EDSA People Power Revolution. The Marcos-era of

nationalism which covers almost 20 years of leadership by President Marcos would also

be discussed in the paper.

44

Research Respondents

Respondents of this study were involved in a Key Informant Interview

(K.I.I.).These key informants were known to be knowledgeable and had specialized

training-exposures in Political Philosophy, Philippine History, Philippine Culture and

Politics. They were requested to explain the early concept and historical facts that helped

develop Filipino nationalism, to enumerate important breakthroughs and challenges being

faced by Filipino nationalism, and to further contribute to the theoretical discourse and

future potentials of Filipino nationalism.

The first type of respondents was composed of history professors whose area of

specialization was on the Filipino Culture. The selection was intended as such to be able

for the student-researchers to understand the behaviors and conducts of Filipinos which

could be attributed to nationalism. The second type of respondents consisted of

Philosophy professors who were very much oriented on the influences, dynamics, and

theoretical connotations in the parlance of Political Philosophy with regards to the

formation of Filipino nationalism. The last type of respondents composed of resource

persons from identified government agencies in charge of the preservation and promotion

of the Philippine culture. The set- up is as such for the researchers to be able to

understand the relationship between the past culture to that of the present culture of

Filipinos as well as on whether they exhibit a sense of nationalism or not. Additional key

informant interviewees were included for the same purpose of providing more

information about the subject matter. All responses were processed and cross-referenced

to the framework established by Michael Hechter (2000) so that substantial theorizing on

the possible future of Filipino nationalism would be pursued.

45

The respondents were aware of the classifications of nationalism characterized by

Michael Hechter. Their answer-contributions to the questions posed by the student-

researchers would be used to create a matrix of the characteristics that explain the type of

Filipino nationalism. In order to handle carefully the biases that might spoil the

objectivity and the prospective output of the study, the student-researchers invited

intellectuals to be the respondents for key informant interviews that are accomplished

authors and coming from different perspectives of the political spectrum which were at

the same time knowledgeable about nationalism and Hechters types of nationalism. The

student-researchers asked a key informant from the left political spectrum who considers

himself as having a Marxist political orientation. The next respondent was coming from a

liberal democratic perspective and a book author and university lecturer. Another one is

from the center of the political spectrum and knowledgeable about party politics and

communitarianism and one of the draftors of the Bangsamoro Basic Law. Also, one of

the respondents was coming from the national government agency which is the National

Commission for Culture and the Arts, which is the governments main agency in

promoting Philippine heritage, arts, development of pluralistic culture and preservation of

traditional cultures. His answers were contributory to this study in order to learn what are

the prospects and projects of the government towards promoting, preserving and

developing our nationalism.

The first respondent for the key informant interview was Dr. Resil Mojares, a

renowned book author in the fields of Philippine history and Filipino culture. One of his

published books was the Brains of the Nation which was used in this study for references.

Dr. Mojares expounded the historical facts about Filipino nationalism especially during

46

the 1970s and 1980s. He elaborated the types of nationalism existing in the Philippines

by eras. He is also knowledgeable about the possible future impacts of regional

integrations or globalization towards Filipino nationalism.

The next respondent was Prof. Regletto Aldrich Imbong, a History, Philosophy

and Political Science professor from the University of the Philippines - Cebu. He is

observed to possess the knowledge about Philippine history and Filipino culture, and the

development of Filipino nationalism. He was able to point out certain eventualities in

history that were contributorty to the development and realization of Filipino nationalism

as contextualized by the student-researchers.

Ms. Cristita Marie Giangan was our next respondent. Coming from the centrist

perspective, she was one of the founding members of the Centrist Democracy Party of the

Philippines and author of a paper entitled Institutions in the Future Bangsamoro New

Political Entity Options and Considerations which aimed to detail the options on how the

institutions of the future Bangsamoro may look like. Having obtained her Masters

degree in Public Management and Development, she possesses the knowledge about

public management and political institutions and its effects amongst many others. She

was one of the contributors of the book Kapulongan: Conversations with Cebuano

Writers which was published in 2008.

