United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

JHUMUNC 20XX

2

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

Topic A: Integrating Refugees into the Society of a New Nation

Topic B: Central American Refugees of Organized Crime

Topic A: Integrating Refugees

into the Society of a New

Nation

Introduction

The United Nations High

Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was

originally established by the General

Assembly of the United Nations in 1951.

The original establishment was intended to

last for three years, but the committee was

found to be vital enough to merit several

five-year extensions. In the mandate of the

UNHCR, the term “refugee” is specifically

defined as the following: “A person who,

because of fear of persecution arising from

his race, religion, nationality, membership of

a particular social group or political opinion,

is outside the country of his nationality and

unable or unwilling to avail himself of that

country’s protection.”1

The term also applies to every person

who, owing to an external aggression,

occupation, foreign domination or events

seriously disturbing public order in either

part or the whole of his country of origin, is

compelled to leave his place of habitual

residence in order to seek refuge in another

place outside his country of origin.2 It

1 "Refugees." UNHCR News. N.p., n.d. Web. 10

Aug. 2016.

2 "OAU Convention Governing the Specific

Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, Adopted

should be noted that this definition may or

may not include asylum seekers, migrants,

stateless people, and internally displaced

people. Nations should keep these other

classifications in mind when creating

policies as they may unintentionally affect

these other populations.

Historical Background

Out of the 20th

century, World War

II experienced the largest displacement of

people from their native countries. Thus, the

Allies set up the UNHCR in order to provide

relief for people fleeing conflict (i.e.

refugees). Then in the 1950s and 1960s, the

decolonization movements swept across

Asia and Africa, starting with India in 1947,

when 14 million people were displaced as a

result of the partition of India and Pakistan.

The civil conflicts that ensued caused

millions to flee from Algeria, Congo,

Angola, and Nigeria to neighboring

countries, and even after peace was restored,

newly established military regimes often

uprooted ethnic communities.3

by the Assembly of Heads of State and

Government at Its Sixth Ordinary Session,

Addis-Ababa, 10 September 1969." UNHCR

News. N.p., n.d. Web. 13 June 2016.

3 Lydia DePillis, Kulwant Saluja, Denise Lu, “A

visual guide to 75 years of major refugee crises

around the world,” The Washington Post, 21

Dec. 2015. Web. 27 Nov. 2016.

3

During the 1970s and 1980s, the

proxy battles of the Cold War displaced

millions of people from Afghanistan and

between countries in the Horn of Africa.

Furthermore, as the power of the Soviet

Union declined, nationalist communities in

Eastern Europe began to fight for self-

determination, which resulted in people

moving between Armenia and

Azerbaijan, and within Georgia

and Tajikistan. Then after the fall of the

Berlin Wall in 1989, millions of Russian

natives flooded Russia from the recently

independent states.4

In the 21st century, displacement

levels hit a historic low in 2005, but began

increasing as a result of a series of conflicts,

including the United States invasion of Iraq.

By the middle of 2015, the UNHCR

estimates that the total number of refugees

had hit a historic high of over 60 million

people because of the mass of people

uprooted from the conflict-ridden regions of

Syria and South Sudan.5

To understand the current refugee

crisis and draft good policy to solve it, an

actor must first understand the history that

has shaped the crisis. Primarily, the

convention relating to the “Status of

Refugees,” also known as the “1951

Refugee Convention,” is a multilateral treaty

that defines who is a refugee, and establishes

the rights of individuals who are granted

asylum, as well as the responsibilities of

nations that grant said asylum.6 For

example, Article 3 states that a contracting

(or host) state must apply provisions of the

Constitution to refugees without

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.

6 "Chapter V – Refugees and Stateless Persons".

United Nations Treaty Series. 22 July 2013.

Archived from the original on 14 November

2012. Web. 05 July 2016.

discriminating against race, religion, or

country of origin.7 Most relevant to our

commission is Article 17, which states that:

“…the Contracting States shall give

sympathetic consideration to

assimilating the rights of all refugees

with regard to wage-earning

employment to those of nationals, and

in particular of those refugees who

have entered their territory pursuant to

programs of labor recruitment or under

immigration schemes.”8

According to the 1951 Refugee

Convention, restoring the dignity of refugees

and ensuring the provision of human rights

includes an approach that would lead to their

integration in the host society.9 More recent

thinking, however, emphasizes both the

importance of maintaining individual

identity and the possibility of “promoting

self-reliance pending voluntary return,”

whereby local integration would be

temporary.10

7 "OAU Convention Governing the Specific

Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, Adopted

by the Assembly of Heads of State and

Government at Its Sixth Ordinary Session,

Addis-Ababa, 10 September 1969." Article 3.

UNHCR News. N.p., n.d. Web. 13 June 2016.

8 Ibid.

9 Article 34 of the 1951 Convention Relating to

the Status of Refugees, Adopted on 28 July 1951

by the United Nations Conference of

Plenipotentiaries on the Status of Refugees and

Stateless Persons convened under General

Assembly resolution 429 (V) of 14 December

1950; entry into force 22 April 1954, in

accordance with article 43. Web. 15 June 2016.

10 Crisp, Jeff. “No Solution in Sight: The

Problem of Protected Refugee Situation in

Africa.” New Issues in Refugee Research,

Working Paper No.75, Geneva: UNHCR, p. 26.

Web. 15 June 2016.

4

When drafting a meaningful

resolution, delegates should consider

examples provided by past conventions. The

first three perambulatory clauses taken from

the 1969 Convention Governing the Specific

Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa are

shown below:

1. “Noting with concern the constantly

increasing numbers of refugees in

Africa and desirous of finding ways

and means of alleviating their misery

and suffering as well as providing

them with a better life and future,

2. Recognizing the need for and

essentially humanitarian approach

towards solving the problems of

refugees,

3. Aware, however, that refugee

problems are a source of friction

among many Member States, and

desirous of eliminating the source of

such discord”11

As shown above, perambulatory

clauses should begin with verbs in the

present progressive tense (e.g. noting,

recognizing, etc.). Preambulatory clauses are

historic justifications for action. Use

preambulatory clauses to cite past

resolutions, precedents, and statements

about the purpose of action. Contrastingly,

the operative clauses (which should follow)

are policies that the resolution is designed to

create, which are used to explain what

actions the committee will take in order to

address the issue. A few examples of

operative clauses from the same 1969

Conference are included below.

1. “Member States of the OAU shall

use their best endeavors consistent

with their respective legislations to

11 1969 Convention Governing the Specific

Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa. Web. 05

July 2016.

receive refugees and to secure the

settlement of those refugees who, for

well-founded reasons, are unable or

unwilling to return to their country of

origin or nationality.

2. The grant of asylum to refugees is a

peaceful and humanitarian act and

shall not be regarded as an

unfriendly act by any Member State.

3. No person shall be subjected by a

Member State to measures such as

rejection at the frontier, return or

expulsion, which would compel him

to return to or remain in a territory

where his life, physical integrity or

liberty would be threatened for the

reasons set out in Article I,

paragraphs 1 and 2.”12

To create a detailed resolution, think of

every aspect of your plan. For example, if

your resolution calls for a new program,

think about how it will be funded and what

body will manage it. Be realistic and try to

cite facts whenever possible. When possible,

try to reference past resolutions to establish

precedence and show awareness of current

international law. Most importantly, be

aware of contemporary conditions and get

creative with active clauses trying to

improve the issues at hand. Make sure your

body can take the action suggested and do

not create objectives for your resolution that

cannot be met. Finally, try to find multiple

sponsors. Your committee will be more

likely to approve the resolutions if many

delegates contribute their input and achieve

their countries’ goals.

12

1969 Convention Governing the Specific

Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa. Article

2. Web. 05 July 2016.

5

Contemporary Conditions

Today, most refugees spend years

living in the unsafe conditions of border

zones, while their legal status in the host

country is uncertain.13

They are not granted

full asylum, but are unlikely to be able to

resettle in a third country. These drawn-out

refugee situations are characterized by a

"care and maintenance" or "durable

solutions" model of assistance in countries

of first asylum, meaning that only the basic

needs of refugees residing in camps are

met.14

As the United Nations High

Commissioner for Refugees explains it,

“The shift from emergency to ‘care

and maintenance’ usually begins when

the refugee population in a camp

becomes relatively stable.

Environmental activities developed

during this phase should be proactive,

taking a long-term approach to

managing natural resources for the

benefit of people and the environment.

Management plans should be prepared

and guidance provided to field staff on

integrating environmental components

into project and program

implementation.”15

However, though the situation has

been deemed stable and these programs can

be implemented, refugees in border zones

are typically left with little ability to support

13

Traynor, Ian, and Helena Smith. "EU Border

Controls: Schengen Scheme on the Brink after

Amsterdam Talks." The Guardian. Guardian

News and Media, 26 Jan. 2016. Web. 15 June

2016.

14 "Environmental Concerns during Refugee

Operations." UNHCR News. N.p., n.d. Web. 07

July 2016.

15 Ibid.

or educate themselves and their children.

One of UNHCR’s most important duties is

to find long-term, durable solutions to the

problems created and experienced by

refugees.16

While it may be difficult to

eliminate all environmental impacts from

refugee-hosting areas, given that a host

country has been generous enough to make

asylum provisions for the welfare of

refugees, every effort should be made to

overcome some of the main impacts.

