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Embracing concurrent realities: Revisiting the relationship between human rights and conflictresolution

Parlevliet, M.B.

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Citation for published version (APA):Parlevliet, M. B. (2015). Embracing concurrent realities: Revisiting the relationship between human rights andconflict resolution.

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Windmueller, John, Ellen K. Wayne, and Johannes Botes. 2009. "Core Competencies: The Challenge for Graduate Peace and Conflict Studies Education." International Review of Education, 55 (2‐3): 285‐301.

Winnepeninckx, Gudrun. 2005. "Struggle for Land ‐ Struggle for Life. Een Strijd om Land ‐ Een Strijd om het Bestaan. Onderzoek naar een Zuid‐Afrikaanse Landrechten NGO in haar Context. (Study into a South African Land Rights NGO in its Context)." MA Thesis, Utrecht: University of Utrecht.

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Summary

Summary

Embracing Concurrent Realities: Revisiting the Relationship between Human Rights and Conflict Resolution This study focuses on the interplay of human rights and conflict resolution in the practice of civil society organisations and independent state institutions. It aims to enhance understanding of the relationship between these fields and contribute to improved practice. While it has been recognised for some time that human rights, justice, conflict and peace are closely linked, for many years these two bodies of theory and practice have remained quite separate in conceptual and practical terms. Organisations and people working in these domains do not necessarily consider whether and how their efforts interact, or the implications of operating in the same context. At times, they have been known to perceive one another’s actions as hampering their own. Human rights activists and conflict resolution practitioners can disagree vehemently about the most suitable course of action or the ends to be ursued in a given context; tensions arise especially when abuses are widespread and ppressure to act is high. The starting point of the study is that such polarisation detracts attention and resources from what actors in these fields seek to achieve and that the ongoing disconnect between their approaches threatens to undermine efforts in both realms. After all, human rights and conflict are closely linked. Violations of human rights can be both symptoms and causes of violent conflict, suggesting that protecting human rights may help address conflict sustainably. By facilitating greater understanding of the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution – in both theory and practice – the study thus seeks to enhance how human rights and conflict resolution actors work and relate to one another ‘on the ground’. It examines how human rights and conflict resolution thinking and practices have interacted in specific situations experienced by specific actors in South Africa, Zimbabwe, Northern Ireland and Nepal with some reference to examples from elsewhere). It also explores what this can (

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teach us about the relationship between the two fields generally. By focusing on the practical experiences of civil society actors and independent state institutions, the study deviates from much of the existing literature. In particular, it sidesteps the ‘peace versus justice’ debate on the challenges of promoting both peace and accountability in countries affected by violent conflict. In doing so, it recognises that ‘conflict resolution’ entails more than reaching a settlement to end violence or repression, and that ‘human rights’ goes beyond pursuing individual criminal accountability for serious abuses. It also recognises that efforts to address conflicts or advance human rights are not undertaken only in times of crisis, and often involve organisations and individuals other than political and military elites. It further acknowledges that human rights and conflict resolution may both support and be in tension with each other, depending on time and context. To date, the existing literature has devoted relatively little attention to examining the variable and dynamic nature of their relationship.