The last but not the least informant was Mr. Lawrence Salazar. Having a masters

degree in History, Mr. Salazar is currently a member of the Technical Committees on

Historical Research and National Observances of the National Commission for Culture

and the Arts. His fields of expertise are Social Sciences and History. His contributions to

the study were helpful in learning how the government recognizes Filipino nationalism

47

and what are its potential challenges and breakthroughs. He was aware of Michael

Hechters classifications of nationalism and provided useful answers as to what

classification best describes Filipino nationalism.

Research Instruments

The research instruments that were used in the conduct of this study consisted of

documents review and key informant interviews (K.I.I.). The first instrument was

intended to go over available data sources such as: books, journals and articles that

contain relevant information that could be helpful to the study. Through this method, it

would help the researchers gather and process useful information in order to answer the

specific objectives of the study.

The Key Informant Interview (KII) would be able to supplement and provide

relevant information that would support the outputs of the documents review. Interviews

were done through personal meet-ups and electronic mails.

48

In addition, the researchers will follow the template provided below in their Documents

Review.

Research Procedures

Gathering of Data

The researchers used a qualitative strategy in gathering and analyzing relevant

data. The researchers reviewed related literatures such as: books, journals and articles

which were relevant to the topic that could validate and support the information gathered

from the key informant interview. The researchers formulated guide questions that would

facilitate the flow of discussion in the Key Informant Interview. These questions were

subjected to pre-testing procedures for validation. The gathering of data for key

informant interview was through personal interview and electronic mail.

Author

Year

Title

Publishing

Company

Main

Arguments

Page

Number

Critique

SOP being

addressed

49

Treatment of Data

The data gathered from the Documents Review and Key Informant Interviews

were used to analyze what is Nationalism as cross-referenced with the framework

advanced by Michael Hechter (2000). The data gathered were used in identifying the

breakthroughs and challenges of Filipino Nationalism and also to develop future

discussions on Filipino Nationalism. Descriptive and qualitative research methodology

would be employed thereto.

This study was guided with specific objectives. The specific objective number one

which was to find out the historical background of Filipino nationalism was dealt with by

focusing first on documents review. After the documents review, the student-researchers

performed a key informant interview. The answers by the respondents of the key

informant interviews and the data gathered through documents review were cross-

referenced in order to get the obvious and concluding answers. Then, the student-

researchers consolidated all dominant answers in order to explain the exact historical

background of Filipino nationalism. To present the concluding data or answers, the

student-researchers created a timeline in order to highlight important facts on Philippine

history that were influential to the development of Filipino nationalism.

The second objective was to identify the kind of nationalism that the Filipinos

possess by utilizing the classifications made by Michael Hechter (2000). In order to

achieve the correct description of the kind of Filipino nationalism, the student-researchers

created a matrix that comprised the characteristics of each types of nationalism along

with the findings of the key informant interviews and documents reviewed that described

Philippine society in terms of its trending actions from the past up to the present,

50

converging points that resulted to common actions and the kind of society existing in the

Philippines. The findings of the KII and documents review were cross-referenced with

the characteristics of each considered types of nationalism according to Michael Hechter.

The most obvious type of nationalism would be the one which compliments unanimously

and convincingly the findings based on KII and documents review.

The third specific objective was dependent on the outcome of the second specific

objective. After establishing on what is the type or kind of nationalism that Filipinos

possess, the student-researchers tried to extract useful informations based on the

documents reviews such as journals that document the contemporary issues and

challenges that are being faced by Filipino nationalism. The student-researchers made use

of the information that was provided by the resource person coming from the National

Commission for Culture and the Arts. The commission is in-charge on the promotion and

preservation of national cultures and traditions or the nationalism as a whole. The data

that were extracted from the key informants would be beneficial in explaining the current

condition of Filipino nationalism in the contemporary times. Moreover, the informations

gathered as a response to the third specific objective would also be useful in theorizing

the future potentials of Filipino nationalism.