Local integration is notably under-

utilized even though it is a legitimate idea

that presents an alternative to refugee

camps. In the roughest sense, this means

permanently settling refugees in host

communities in countries of first asylum.

Local integration has never been broadly

implemented in developing countries.

Instead, many host governments,

particularly in Africa, have allowed “self-

settlement” of refugees without official

assistance in local host communities.17

However, local integration has rarely been

pursued systematically or formalized in a

way that gives refugees an official and

secure legal status.18

This concept has lately

received little attention from host

governments and donor agencies, but is

attracting revived attention for its potential

to promote economic development, protect

refugee rights, and provide long-term

solutions to persistent crises. Only a few

governments, including Uganda, Mexico,

and Belize, have offered local integration

16

"About Us." UNHCR News. N.p., n.d. Web.

13 June 2016.

17 Beaudou A., Cambrézy L., Zaiss R.,

"Geographical Information system, environment

and camp planning in refugee hosting areas:

Approach, methods and application in Uganda,"

Institute for Research in Development (IRD);

November 2003. Web. 11 June 2016.

18 Ibid.

6

opportunities to refugees who cannot or do

not wish to repatriate.19

Case Study: Uganda

While Uganda has historically dealt

with numerous prolonged refugee situations,

the previous decade has seen a greater influx

of refugees than any other time in history.

However, the government of Uganda’s

response to this refugee crisis has had

notable benefits. As of December 2002, the

UNHCR reported a national total of 197,082

refugees living in Uganda, primarily from

Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo

(DRC), and Rwanda.20

However, it is

important to note that this statistic reflects

the number of refugees who are registered

with UNHCR and who live in settlement

areas. According to conservative estimates,

there are approximately 50,000 self-settled

refugees in the country.21

In reality, the

number is probably far greater. Moreover,

there are 10,000 refugees registered with the

Office of the Prime Minister as self-

sufficient urban refugees, and estimates put

approximately 5,000 to 10,000 others living

in Kampala without assistance or

protection.22

19

Gingyera-Pincywa, A.G.G. 1998. “Uganda’s

Entanglement with the Problem of Refugees in

its

Global and African Contexts.” Uganda and the

Problem of Refugees. Kampala: Makerere

University Press. Web. 4 June 2016.

20 UNHCR Public Information Office. Refugee

Statistics as of end of December 2002. Web. 13

June 2016.

21 UNHCR Uganda, 1999. Strategy Paper: Self

Reliance for Refugee Hosting Areas, 1999 –

2003. With Office of the Prime Minister,

Kampala, Uganda. Web. 23 July. 2016.

22 UNHCR Uganda, 1999. Strategy Paper: Self

Reliance for Refugee Hosting Areas, 1999 –

Education is a sector directly

affected by the implementation of Ugandan

policy. Of particular relevance is the SRS

advocates “integrating refugee primary and

secondary schools into the district education

system.”23

In so doing, the SRS aims to

develop “mechanisms for the inclusion of

the refugees into the Universal Primary

Education (UPE) being implemented in

Uganda.”24

In both developed and

developing host countries, the preference is

for temporary protection and restrictions on

refugees, including channeling them into

camps, pending their repatriation.

While these methods worked

particularly well in their respective

countries, viable paths to refugee integration

vary widely. Some of the most common

scenarios are described below. Full

integration refers to refugees who are

granted asylum, residency, and full and

permanent membership status by the host

government. Under these circumstances,

refugees acquire the protection of the host

state and enjoy the full range of economic,

social, and civil rights accorded to

permanent legal residents, including access

to citizenship under the same terms as

others.

Local integration may take place

when it is not safe for refugees to return

home after a prolonged period in exile.25

Local integration is a long and complicated

process with legal, economic, social, and

2003. With Office of the Prime Minister,

Kampala, Uganda. Web. 23 July. 2016.

23 Office of the Prime Minister/UNHCR

Uganda. 1999. “Strategy Paper: Self Reliance

for Refugee Hosting Areas in Moyo, Arua, and

Adjumani Districts, 1999-2005,” 19 July. 2016.

24 Ibid.

25 "Local Integration." UNHCR News. Web. 01

Aug. 2016.

7

cultural ramifications, in which the eventual

goal is for refugees to acquire the nationality

of the host country. Within the past decade,

approximately 1.1 million refugees around

the world have become citizens in their

country of asylum.26

Local integration

imposes considerable demands on both the

individual and the receiving society. In such

cases, a host government may decide to

allow refugees to integrate locally, in the

first-asylum country.27

Local integration

may or may not lead to permanent residence

and eventual citizenship.

Self-settlement occurs when refugees

share local households or set up temporary

accommodations, and when local families or

community organizations assist refugees.

Self-settled refugees have no legal refugee

status within the host country. The UNHCR,

although recognizing the refugee status of

this group, is unable to provide any formal

protection. These refugees are often active

in the local economy despite the legal

restrictions on such activities.

Encampment means that refugee

camps are purpose-built and administered by

the UNHCR and/or host governments.28

Food, water, and services such as schooling

and health care are provided by relief

agencies. Refugees in camps are not

expected to be self-sufficient, and camps are

seldom planned for long-term use or

population growth. Host governments and

many relief agencies prefer camps, not only

because they make managing assistance

easier, but also because they are believed to

facilitate repatriation since harsh camp

conditions make staying less attractive. Host

countries may also classify a site as either an

26

"Local Integration." UNHCR News. Web. 01

Aug. 2016.

27 Ibid

28 Ibid.

“Encampment” or “Non-Encampment” for

their own gains. One critic gave an example:

“In Lebanon and Jordan the (non-)

encampment of Syrian refugees is

serving states’ labor market goals. The

Lebanese economy ‘requires’ large

numbers of non-encamped low-wage

Syrian workers, but the Jordanian

regime assists its Transjordanian

support base by restricting poor

Syrians’ access to the labor market

through encampment.”29

Organized or local settlements are

planned, segregated villages created

specifically for refugees, and they differ

from camps in that refugees are expected to

become self-sufficient pending their

repatriation. Furthermore, within these

organized or local settlements, there is more

permanent housing construction, and there is

access to land provided by the government,

but there is limited movement allowed

outside official areas of residence.

Opportunity and Flexibility In countries of first asylum, refugees

settle in different ways and continue to

move between various settlement options

over time. Camps and other assisted

settlements tend to fluctuate in numbers as

the population moves continuously.30

Refugees will frequently leave camps in

order to find work, explore repatriation and

resettlement options, trade, enlist in rebel

29

Turner, Lewis. "Mediterranean Politics."

Explaining the (Non-)Encampment of Syrian

Refugees: Security, Class and the Labour

Market in Lebanon and Jordan: : Vol 20, No 3.

Taylor& Francis Online, 15 Sept. 2015. Web. 10

Aug. 2016.

30 45, Working Paper No. NEW ISSUES IN

REFUGEE RESEARCH (n.d.): n. pag. Web. 06

Jine. 2016.

8

movements, or join family members.

Reasons to return to the camps include when

food supply is limited, or when external

security threats exist.31

In a mutually

beneficial relationship, locals use the health

facilities and markets of refugee camps and

settlements, and refugees use the local

markets and land.

In the case of long-term refugee

situations, local integration can be a viable

solution for the security and growth of both

the refugees and the host country. Self-

settled refugees, who significantly

outnumber officially assisted refugees, can

survive by relying on their own

resourcefulness, receiving support from the

local community, and utilizing economic

opportunities in the region. However, not

all environments can support local

integration, and an environment’s stability

and security should be assessed. If local

integration will in fact create more

problems, then other options should be

developed. The merits of local integration or

assisted self-settlement must be carefully

evaluated before either is pursued.

A situation in which local integration

may be desired, and therefore promoted, by

a host government is when local integration

can augment the country’s economic

growth. This can occur by enabling the

economic viability of refugees (e.g. refugees

could be given access to land, and to the

social services and employment

opportunities available to nationals), and by

allowing them the rights and freedoms under

international law.32

For example, if given

freedom of movement, refugees could be

economically active and participate in the

31

Ibid

32 United Nations Treaty Series. 22 July 2013.

Archived from the original on 14 November

2012. Web. 05 July 2016

local economy.33

In this way, host

governments and the UNHCR could support

and facilitate refugee economic productivity,

which would ultimately benefit both the host

country and the refugees.

A Focus on Local Integration

A government’s decision to pursue a

local integration program raises complicated

questions about implementation and

cooperation with other agencies. Designing

international assistance programs that enable

local integration is a tricky matter because

these kinds of programs fall between relief

and development. Host governments are

reluctant to assign development-earmarked

funds to projects involving non-nationals,

and development agencies see refugee

assistance as the prerogative of relief

agencies. Therefore, in order to promote

local integration, donor communities need to

shift their priorities away from repatriation

and resettlement.34

Lessons learned from other relief-to-

development programs can be applied. In

general, successful local integration

programs should be sustainable, and should

benefit both refugees and their host

communities.35

Local integration programs

should also be in compliance with the

policies and programs of the host

governments.36

33

Barber, Ben. "Feeding refugees, or war? The

dilemma of humanitarian aid." Foreign Affairs

(1997): 8-14. Web. 05 July 2016

34 Turner, Lewis. "Mediterranean Politics."

Explaining the (Non-)Encampment of Syrian

Refugees: Security, Class and the Labour

Market in Lebanon and Jordan: : Vol 20, No 3.

Taylor& Francis Online, 15 Sept. 2015. Web. 10

July. 2016.