Summary

Methodologically, the study is based on some eighteen years of practical experience; the author has worked on and at the nexus of human rights and conflict resolution in diverse contexts (and continued to do so during the period of this study). This is augmented by a literature review and 26 interviews. The study is an exercise in reflective practice that processes insights, questions and observations arising over ime, blending lived experience and social investigation. This implies a qualitative tmethodology that draws on empirical material gathered by a participant‐insider. Theoretically, the study is grounded in constructivism, which stresses the social construction of reality. Adopting an actor‐orientation, it presumes that actors have agency in how they define situations, identify objectives, understand options for action and pursue human rights and/or conflict resolution goals. Finally, the notions of ‘field’ and ‘frame’ run through the study. The first implies that ‘human rights’ and ‘conflict resolution’ constitute realms of socially patterned activity that can be escribed; the latter points to the way in which problems are not predetermined but dhave to be constructed in order to be acted upon. The study consists of nine chapters and three parts. Chapter 1 explains its focus, aim and rationale, and introduces the theoretical and methodological framework as outlined above. The next three chapters comprise part I, and provide a general overview of each field, followed by a comparison. The purpose of this is twofold: it seeks to embed the later discussion of concrete experiences and challenges in a solid understanding of human rights and conflict resolution and it addresses another gap in the literature, which often describes field actors in simplistic terms and makes little effort to comprehend what the two fields entail in terms of their foundation, evolution, core ideas and practices. The literature also often portrays the two fields as fairly unambiguous while each contains several contradictions. This suggests that human ights and conflict resolution are less straightforward than may seem at first sight, and hat they art re subject to certain limitations. Chapter 2 reviews the human rights field, noting how ‘human rights’ has become the dominant normative vocabulary of our time. The field has a strong legal character, giving primacy to global human rights standards. Yet human rights are more than law; grounded in the notion of inherent human dignity, they also serve as moral principles and inform social and political action. An emphasis on making power accountable and safeguarding individual freedoms has long been central to the field. ‘Human rights’ potlight the extent to which the state affords or denies individuals respectful and s

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non‐discriminatory treatment, freedom of choice, and participation. The concept has expanded over time, devoting more attention to fairness and equality in the socioeconomic realm. It also recognises nowadays that groups may be rights‐holders and non‐state actors duty‐bearers. Yet, there is a contradiction between the narrow and legalistic character of much thinking and practice in the field and the expansive nature of the rights concept itself and the field’s ambitions. Other tensions

Summary

include a tendency to stress redress and individual accountability rather than structural reforms, an ambivalent relation with power, and balancing the universal ature of rights norms with the importance of local application, relevance and wnershipno . Chapter 3 considers the conflict resolution field, which has also expanded in scope and ambition since it emerged. Despite considerable heterogeneity, the field has consistently focused on how to address conflict constructively and effectively when it arises, assuming that conflict need not be physically violent. It emphasises preventing violence and generating solutions that are acceptable to the parties, balance their underlying interests, and are reached through dialogue. Over time, conflict resolution has become more concerned with asymmetric conflict in which power is imbalanced, rompting a focus on identity groups as the most relevant unit of analysis. This has palso induced a greater emphasis on social justice and long‐term change. In seeking to limit violence, however, conflict resolution risks being used as a tool for pacification, prioritising the manifestations of conflict over its causes and falling short on engaging power imbalances. Tensions thus exist between the field’s settlement and transformation sides and its pragmatic and normative impulses. Other tensions relate to its generalising and contextualising tendencies and to the contrast between the otion of conflict resolution in theory and the limited way in which it is often put into ractice. np Chapter 4 compares the two fields and challenges the tendency in the literature to pay far more attention to their differences than to their similarities. It does not gloss over such differences, however. At times the fields’ respective emphases and strategies diverge to such an extent that they appear incompatible. Yet striking similarities do exist. Both fields are very normative: they seek to improve the human condition and share a belief in the agency of people to shape their environment. The fields have also evolved similarly over time, expanding steadily in substance and reach within a few decades. Finally, their internal contradictions are surprisingly alike, ointing to how difficult is for both human rights and conflict resolution to live up to p

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their aspirations ‘to do good’. Overall, the argument put forth in part I is that the two fields offer specific lenses for seeing, being and doing in the world. Coming with priorities, preferences and demands, these lenses highlight certain aspects of reality, downplay or overlook other features, and shape action by encouraging some responses while invalidating others. They are expressed and reinforced through specific imagery, concepts and vocabularies that are fairly inaccessible to the uninitiated. They also contain certain limitations. Neither field can claim to possess the ultimate wisdom about solving problems and creating the desired future. Part I further shows how rising ambitions, widening conceptions and diversifying practices have reduced the distance between human rights and conflict resolution. This has increased the probability of the fields