For the fourth specific objective which was to determine the breakthroughs and

challenges of Filipino nationalism, the student-researchers thematized the breakthorughs

and challenges based on the timelines as specified in the research environment. The

student-researchers applied documents review on the past challenges and breakthroughs

during the pre-Marcos era (pre-Spanish, American, Japanese, post-Japanese) and the

51

post-Marcos era. The relevant informations gathered were cross-referenced with the key

informants in order to verify the accurateness of the gathered data.

For the fifth objective which was to theorize on the future potentials of Filipino

nationalism, the student-researchers would carefully examine the major issues that were

encountered by Filipino nationalism during the colonial eras and the recent era. Then, put

into consideration the reasons behind how nationalism countered such issues. Also, the

recent issues faced during the Marcos era and the post-Marcos eras of nationalism were

taken into consideration especially the effects of the EDSA People Power Revolution.

The student-researchers analyzed the trend on what were the major challenges faced by

Filipino nationalism and how to pre-empt such challenges so that it could not resurface in

the future.

52

Research Design or Schematic Diagram

Understanding

Filipino concept of

nationalism

Historical

Background

Books, Journals, Articles,

National Commission for Culture and the Arts,

Professors from History and Philosophy

Departments of Institutions of Higher Learning

Documents Review

Elements or Characteristics interplay

of Communitarianism Nationalism

Filipino sense of

nationalism

Type or

Kind of

Nationalism

Breakthroughs,

Limitations and

Challenges

Characteristics or

Elements of

Communitarianism

Key Informant Interview

53

CHAPTER 4

PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA

This chapter involved the presentation, analysis and interpretation of data that

were gathered using the Key Informant Interview and Documents Review. The data

presentation was arranged according to the identified specific objectives. The next part

was the presentation of the analysis of the findings and its relevance to the specific

objectives of the study. Lastly, the student-researchers presented their interpretation of

the data gathered.

Timeline of the Development of Filipino Nationalism

To be able to give a brief presentation of data, the student-researchers provided a

flowchart highlighting only the important events which helped develop the Filipino

concept of nationalism. The student-researchers explained the concept of Filipino

nationalism in every era through thematic presentation.

54

Flowchart and Description of the Development of Filipino Nationalism

The native people were divided into so many independent small societies

Ethnic communities were just concerned on their own local interests

The Propaganda Movement (1872)

Aims to:

1. Integration of the colony as a regular province of Spain 2. Restoration of freedom of speech, press, assembly and

religion

The 1896 Philippine Revolution The revolution was started by Katipunan led by Andres Bonifacio

which asserted sovereignty of the Filipino people, the protection and promotion of civil liberties, the confiscation of friar estates and the elimination of theocratic rule.

The Secularization Movement

The execution of: Zamora, Burgos, Gomez the three most outspoken leaders of the movement

awakened the people to push for reforms and

representation.

Liberal ideas came to the Philippines (1863)

Liberal magazines and books written by liberal writers were brought to the country such as the works of Rousseau and

Locke,

the ideas from the American and French revolution also came in.

The liberal regime of De la Torre (1869-1871) In 1869, Governor Carlos Maria De la Torre arrived in the

Philippines and applied democratic and liberal ideas and encouraged

freedom of speech and formation of associations

Pre-Spanish Era: Regionalistic

Spanish-Era: Anti-Colonial

Opening of the Philippines to World Commerce (1834-1873)

In 1834, Manila was opened

From 1834-1873 several ports were opened: Sual, Iloilo, Zamboanga, Cebu, Legaspi ports

55

Laws were enacted by the Americans to counter the influence of revolution (Ex. Flag Law)

On Nov. 30, 1930, Crisanto Evangelista founded the Communist Party of the Philippines with an orientati