35 Ibid.

36 Ibid.

9

Community Relations Delegates should remember that the

success of integration depends as much on

the relationship between the local population

and the refugees as it does on the host

government’s position. Positive effort by the

host country is almost always a benefit and

can lead to useful legislation, but in the day-

to-day life of a refugee, it is best to have

friendly neighbors. When refugees are

welcomed and accepted by the locals, or at

least not resented, they are better able to

make a living and face fewer security

threats.37

Host communities sometimes view

refugees as unfortunate guests who will

eventually return to their own country. Such

a belief may explain the initial willingness

of local people to accommodate the

refugees, but it may also explain why

refugees are not ultimately easily integrated

into their host communities. Resentment can

ensue when impermanence is proven to be

false (e.g. either a new influx of refugees

occurs or refugees remain). When drafting a

resolution, delegates should remember that

when an entire local community is

mobilized to help integrate refugees, the

results are much more effective than when

the job is left to top officials.

Case Study: Norway

Recently war-torn countries such as

Syria, Somalia, and Afghanistan have

poured refugees into the borders of Norway,

leading the country to quietly emerge as one

of the largest contributors of humanitarian

aid to Syrian refugees.38

According to the

37

1994. "Refugees in the Sudan: Unresolved

issues." in Adelman, H. & Sorenson, J. (eds.)

African Refugees: Development Aid and

Repatriation, Boulder, CO: Westview Press &

Web. 10 July. 2016

38 Hjelmgaard, Kim, and Valeria Criscione.

"Little Norway Spends Big on Syrian Refugee

country’s Directorate of Immigration, just

over 31,000 people, about a third of them

from Syria, applied for asylum in Norway in

2015.39

Agder Research, as a social science

research institute centered in Southern

Norway, has focused their efforts to create

and implement positive change through a

theoretical and practical knowledge of

innovation in society, industry, and public

administration.40

In 2014, this included

running two pilot studies in two Agder

County municipalities, the town of Arendal

and the municipality of Lindesnes

specifically, to investigate if certain

approaches can aid integration. The

researchers hypothesized that where patterns

of mobility and prior migration characterize

the host society, refugees are less likely to

be viewed as temporary guests who should

move on and out. In Arendal, it was found

that educators were more than willing to

step up and complete extra tasks to help

teach their students (refugees attempting to

learn their new local language) more than

just the curriculum.

“[Educators would] get involved in a

number of tasks, such as translating

letters. But even more demanding jobs

crop up, such as helping tackle

mourning processes in connection with

family deaths or helping re-unite

families. Sometimes they get desperate

cries of help from women who are

Crisis." USA Today. Gannett, 10 Feb. 2016.

Web. 5 July. 2016.

39 Norway. Directorate of Immigration 2015.

Web. 5 July. 2016.

40 "About Us." Agderforskning. N.p. Web. 10

July. 2016.

10

battered by their husbands or

immigrants who are suicidal.”41

However, the study also noted that

these professionals did not tend to be

properly compensated for their extra efforts

and often found the tasks overwhelming.

Delegates should consider how forming a

plan to back the helpful willingness of locals

might be most effective improvement they

can make for refugees integrating to a new

society.

In the Municipality of Lindesnes, the

Agder researchers studied what happened

when duties were shifted from local

government offices to the residents. This

helped tremendously to involve new

members of the community who were

unlikely to participate if a conscious effort

had not been made to involve them. As one

researcher put it, “It is often hard to get

immigrant women, for instance from

Afghanistan, out in the job market as

participating members of society… Now,

nearly all the women from Afghanistan in

Lindesnes have work, courses or job-

training placements to go to.”42

This effort in Lindesnes had a doubly

good effect because many refugees in

Norway are coming from recently or

currently war-torn countries such as Syria,

Afghanistan, or Somalia.43

Many have

experienced violence from authorities and

41

"About Us." Agderforskning. N.p. Web. 10

July. 2016.

42 Stein, Barry N. 1991. “Refugee Aid and

Development: Slow Progress Since ICARA II,”

in Refugee Policy: Canada and the United

States, Howard Adelman (ed.) Toronto: York

Lanes Press. Web. 13 June. 2016.

43 Hjelmgaard, Kim, and Valeria Criscione.

"Little Norway Spends Big on Syrian Refugee

Crisis." USA Today. Gannett, 10 Feb. 2016.

Web. 5 July. 2016.

have a resulting mistrust of public officials.

Having peers, who were completing these

previously-government-assigned duties, to

turn to was deemed incredibly helpful by the

Adger Study.44

While local integration can

be a positive approach in and of itself, it is

important that such programs be linked to

repatriation programs. Such links could

promote a strategic regional approach that

creates joint communities, diversifies the

economy, and stimulates development in

both the refugee-hosting area and the home-

country areas to which refugees return.

According to Barry Stein, an analyst

and professor of political science at

Michigan State University, host

governments’ degree of receptiveness to the

idea of local integration tends to depend on

three key factors.45

These are the real and

perceived security threats that accompany

refugees, the perceived or actual economic

and environmental resource burdens, and the

attitudes and beliefs of both refugees and

locals about the refugees’ length of stay.46

Security Concerns A frequent argument made by host

governments is that refugees bring security

problems to the refugee-hosting area, and

that it is therefore better to restrict them to

camps where these problems can be

controlled.47

Indeed, there is evidence that

refugees import with them the security

44

Ibid.

45 Stein, Barry N. 1991. “Refugee Aid and

Development: Slow Progress Since ICARA II,”

in Refugee Policy: Canada and the United

States, Howard Adelman (ed.) Toronto: York

Lanes Press Web. 13 June 2016.

46 Ibid.

47 Nicole Lee. "A life of escaping conflict: 'I

don't feel like a Burundian – I am a refugee'".

the Guardian. Web. 11 June 2016.

11

problems of the regions they flee, and create

new crime and security problems.48

However, it is also true that refugees are

often blamed for pre-existing social or

economic problems such as rises in crime

rates, declining standards of living, and

public health crises (e.g. AIDS). In recent

years, due to the belief that refugees are

responsible for these social and economic

issues, the governments of Kenya, Tanzania,

and Thailand have insisted that all refugees

live in camps.49

However, international organizations

do provide some security in refugee camps.

Locally integrated and self-settled refugees

may be only somewhat less vulnerable than

camp dwellers because the lack of protection

services from international organizations can

leave them subject to petty crime and other

problems in the host community. Still, it is

worth noting that placing refugees in camps

often worsens security problems for both the

host country and the refugees. In addition to

military problems like raids or direct attacks

on camps, camp culture and organization

can create a climate of violence and

intimidation.50

Camp conditions often lead

to high rates of violence against women and

children, and few camps are organized to

address such problems since they typically

lack effective systems of law and order.51

Moreover, since most camps are not closed

48

Human Rights Watch Plan (PDF). Human

Rights Watch. p. 17-18. Web. 12 June 2016.

49 Stein, Barry N. 1991. “Refugee Aid and

Development: Slow Progress Since ICARA II,”

in Refugee Policy: Canada and the United

States, Howard Adelman (ed.) Toronto: York

Lanes Press Web. 13 June 2016.

50 Daniel, E.V., and Knudsen, J. eds. Mistrusting

Refugees 1995, University of California Press.

Web. 13 June 2016.

51 Ibid.

entities, the problems of crime, violence,

and militarization leach out into the

surrounding community.

Environmental and Economic Concerns

Many host governments believe that

refugees should be restricted to camps or

settlements so that they are less likely to

compete with locals for scarce resources and

infrastructure.52

Host communities fear they

will lose land and access to affordable

homes, schools, and health facilities as a

result of population influx. This was

increasingly seen last summer during

debates regarding “Brexit,” or the decision

of the United Kingdom to leave the

European Union.53

Some of these strains,

however, can be offset by international

assistance. Such aid could fund the

construction of new schools or health clinics

for the local population and the refugees,

thereby alleviating local fears.

Land constraints are also of concern,

but largely depend upon the region.

Mexico's Chiapas region, for example, is

characterized by longstanding struggles over

land. Under these circumstances, locals are

more likely to resent refugees, and to resist

them from having access to land; even

though if allowed access to land, refugees

could increase productivity. Communities

also fear that refugees will compete with

locals for jobs. However, in situations where

unemployment is already high, refugees do

not cause unemployment. In general,

refugees remain economically

disadvantaged compared to locals.

52

Fahik, Ali. "Defence and Peace Economics."

The Impact of Syrian Refugees on the Labor

Market in Neighboring Countries: Empirical

Evidence from Jordan: : Vol 27, No 1. N.p., 22

June 2015. Web. 10 July. 2016.

53 Ibid.

12

Beyond the economic sphere,

environmental strains such as deforestation,

water pollution, and the overuse of

rangeland are also feared, particularly in the

initial stages of a refugee influx.54

However,

the environmental impact of self-settled or

locally integrated refugees must be

compared with that of camps. Empirical

findings by researchers have indicated that

self-settled refugees have much greater

flexibility in selecting environmentally

sustainable locations, or in adopting more

sustainable practices, than their counterparts

in camps.55

Questions a Resolution Should

Answer

1.What is each nation's “fair share” of

contribution when solving international

issues?

The Oxfam Fair Share Measure was

developed as an attempt to determine

how many refugees each nation should

host.56

The Measure determines what is

owed by each nation based on three key

indicators to help guide the level of

commitment of the contributing country.

These are listed as:

54

1990. “The Long Term Impact and

Consequences of Two Refugee Settlement

Options: The Case of Angolan Refugees in

Zambia”. Arusha. Paper presented at the

International Refugee Conference. Web. 13 June

2016.

55 Ibid.

56 "A Fairer Deal for Syrians International

Commitments Needed to Arrest the Deepening

Crisis in Syria and the Region." Human Rights

Documents Online (n.d.): n. pag. 9 Sept. 2014.

Web. 13 June 2016.

1. The level of funding each country

makes available for the humanitarian

response, relative to the size of its

economy (based on gross national

income),

2. The number of Syrian refugees each

country has helped to find safety

through offers of resettlement or

other forms of humanitarian

protection, again based on the size of

the economy,

3. The country’s commitment to ending

human rights violations as measured

by the country’s halting the transfer

of arms and ammunition.57

2.Does every nation owe contribution?

While each nation’s sovereignty must be

respected, if a nation pledges a certain

contribution, it is important for delegates

to determine a way to hold nations to

their pledged contributions. For 2016,

the international community has pledged

$10 billion for Syria. However,

according to the United Nations, less

than half of the 2015 pledge has

materialized.58

For example, Norway

contributed 385% of its allocated portion

of an $8.9 billion funding appeal for

Syria. It was beaten only by Kuwait,

which gave 554%. Germany donated

152%, and the U.S. donated 76%.59

57

Ibid.

58 Hjelmgaard, Kim, and Valeria Criscione.

"Little Norway Spends Big on Syrian Refugee

Crisis." USA Today. Gannett, 10 Feb. 2016.

Web. 05 Aug. 2016.

59 Ibid.

13

3.Is there any legitimacy to the claim of a

nation maintaining cultural integrity?

Cultural integrity is the idea that a nation

may dilute its culture upon accepting a

large number of foreigners, or that

funding other nations to help refugees

takes away funds that could be used

domestically instead. Moral obligations

to refugees are what philosophers call

Good Samaritan obligations: obligations

to help are only when the need is great,

and the helper can do so at a low cost to

itself. The legitimacy of “cultural

integrity” is a philosophical and

sociological quandary.60

4.What types of contributions can a nation

give?

A few examples of how nations can

contribute to refugees are by providing

shelter, food and water, medical and

psychological care, legal assistance,

education, or monetary aid to other

nations and relief agencies.

5.Could monetary compensation be

provided in exchange for refusing to

admit refugees, and if so, does this

create an unfair situation for developing

nations?

Nations that do not wish to admit

refugees should be allowed to provide

monetary aid to other nations and relief

agencies. This does seem to create an

unfair situation for developing nations,

but once again, each nation’s

sovereignty must be respected. As

aforementioned, the Oxfam Fair Share

Measure was developed as an attempt to

determine what is owed by each nation.

One of these factors is the level of

funding each country makes available

60

Serena Parekh, “Moral Obligations to

Refugees,” The Critique, 06 Jan. 2016. Web. 27

Nov. 2016.

for the humanitarian response relative to

the size of its economy. Therefore,

developing nations should only be asked

to contribute what is feasible given their

gross national income.

6.What is the value of a stateless person’s

life to other nations?

Many refugees possess a diversity of

skills and experiences that can be

productive in a host nation’s workforce.

For example, some refugees are doctors,

engineers, teachers, lawyers, or

technology and finance specialists who

hope to rebuild the careers they had in

their home countries before they had to

leave due to persecution or civil unrest.

Even refugees who do not possess any

specialized skill can contribute to the

local economy.61

7.How do concerns of safety and terrorism

affect a nation’s willingness to accept

refugees?

Although taken from a November 2001

press release, it poignantly states:

“The United Nations High

Commissioner for Refugees this

morning urged world governments

and politicians to avoid falling into

the trap of making unwarranted

linkages between refugees and

terrorism. In the wake of the 11

September terrorist attacks on the

United States, it was understandable

that governments were looking to

enhance security safeguards against

abuse of international asylum

regimes, but it would be a terrible

irony if those who had fled from

terror were to become unwitting

61

Alice Beste, “The Contributions of Refugees:

Lifting Barriers to Inclusion,” United Nations

University, 31 Jul. 2015. Web. 27 Nov. 2016.

14

victims of the war against

terrorism.”62

Therefore, the UNHCR recognizes

concerns of safety and terrorism, but

reminds member states to differentiate

refugees from terrorism.

Bloc Positions

Europe The region most impacted by the

refugee crisis today is Europe. Roughly one

million refugees fled Afghanistan, Iraq, and

Syria and made their way to Europe in

2015.63

In the past five years, Greece has

taken the bulk of the migrant flow and there

has been a notably steep decline in

immigrant arrivals in Turkey and the

members of the European Union.64

Though

several steps have been taken by nations like

Norway to implement cohesive integration

programs, there is still considerable work to

be done.65

Delegates would do well to

remember that refugees’ population

characteristics and attitudes play a key role

in successful integration. Interest in

integration depends on whether a refugee

intends to be repatriated, or to resettle in a

62

“Refugees Victim of Terrorism, Not Its

Perpetrators, High Commissioner Tells Third

Committee, As Refugee Debate Opens,” United

Nations Meetings Coverage and Press Releases,

19 Nov. 2001. Web. 27 Nov. 2016.

63 Norway. Directorate of Immigration 2015.

Web. 5 July. 2016.

64 Ibid.

65 Hjelmgaard, Kim, and Valeria Criscione.

"Little Norway Spends Big on Syrian Refugee

Crisis." USA Today. Gannett, 10 Feb. 2016.

Web. 5 July. 2016.

third country.66

Some refugees initially view

their stay in the host country as temporary,

but over time this view can change, and the

refugee may seek integration. However, if a

refugee holds onto the hope of repatriation,

and continues to view his situation as

temporary, he may resist integration or any

form of settlement that could ironically

interfere with his repatriation.67

Africa Considering Africa regionally is

likely the best approach when developing

policy to benefit refugee integration. Sub-

Saharan Africa contains more than 26

percent of the world’s refugee population.68

The UNHCR have previously announced

that over 18 million refugees are of concern

to the commission. That number has

increased in recent years due to the crisis in

Nigeria, South Sudan, and the Central

African Republic.

Another nation to consider specially

is Egypt, where tens of thousands of

Sudanese refugees have arrived. Their

official status as refugees is highly disputed

by the Egyptian government, and as

resources were thin they have been subject

to racial discrimination and police violence.

Of the $20 million budget promised in 2016

to help these people in need, the UNHCR

has so far only received a quarter. Delegates

should note that consideration for the local

governments of these nations is especially

important considering the past history of

colonization. As the governments tend to be

considerably less stable and have less

influence internationally, recognizing their

66

Ibid.

67 "About Us." Agderforskning. N.p. Web. 10

July. 2016.

68 “Africa” UN High Commission on Refugees:

> About Us > Where we Work. Web. 10 July.

2016.

15

sovereignty in determining matters of

integration is vital. Even so, several nations

such as South Africa are impressively

developed. Clauses should be drafted to

account for the vast differences between

these nations.

Asia The issue of integration varies by

region. By the end of 2014, the Asia-Pacific

region was accommodating approximately

117,000 asylum seekers and 3.8 million

refugees. This is 18.6% of the world’s

refugee population. Malaysia and Indonesia

provided temporary shelter for up to 7,000

of the migrants stranded at sea, and Japan

pledged $3.5 million in emergency

assistance, but did not offer to take in any

displaced people. However, the wealthiest

nations in the Asia-Pacific region have

largely avoided hosting refugees. When

boats bearing thousands of migrants

appeared off Southeast Asian shores a

month later, China and India did little to aid

the refugees. Additionally, Australia, widely

regarded as an affluent nation in the Asia-

Pacific region, declared it would not resettle

the migrants. Humanitarian considerations

result in most countries in the Asia-Pacific

tolerating the unauthorized presence of

asylum seekers and refugees within their

borders most of the time.

In many regional countries civil

society organizations are attempting to fill

the protection gap through service provision,

advocacy, or both. Unlike the UNHCR,

which may be perceived as trying to impose

a foreign agenda on a country against its

national interest, these civil society

organizations have local legitimacy because

they act and speak for local constituencies.

Pakistan and Iran were the top two host

countries in the region. Pakistan hosts 38

percent, and Iran hosts 25 percent, of the

Asia-Pacific population of asylum seekers

and refugees. While this does provide some

support, many people seeking asylum today

are from the Asian Pacific region, and would

likely adjust well in a more similar culture.

Rohingya Muslims fleeing religious

persecution in Myanmar, or poor

Bangladeshis seeking jobs, have an

especially difficult time finding hosts today.

North America Nations in North America vary in

accommodation of refugees, which can

severely affect immersion. The U.S. refugee

resettlement program, which accepted two-

thirds of the 98,000 refugees who were

permanently resettled in 2013, is the world’s

largest refugee resettlement program. Due to

the scale of the program and the

growing diversity of resettled refugees, there

is an increasing range of challenges.69

Meanwhile, the Canadian refugee system

has two main parts: (1) the Refugee and

Humanitarian Resettlement Program, and

(2) the In-Canada Asylum Program. This

system works particularly well because the

Canadian government tends to place equal

weight on considering refugees applying for

asylum both outside and within Canadian

borders. Canada works closely with the

UNHCR to identify refugees for

resettlement.

The role of Mexico should be

carefully considered as it is a starting point

for emigration as thousands of Mexicans and

other Latin Americans try to cross the

border with the United States. The migrant

population in Mexico is essentially

comprised of three main groups: (1) North

American migrants, mainly US citizens that

retire in small Mexican villages; (2)

European migrants that migrated to Mexico

in the early 20th century; and (3) Latin

69

"The Integration Outcomes of U.S. Refugees:

Successes and

Challenges." Migrationpolicy.org. N.p., 28 Oct.

2015. Web. 30 Oct. 2016.

16

American migrants that include economic

migrants, asylum seekers, and transit

migrants.70

Mexico tends to be extremely

accommodating and has actually seen high

rates of immigration in the past decade.

Latin America Unlike other regions, many Latin

American countries were not party to the

1951 U.N. Convention on Refugees. Instead,

these nations developed The Cartagena

Declaration, which delegates should become

familiar with. Several countries that signed

it have found it more difficult to actually

enact a more effective protection system,

and considering ways to achieve this would

be highly beneficial.71

Today, the Colombian conflict has

expanded into the border regions, which

increasingly pushes civilians over the

border. Against the Declaration, Venezuela

militarized its borders, establishing strict

control over admissions into the country.72

In 1996, Venezuela’s army offered

humanitarian assistance to refugees for a

few days, and then deported them back

across the border. Comparably, Ecuador has

cooperated with the UNHCR on a

comprehensive refugee protection plan in

accordance with international law.

Ecuador has arguably been the most

successful nation in implementing policy,

which integrates refugees into social life in

their new host country. As of June 2015, the

70

By Daniel | Published: September 9, 2010.

"Migration and Integration in Mexico

City." Migration and Integration in Mexico City.

N.p., n.d. Web. 30 Oct. 2016.

71 Esthimer, By Marissa. "Protecting the

Forcibly Displaced: Latin America's Evolving

Refugee and Asylum

Framework." Migrationpolicy.org. N.p., 07 July

2016. Web. 30 Oct. 2016.

72 Ibid.

country hosts over 133,000

refugees.73

Several other nations have

opened their doors to Syrian refugees, with

Argentina and Uruguay, creating special

programs to resettle refugees since the war

started in 2011.74

Conclusion

Refugee crises are important to

address quickly and effectively. In situations

where refugees must remain outside their

homeland for a long time, local integration

can provide a realistic alternative to refugee

camps. However, the success of local

integration depends on the cooperation of

host governments, the local community, and

the refugees themselves. If such a program

threatens the security and stability of either

the local community or the refugees, it is not

an option. If, on the other hand, such

concerns are addressed, economic

development, better respect for human

rights, and more cooperative relationships

can be combined to create long-lasting

solutions. Delegates should consider how

their clauses could assist willingly helpful

locals, which may be the most effective

improvement that can be made for refugees

who are attempting to integrate into their

new lives.

73

Ibid.

74 Brodzinsky, Sibylla. "Latin American

Countries Welcome Syrian Refugees." The

Guardian. Guardian News and Media, 09 Sept.

2015. Web. 30 Oct. 2016.

17

Topic B: Central American

Refugees of Organized Crime

Introduction

Guatemala, Honduras, and El

Salvador constitute the Northern Triangle,

which is widely regarded as the most violent

region in the world. Much of this violence

stems from civil wars occurring in these

countries, dating all the way back to the

1980s. Violence has continued to run

rampant due to several contemporary

factors. The influence of crime groups has

contributed its fair share to the violence

through the notorious weapon and drug

trades. Furthermore, state governments are

as much to blame over the violence as crime

groups. Due to corruption among state

officials and ineffectiveness at governing,

the governments have allowed this violence

to persist. Tens of thousands of Hondurans,

El Salvadorans, and Guatemalans have fled

to the U.S. to seek asylum. While the U.S.

has made some efforts to admit refugees, it

has deported many refugees as well. As

delegates read further, they will see that this

problem is too big for the individual

governments of Honduras, Guatemala, and

El Salvador to fix on their own. But

together, with the United States and

international organizations, such as the

United Nations, this problem can be

effectively addressed.

Historical Background

Both internal and external factors

explain the stronghold of organized crime in

Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala,

which form a region known as the Northern

Triangle. Domestically, these countries

were rocked by civil wars in the 1980s,

leaving behind a legacy of violence and

fragile institutions, which has sustained

organized crime in the area. The warfare in

El Salvador and Guatemala produced as

many as 75,000 and 200,000 casualties

respectively as well as a large pool of

demobilized and unemployed men with easy

access to weapons.75

In Guatemala, groups,

such as illegal armed groups and clandestine

security apparatuses, have developed from

state intelligence agencies and military

organizations.76

Furthermore, the civil wars

instilled a lack of trust in police and security

forces following numerous accusations of

human rights abuses; as many as 95 percent

of crimes go unpunished in some areas.77

While avoiding their own civil wars, the rest

of Central America experienced the adverse

effects of neighboring conflict, particularly

Honduras. Decades later the resulting

political cesspool included weak,

underfunded governments plagued by public

corruption which failed to effectively curb

criminal violence and instead gave rise to

surrogate authorities and powerful sub-

actors.78

The government's’ inability to

protect citizens and the lack of

accountability of the states has led to an

increase in violent activity. A reduction of

the current level of violence in Central

America, which recorded almost 40 murders

per day in 2006, could potentially produce

significant economic gains. A study

conducted by the World Bank predicted that

a 10 percent drop in the homicide rate could

75

Renwick, Danielle. "Central America's Violent

Northern Triangle." Council on Foreign Relations.

Council on Foreign Relations, 19 Jan. 2016. Web.

76 Ibid

77 Eguizábal, Cristina. "Crime and Violence in

Central America's Northern Triangle." Woodrow

Wilson Center Reports on the Americas. Wilson

Center, 2015. Web.

78 Shifter, Michael. "Countering Criminal Violence in

Central America." Council on Foreign Relations.

Council on Foreign Relations, Apr. 2012. Web.

18

boost per capita annual income growth by a

full 1.0 percent in El Salvador and by 0.7

percent in Guatemala and Honduras.79

Smuggling of Migrants from the

Northern Triangle

The illegal status of migrants

facilitates the exploitation of their labor.

These poor, displaced, and often illiterate

refugees are willing to work for lower or no

wages and under worse conditions without

the ability to file a legal complaint or else

they face deportation.80

Often, enforcing

laws against the smuggling of migrants is as

much about protecting borders as it is about

protecting an extremely vulnerable

population. Smuggled workers face

trafficking, extortion, or abandonment in the

face of law enforcement. This can result in

extreme cases of violence as exemplified

with the Tamaulipas massacre in 2010,

during which 72 migrants were killed by the

Zeta gang as a result of gang rivalry, the

refusal of extortion, and forced labor.81

Citizens of the Northern Triangle

often try to migrate to the United States in

search of a better life. Since the process of

migrating legally to the U.S. can be tedious

and costly, many refugees come to the U.S.

illegally. There are two ways that refugees

can become “irregular migrants.” If they can

afford to fly in and get a visa, the first way is

they overstay their visa. If they are not able

to get a visa then there is the second, and

frequent method of going through Mexico

79

Serrano-Berthet, Rodrigo, and Humberto

Lopez. "Crime and Violence in Central

America: A Development Challenge." World

Bank. World Bank, 2011. Web.

80 Leggett, Ted. "Transnational Organized Crime

in Central America and the Caribbean." United

Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. UNODC,

Sept. 2012. Web.

81 Ibid.

and secretly crossing the border into the

U.S. Most immigrants aren’t able to do this

on their own, which is why they enlist the

help of professional smugglers. 82

Additionally, irregular migrants from the

Horn of Africa, South Asia, China, and the

Caribbean use the smuggling routes.

Migrants and people seeking

protection are vulnerable to abuse and

violence en route, as well as to scams by

officials at borders. Since irregular migrants

try to stay away from law enforcement, this

makes them vulnerable. Not only are they

away from their homes, but also without the

law protecting them, they are susceptible

targets. Smugglers are aware of this and may

betray the migrants. For example, if they

feel that law enforcement might catch them,

smugglers will sometimes abandon the

migrants in the middle of the journey even

in dangerous weather and rough terrain.

Even worse, some smugglers have been

known to hold migrants hostage and force

family members to send payments for loved

ones or kidnapping and trafficking migrants.

Laws against the smuggling of migrants do

not just protect the borders. These laws also

protect refugees who are in a vulnerable

position.83

In some cases, even if migrants

are successful at entering a safe country, this

is not the end of their troubles. Some

refugees find themselves unable to escape

the menace of the violent street gangs even

in exile. Those caught and destined for

deportation, and those denied asylum, face

potentially deadly consequences once they

return home.

82

"Transnational Organized Crime in Central

America" N.p., n.d. Web. 18 Oct. 2016.

83"Smuggling of Migrants from the Northern

Triangle" N.p., n.d. Web. 18 Oct. 2016.

19

International Drugs and Arms Trade External factors also contribute to

the history of criminal violence in Central

America, including its geographic proximity

to the international trade in drugs and arms

between South America and the United

States. Of the numerous contraband flows,

the most paramount is cocaine trafficking,

which has catalyzed violence in the area and

empowered transnational criminal

organizations, many of which are associated

with Mexican drug-trafficking organizations

(DTOs).84

DTO’s have largely controlled the

U.S. illicit drug market, raising the drug

issue to the forefront of U.S. foreign policy

concerns.

However, temporarily successful

anti-drug programs in one country or sub-

region have often led traffickers to alter their

cultivation patterns, production techniques,

and trafficking routes and methods in order

to avoid detection. Countries that had

previously been used as refueling stops have

become storage and logistics centers for

transnational trafficking groups. Cocaine has

been trafficked through Central America for

decades, but this flow increased dramatically

after 2000 and again after 2006 due to the

escalation in Mexican drug law

enforcement. Moreover, U.S.-led

interdiction efforts in Colombia, Mexico,

and the Caribbean have caused traffickers to

shift their focus to new routes along the

Guatemalan/Honduran border. According to

official reports, 80 percent of documented

drug flows into the United States originate

from this region. The resulting displacement

effect underscores the importance of

coordinated strategies to address the entire

contraband flow, so that one country’s

success does not become another’s

problem.85

84

Renwick.

85 Leggett.

The flow of cocaine and illicit

firearms is also part of a bigger problem in

Central America. All these organized crime

activities can be connected to criminal

violence. This type of violence has run

rampant in Central America, with drug

trafficking groups being involved in much of

it. While there has been a high level of

violence in Central America since the civil

wars in the 1990s, there has been a

resurgence of violence since 2000. This

violence primarily affects Belize and

countries of the northern triangle region,

Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador.

Honduras has been particularly affected

recently, in the last five years murder rates

have more than doubled. Honduras

experienced one of the highest national

murder rates in modern times, 92 per

100,000, during 2011. 86

Transnational Gangs and Territorial

Groups The diverted trafficking routes have

created a power struggle with local

organized crime groups to create a perilous

power imbalance. DTOs sometimes partner

with transnational gangs (regionally known

as “Maras”) to transport and distribute

narcotics, sparking turf wars87

. The region’s

largest gangs, MS-13 and M-18, which may

have as many as 85,000 members combined,

were both born in Los Angeles (MS stands

for “Mara Salvatrucha”). Salvadorans who

had fled the civil war in the 1980s first

created M-18 in the 1960s by Mexican

youth and MS-13. The presence of the

86

"Cocaine, Organized Crime Groups, and

Violence." N.p., n.d. Web. 18 Oct. 2016.

87 Ribando Seelke, Clare. "Latin America and

the Caribbean: Illicit Drug Trafficking and U.S.

Counterdrug Programs." Congressional

Research Service. CRS Report for Congress,

2011. Web.

20

Maras in Central America grew in the mid-

1990s after former President George Bush

authorized large-scale deportations from the

United States of undocumented immigrants

with criminal records.

Central American territorial groups

are usually more active in Guatemala. One

notable group is the Mendoza family of the

province of Izabal. The Mendozas are

landholders and the lands they control are

frequently used for agribusiness, or

agriculture under commercial principles.

Some of the alleged crimes committed by

this demographic include anti-union

violence, in addition to drug running. The

Mendozas are able to maintain influence

over society due to their political

connections and legal and illegal business

ventures. One of the family members is a

part of various football committees, which

allows them to use their business profits for

social gain. 88

Another significant group Los

Chamales is followers of Juan “Chamale”

Ortiz Lopez and Rony Lopez. The Chamales

are extremely popular with the people,

through their continued support of the

community. The group is so involved in the

area that Juan Ortiz is actually a pastor in

the local church that he funds. Even though

Juan Ortiz has himself been arrested, Los

Chamales has still maintained influence over

the people. Residents of some municipalities

have even gone as far as detaining the police

for trying to enforce the law.89

In

communities such as these, it is easy to see

why transnational gangs and territorial

groups have remained in power for so long.

These groups have the support of the people,

and the police are powerless when they have

to worry about normal citizens and crime

organizations.

88

"The Importance of Territorial Groups in

Central America." N.p., n.d. Web. 18 Oct. 2016.

89Ibid

In 2007, UNODC concluded that the

“Mara” groups (MS-13 and M-18) play a

very small role in transnational cocaine

trafficking, which continues to be the case.90

The Zetas, the Maras, and other territorial

groups appear to be involved in migrant

smuggling, human trafficking, and the

firearms trade. This involvement may

increase if cocaine revenues decline.91

However, some statistics indicate that

competition between these groups is more

responsible for the intense violence in the

area than the actual flow of drugs. Despite

the low transit of cocaine through El

Salvador, it has sustained the third highest

murder rates in the world.92

The global

TOCTA found, however, that most

transnational organized crime is market-

based. As long as supply and demand exist,

removing particular intermediaries is not

sufficient to destroy the market, especially

in a globalized world.

Domestic Efforts to Stop Violence in the

Northern Triangle “Mano dura” otherwise known as

“heavy hand” policies which expanded

police powers and enacted harsher

punishments for gang members were

implemented circa the 2000s by the

Northern Triangle governments to minimal

success. Rather than reduce crime, the

resulting mass incarcerations of these

policies served to indirectly exacerbate the

conflict by transforming the overcrowded

prisons into gang-recruiting centers. In

2012, the Salvadoran government under

President Mauricio Funes’ administration

helped broker a truce between the MS-13

and M-18 gangs. Homicides fell by more

90

Leggett.

91 Leggett.

92 "Most Dangerous Cities in the World."

WorldAtlas. World Atlas, 23 June 2016. Web.

21

than 40 percent that year.93

When the peace

deal unraveled in 2014, killings surged,

almost doubling the national murder rate in

San Salvador from 61.21 to 108.54 per

100,000 people, the highest rate since the

country’s bloody civil war came to an end in

1992.94

It is currently ranked as the third

most dangerous city behind San Pedro Sula

in Honduras that held the top position in

2015 at 171.2 murders per 100,000 people

per year but dropped to second at 111.03 in

2016.95

Illegal drug distribution, extensive

poverty, and gangs all combine to affect the

notorious living conditions in the Northern

Triangle.

United States’ Role Though the United States has offered

substantial aid to Central American efforts

to address criminal violence, it also

contributes to the problem through its high

levels of drug consumption, relatively

relaxed gun control laws, and deportation

policies that have sent home more than a

million illegal migrants with violent records.

Between 2001 and 2010 the US deported

129.726 convicted criminals to Central

America, more than 90% to the “Northern

Triangle.”96

Minimal information of such

high numbers of people deported, many of

them criminals, would make it difficult for

any country to handle.

As recently as 2014, President

Obama met with the heads of state from the

countries of the Northern Triangle to discuss

the issue. Being that the U.S. is the largest

93

Renwick.

94 Fontanini, Francesca. "As Gang Violence

Worsens, More Salvadorans Flee." UNHCR

News. The UN Refugee Agency, 6 Feb. 2016.

Web.

95 World Atlas.

96 Shifter.

market in the world for narcotics, Obama

acknowledged that the U.S. has joint

responsibility in solving this problem. In

addition to a booming black market in

narcotics, U.S. government policy has

contributed to this issue. According to

experts, between 2010 and 2012 the U.S.

deported around a hundred thousand

immigrants with criminal records back to

countries of the Northern Triangle. By

sending so many potentially dangerous

people in such as short amount of time, the

U.S. admits this could contribute to the

violence. 97

As a result of these meetings, the

Obama administration has made an effort to

try to alleviate the refugee crisis. One

proposal by the administration was to send

financial support to the Northern Triangle.

In the fiscal year 2016, the administration

requested $1 billion from Congress for its

U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central

America.98

The plan hopes to increase

annual spending in the Northern Triangle,

particularly concerning security,

governance, and economic development.

Also, the administration also called for an

expansion of the refugee program. The plan

is admit as many as 9,000 people a year

from the Northern Triangle. Furthermore,

the proposal also involves the UN helping to

screen refugee claims in Latin America.

With the U.S. seeking to help eliminate the

problem instead of contributing to it, there is

some hope that there will be improvements

made on this issue. 99

97

Renwick, Danielle. "Central America's Violent

Northern Triangle." Council and Foreign

Relations. July 8. 2013. Web.

98 Ibid

99Ibid

22

Contemporary Conditions

Wars and persecution have driven

more than 65 million people from their

homes, the highest number since the

UNHCR records began.100

The UNHCR

considers the current situation in Central

America to be a protection crisis,

particularly concerned about the rising

numbers of unaccompanied children and

women on the run who face forced

recruitment into criminal gangs, sexual- and

gender-based violence and murder.”101

Reasons for flight also include resisting

recruitment as drug dealers, the killing of

relatives, and being witness to a gang crime.

Alongside large-scale violence and

persecution at the hands of armed criminal

actors, poverty and unemployment are the

primary drivers of refugee and migrant

flows from the Northern Triangle. Victims

range from school children and bus drivers

to business owners, police officers and their

families, leaving a growing number with no

option but to flee, according to UNHCR.102

The regional impact of organized

crime within the Northern Triangle is mostly

felt in continued outflows of people and

forced displacement. The number of asylum

claims from people fleeing violence in El

Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala has risen

dramatically. Between 2009 and 2013, the

United States registered a sevenfold increase

in asylum seekers at its southern border, 70

percent of whom came from the Northern

Triangle.103

Already the country with the

100

Sturm, Nora. "UNHCR Calls for Urgent

Action as Central America Asylum Claims

Soar." UNHCR News. The UN Refugee

Agency, 5 Apr. 2016. Web.

101 Ibid.

102 Ibid.

103 Renwick.

highest number of refugees seeking asylum,

the U.S. has recently seen a large increase in

migrants from the Northern Triangle. In just

2015, 3,423 people, the majority from El

Salvador and Honduras, sought asylum in

Mexico. At the United States' urging,

Mexico stepped up enforcement along its

southern border, apprehending 70 percent

more Central Americans in 2015 than it did

in the year before.104

The nearby countries

of Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Belize, and

Panama also reported a big increase in

migrants from the Northern Triangle.

UNHCR has documented a 1,185% increase

in the number of asylum applications from

citizens of these three countries in Mexico,

Panama, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Belize,

combined, from 2008 to 2014.105

In Costa

Rica, they received a 176% increase from

2013 to 2015, with 2,203 asylum claims in

2015. Among the most troubling aspects of

this migration is the fact that the number of

unaccompanied children from the Northern

Triangle has doubled each year since 2011

causing the U.S. government to estimate that

60,000 children are arriving to U.S. soil and

seeking safe haven this fiscal year.106

The

United States received almost 100,000

unaccompanied minors from El Salvador,

Guatemala, and Honduras from October

2013 to July 2015.107

This figure brought

attention to the region’s larger emigration

trend. While the number of children from

Mexico has far outpaced the number of

children from either Guatemala, El

104

Renwick.

105 "Children on the Run: Unaccompanied

Children Leaving Central America and Mexico

and the Need for International Protection."

UNHCR. Ed. Pamela Goldberg. The UN

Refugee Agency, 2012. Web.

106 Ibid.

107 Ibid.

23

Salvador, or Honduras, the difficulty with

obtaining a full picture of who these

children are and their motives for making

the treacherous journey to the U.S. is their

prompt return to Mexico after no more than

a day or two in the custody of the US

authorities.

In the beginning of 2016, U.S.

authorities began to deport immigrants who

had just arrived whose asylum claims had

been denied. However, in July the Obama

administration announced that while its aim

was to deter would-be migrants, it would

allocate $750 million in foreign aid and

expand its refugee program to admit more

immigrants from the Northern Triangle.

Approximately 9,000 people each year with

the United Nations help to screen refugees

from Latin America.108

Past UN and Allied Action

Currently the UNHCR is working

closely with the governments of the region

and civil society partners to enhance

screening capacity to identify people forced

to flee violence and persecution in the

Northern Triangle.109

The UNHCR is also

encouraging governments to introduce legal

avenues for refugees to reduce their

dependency on smugglers and traffickers

and expose themselves to exploitation and

abuse. It recently welcomed the U.S.

government’s initiatives to address the

forced displacement from Central America,

citing that the measures offered safe, legal

alternatives for people to seek protection

abroad via a third country, increased

resettlement opportunities, and expanded a

108

Davis, Julie Hirschfeld. "U.S. to Admit More

Central American Refugees." The New York

Times. The New York Times, 26 July 2016.

Web.

109 Sturm.

program providing life-saving help and

protection to children fleeing affected

countries.110

In September 2014, the governments

of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras

proposed the “Plan of the Alliance for

Prosperity in the Northern Triangle.” The

five-year, $20 billion plan is intended to

stimulate the productive sector, develop

human capital, improve public safety, and

strengthen institutions.111

Although the three

northern triangle governments intend to fund

about 80% of the plan, they seek additional

financial support from the private sector and

international donors. Central America

Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) has

yielded mixed results.112

Through the Central American

Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), the

U.S. attempts to strengthen and improve

Honduran initiatives in law enforcement

cooperation and prevention programs.

Programs like these have been successful,

but so far only in isolated areas. Despite

problems resulting from the difficult

political environment, there is still hope that

reforms may finally spread.113

President

Hernandez of Honduras has identified drug

trafficking and organized crime as two of

the biggest security problems. Gangs

particularly pose a threat in urban centers,

where they are able to extort local business

110

Hansford, Brian. "UNHCR Welcomes U.S

Initiative to Help Central American Refugees."

UNHCR News. UNHCR News, 29 July 2016.

Web.

111 Meyer, Peter, and Clare Ribando Seelke.

"Central America Regional Security Initiative:

Background and Policy Issues for Congress."

Congressional Research Service. Congressional

Research Service, 17 Dec. 2005. Web.

112 Ibid

113 Ibid

24

and run local drug networks virtually

unhindered. These gang-related activities

have also led to increased levels of violence.

The United Nations has actually identified

the growing levels of violence to the

growing cause of emigration. Even worse,

even though many Hondurans emigrate due

to violence, refugees deported from the U.S.

often join the ranks of organized crime

groups.114

Not only do the people have to worry

about violence from gangs, but also from

state law enforcement. In fact, according to

the Universidad Nacional Autonoma de

Honduras Violence Observatory, 149 people

were killed by police from 2011-2012.115

A

local newspaper, El Heraldo, has reported on

the corruption that has become typical of the

Honduran police. One article includes the

name of around 200 officers involved in

drug trafficking, robbery, and other illicit

activities. Despite public outcry to clean up

the police department, purges of police

officials usually focus on lower officers and

not on any of the senior level officers that

are actually involved in criminal activity. 116

Even though CARSI has had some

success in making law enforcement more

effective, the reforms have not been

widespread enough. Violence has continued

to spread, especially gang-related activities.

In addition to that, local police forces are

struggling, with not much being done to

eliminate corruption in higher-level officers.

With some more time, hopefully these

programs initiated by CARSI will spread

further throughout Honduras.

114

Ibid

115 Meyer, Peter, and Clare Ribando Seelke.

"Central America Regional Security Initiative:

Background and Policy Issues for Congress."

Congressional Research Service. Congressional

Research Service, 17 Dec. 2005. Web.

116 Ibid

Effect of Governance When organized crime takes control

of an area, this leads to a weaker

government. Although Central American

governments are not known for being

reliable, once crime groups start to gain

influence in a country, the government loses

presence. And with no one enforcing the

laws, these organized crime groups do not

feel any pressure to follow the laws

governing them. As a result, rich families

tend to hire private security, so much that is

has become a huge business in Central

America. There are more private security

guards than police in most Central American

countries. Vigilante justice has emerged

among the poorer people, who cannot afford

to hire someone else, with no money

available to hire private security, some

people decide to fight crime themselves. In

state in which organized crime rules and the

government are useless, various forms of

governance arise. Although private security

and vigilante action may work well initially,

the only long-term solution is to put in place

a strong government. 117

Due to the corruption and

ineffectiveness of state governments, outside

groups have stepped in to help “clean up”

the government. In 2007, the U.N. created

an independent body tasked with

investigating and prosecuting criminal

groups “believed to have infiltrated state

institutions.”118

Along with conditions

established in Guatemala's 1994

Comprehensive Agreement on Human

Rights, the independent body created the

“International Commission Against

Impunity in Guatemala” (CICIG). Together

117

"Impact - United Nations Office on Drugs and

Crime." N.p., n.d. Web. 18 Oct. 2016.

118 Renwick, Danielle. "Central America's

Violent Northern Triangle." Council and

Foreign Relations. N.p., n.d. Web 10 Oct. 2016

25

with Guatemala's attorney general, the

CICIG began investigating corruption

among government officials. An

investigation into a customs corruption

scheme resulted in the arrest of the current

president, Otto Perez Molina. Voters have

grown so fed up with the traditional political

class that in 2015, they voted a comedian

with no political experience as president.119

Due to the effectiveness of CICIG in

Guatemala, it would be wise to believe that

similar institutions have been created in El

Salvador and Honduras. Both the U.S. State

Department and anticorruption activists have

proposed that a version of CICIG be created

in El Salvador and Honduras. There is even

public outcry over such a decision in

Honduras. Several allegations have been

made against the ruling National Party. One

of which is that members of the party were

involved in embezzlement of social-security

funds. It is corrupt government officials that

are preventing similar institutions to CICIG

from being created. Without some kind of

check on government officials' powers, state

governments will continue to be ineffective.

120

Economic Impact The issue with security can have a

profound economic impact on a state. When

the U.S. Peace Corps moved out of

Honduras in 2012, this showed that even

international volunteer groups with tons of

resources, can be forced to leave due to fear

of violence. Another prime example is the

cost of combating crime. Since the countries

use money and resources to solve this

problem, they are essentially taking money

away from other initiatives. For example,

119

Ibid

120 Renwick, Danielle. "Central America's

Violent Northern Triangle." Council and

Foreign Relations. N.p., n.d. Web 10 Oct. 2016.

Honduras maquiladoras, a program intended

to stimulate employment and growth, was

forced to shut down because there was not

enough money to keep it going. The lack of

business involvement in the Northern

Triangle is also a sign of how bad the

security problem is.

In a poll of firms of various sizes,

more than a fifth said that crime was the

main reason why they would not invest in

Guatemala and El Salvador. In fact, a

insightful analysis made by the World Bank

said, "As a result of these factors, the World

Bank has recently estimated that a 10% drop

in the homicide rate could boost per capita

annual income growth by 1% in El Salvador

and by 0.7% in Guatemala and

Honduras."121

The lack of security in

countries of the Northern Triangle can be

detrimental to the economy. With a stagnant

economy, the country is not able to spend

money on infrastructure in order to try to

improve conditions for the people. This has

become a never-ending cycle with a lack of

security hurting the economy, and a horrible

economy preventing security from

improving. 122

Attempts to Stop the Violence Starting around the year 2000,

Northern Triangle governments put in place

a series of policies that increased police

powers and created harsher punishments for

gang members. These tougher policies, also

known as “mano dura” or “heavy hand”

policies, did very little to reduce crime. In

fact, they may have led to an increase in

crime, by causing a growth in gang

membership. Increasing the amount of

inmates just increases the burden on prisons

121

Renwick, Danielle. "Central America's

Violent Northern Triangle." Council and

Foreign Relations. N.p., n.d. Web 10 Oct. 2016

122"Ibid

26

that are already overcrowded. In many

cases, the gangs basically run the prisons

and are able to recruit even more members

to their cause.

These mass incarceration policies

have received negative attention, especially

since 2012, when a prison fire in

Comayagua, Honduras, resulted in more

than 300 fatalities among inmates. Various

human rights organizations have raised

concerns over the conditions in the prisons

and police violence against civilians. As

mentioned before, public hatred of the

government will only do more to strengthen

territorial groups. Not only are these policies

ineffective in controlling the violence of

gangs, but they are counterproductive as

well.

Alternatives to stricter policies, such

as negotiating peace between rival gangs

have also been attempted. For example,

under President Funes' administration in

2012, El Salvador was able to organize

peace among the MS-13 and M-18 gangs.

Immediate results were achieved, when

homicides decreased by more than 40

percent. However, not much else improved,

with crimes such as extortion still occurring

at the same rate against civilians. The U.S.

has also played a big role in trying to fix this

issue. After the “surge” in migration in

2014, the U.S. helped encourage a plan

among the countries of the Northern

Triangle to improve infrastructure. Along

with the Inter-American Development Bank,

the governments of El Salvador, Guatemala,

and Honduras created the Alliance for

Prosperity. The alliance consists of a five

year $20 billion plan that is intended to

boost economic growth, promote job

creation, and improve public safety.123

Leaders from the three countries agreed that

123

"Renwick, Danielle. "Central America's

Violent Northern Triangle." Council and

Foreign Relations. N.p., n.d. Web.

80 percent of the funding would come from

their respective nations as part of the deal.

However, it has still yet to be determined

whether the funding will be approved by

their corresponding legislatures.124

Questions a Resolution Should

Answer

1. What can be done to fix the police

forces in the countries of the Northern

Triangle?

While you can always increase

spending to make a larger police force,

there still remains the issue of police

corruption. The people will never

respect the police force if they feel that

it is corrupt. A potential solution could

be the use of an outside governing

body that won't overlook corruption.

2. What can be done to aid the military in

each country

Increasing the spending for the

military could solve the issue of an

ineffective military in some sense.

However, this will do nothing to solve

the issue of corruption among the

ranks. In addition to getting an outside

governing body to be in charge of the

military, there could also be initiatives

in place to get the people to trust the

military more.

3. What agencies, outside of the actual

country, can be involved?

While political agencies, such as the

U.S. and the United Nations have

played a role in stopping the violence

in the Northern Triangle, not much

progress has been made. Maybe

private organizations can help better

the conditions in the country, so people

124

Ibid/

27

will be less likely to resort to violence.

The International Federation of Red

Cross and Red Crescent Societies

(IFRC) and Action Against Hunger

(AAH) are just a few groups that could

help ease conditions in the countries of

the Northern Triangle.

4. Should the U.S. increase or decrease

its involvement in helping the Northern

Triangle?

The illegal drug trade in the U.S. has

definitely played its role in

strengthening the gangs of the

Northern Triangle. In recent years the

U.S. has focused on helping these

countries, admitting that it is partly to

blame. If the U.S. continues to spend

efforts to help the countries and not

much progress is made, an important

decision needs to be made regarding

its involvement.

5. What should other countries, besides

the U.S. and countries of the Northern

Triangle, do to help?

Even though the U.S. has been

obligated to help out in the Northern

Triangle, other Latin American

countries near the Northern Triangle

are affected by the violence that goes

on in the region. The delegations of

Mexico, Belize, and Nicaragua should

consider what they can offer to be a

part of the solution.

6. Should any intervention in the

countries be politically based or

economically based?

A politically based intervention could

help because the government affects

the lives of the people. At the same

time, an economically based

intervention could help because if the

conditions of the people are better than

this makes the government's job easier.

Both methods can achieve the same

results, the decision lies in which one

will be the most effective.

7. Should other nations allow more

refugees to immigrate to their country

until the crisis in the Northern

Triangle is resolved?

While the violence doesn't seem like

it's going to stop any time soon, there

are millions of people looking for a

stable place to live. Resolutions can

consider a short term solution in which

more refugees from the Northern

Triangle are allowed to migrate to

foreign countries. This would only be a

commitment for a few years, seeing as

if the violence stops, most people will

choose to move back home.

Bloc Positions

Asia and Africa In 2015, the death toll in the

Northern Triangle of Central America was

higher than four West African countries

struggling with the Boko Haram insurgency

and even higher than the death tolls in

Somalia, Libya, and South Sudan.125

On

January 25, 2016, 275 civil rights, labor

rights, faith-based, immigrant, human rights,

humanitarian, and legal service

organizations requested that the Secretary of

the U.S. Department of Homeland Security

(DHS), in consultation with the Secretary of

State, designate El Salvador, Guatemala, and

Honduras for Temporary Protected Status

(TPS) in light of the dramatically escalating

violence that has precipitated a humanitarian

125

"Northern Triangle Temporary Protected

Status National Letter." Refugees International.

N.p., 25 Jan. 2016. Web.

28

crisis of refugees fleeing the Northern

Triangle countries.126

North America Since the surge of revolutions in

Central America in the 1960s and 1970s,

Canada has channeled funds through the

UNHCR, Red Cross, and Canadian NGOs to

provide emergency aid such as food,

medicine, and clothing as well as assistance

in finding durable solutions and relocating

displaced people.127

The Canadian

government shifted its immigration policy

after the U.S. Congress passed the

Immigration Reform and Control Act

(IRCA) and causing a dramatic increase in

the number of petitions for asylum in

Canada. In response, Canada introduced

new deference measures and tougher

criminal penalties on those who “smuggled”

or aided the undocumented.

Europe The reality of gang violence in the

Northern Triangle is a global humanitarian

problem. In 2013 the United Nations

Population Division estimated a total of 4.2

million Central American immigrants

worldwide, the vast majority residing in the

United States, with the rest scattered in

Central America and Europe.128

The only

major donor currently funding humanitarian

programs in the northern triangle is the

European Union’s humanitarian aid

department: ECHO. ECHO currently

partners with the UNHCR, to help displaced

populations in El Salvador, and with the

126

Ibid.

127 Garcia, Maria Cristina. "Canada: A Northern

Refuge for Central Americans." Migration

Policy Institute. N.p., 1 Apr. 2006. Web.

128 Siegfried, Kristy. "Gang Violence in Central

America Is a Humanitarian Crisis." The Inside

Story on Emergencies. IRIN, 1 September 2016.

Norwegian Red Cross and the Norwegian

Refugee Council in Honduras and El

Salvador to make schools safer and children

less vulnerable to recruitment by gangs.129

However, according to Vicente Raimundo,

ECHO’s regional head for Central America,

the European and larger international

community is has failed to acknowledge the

seriousness of the humanitarian problem in

Central America and needs to do more.

Latin America The U.S., Guatemala, Honduras, and

El Salvador have reached a joint agreement

to work together to improve conditions in

their countries. This agreement, known as

the Alliance for Prosperity Plan primarily

tries to deal with the issues of poverty and

violence. The hope is by funding efforts to

improve infrastructure in the Northern

Triangle, this will reduce the factors

responsible for mass migration of people to

other countries. Other Latin American

countries have criticized this plan because of

the significant involvement of the United

States. Critics believe that progress will only

be made if each country’s government takes

accountability for fixing the problems. In

response to this, El Salvador’s government

has worked with the United Nations Office

of Drug and Crime to eradicate corruption in

its country. Similar efforts have been made

recently by the governments of Honduras

and Guatemala. 130

129

Ibid.

130 Garcia, Mercedes. "Alliance for Prosperity

Plan in the Northern Triangle: Not A Likely

Final Solution for the Central American

Migration Crisis." Www.coha.org. N.p., 3 Mar.

2016. Web. 26 Nov. 2016..

29

Conclusion

There are a multitude of aspects that

contribute to the growing crisis of refugees

fleeing organized crime in Latin America.

The violence of the Northern Triangle has

continued for several years and will

probably not see an end unless a major

initiative is taken up. While El Salvador,

Guatemala, and Honduras have made

measures to stop the violence, they have

proved ineffective for the most part. In order

to stop the violence, outside groups will

need to help these countries. Not only that,

but there are multiple sides to this issue.

First, nations need to aid the law

enforcement in these countries, so they can

properly ensure the safety of the citizens.

Second, the committee needs to help

the country’s law enforcement to regain the

trust of their people. If nations are successful

in reforming the law enforcement and

preventing corruption, then the people’s

trust will follow. Moreover, if agencies

crack down on the illegal drug trade, then

the various gangs of the Northern Triangle

will not be able to make money off the trade.

This will effectively leave the gangs

powerless without the money they make

from the trade. It is paramount that these

issues are resolved, and decisions should be

made regarding who will solve them, and

what the process will be to solve them. The

lives of refugees in these regions are at

stake, and measures should be implemented

to prevent them from becoming refugees in

the first place and protecting their human

rights.