Summary

clashing – while also increasing the prospects for synergy and cross‐fertilisation. By nd large, part I clarifies how understanding the distinct nature of the two lenses heds las ight on how both fields may simultaneously connect and disconnect. Part II, consisting of chapters 5 and 6, explores how the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution manifests in practice. It does so by discussing practical experiences of two field‐specific civil society organisations in South Africa (a human rights NGO and a conflict resolution NGO), one civil society actor not associated with either field (an ecumenical network of churches in Zimbabwe) and a few independent tate institutions (notably a number of rights‐oriented South African institutions and a sconflict resolution‐focused institution in Northern Ireland). The discussion in part II confirms the existence and relevance of the two lenses: distinct frames of reference and ways of engaging with problems can be noted. Yet it also reveals that the boundaries between human rights and conflict resolution are far more permeable than the ‘field’ and ‘lens’ notions imply. Descriptions of practical situations demonstrate that human rights and conflict resolution are deeply interwoven in the daily practice of these actors and that there is considerable fluidity etween the fields. This especially comes to the fore as actors seeking to advance ights or adbr dress conflict respond to concrete situations on the ground. Chapter 5 first discusses how and why lawyers from Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR), a South African NGO, started to draw on interest‐based conflict resolution methods (mediation and negotiation) in their efforts to ensure the rights of farmworkers in the Western Cape province, a very vulnerable constituency. This was in response to the realisation that adversarial tactics and legal means were insufficient to resolve conflicts around farmworkers’ rights conclusively. The rights practitioners ubsequently found that interest‐based methods, while very useful, were no panacea.

tsThey had to learn when righ s‐ or interest‐based methods might be most suitable. The chapter also discusses how practitioners from another South African NGO, the Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR), faced human rights questions when intervening in community‐level conflict situations. As they were seldom attuned to such rights aspects, they tended to overlook or be frustrated by them, which could negatively affect their interventions. Yet, over time, some practitioners came to appreciate human rights – in both a legal and moral sense – as setting the parameters within hich their conflict resolution efforts ought to take place and as a ‘tool’ they could use w

to address conflict. The experiences of these organisations highlight how working on conflict and working on human rights prove to be closely related in practice. Human rights and conflict resolution flow into one another in multiple ways, bringing opportunities and challenges for the actors involved. The observed fluidity probably stems from the

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nature of the work they do, the type of problems they address, and the context in which they operate. However, many efforts to advance human rights or tackle conflict are pursued by actors that are not professional NGOs in either one or the other field. Chapter 6 hence considers the interplay of human rights and conflict resolution in the practice of a number of other actors, on opposite ends of the organisational spectrum. It first discusses a church network in Zimbabwe’s Manicaland province that began to engage in rights advocacy, support to victims of abuses, violence mitigation and dialogue facilitation in response to growing political violence. While not conceiving of itself nitially in terms of human rights and/or conflict resolution, it tried to impact on both

aidom ins. The chapter then looks at some independent state institutions charged with protecting human rights, preserving democracy, facilitating dispute settlement or ensuring administrative justice (including the South African Human Rights Commission and the Northern Ireland Parades Commission). These statutory bodies also often have to engage with both human rights and conflict resolution while implementing their mandate, even though their formal title (or mandate) may only emphasise one. The chapter therefore characterises these different actors as operating on the interface of human rights and conflict resolution, since they perform functions and undertake activities associated with both. It is hard to see where ‘human rights’ and ‘conflict resolution’ begin and end. The extent to which the actors grasp this and consciously engage with the interface of the two fields varies greatly, however. While the Manicaland churches gradually recognised it and used the insight to reflect on their roles and approach, the independent state institutions referred to eldom seem to give much thought to how human rights and conflict resolution come stogether in their work – let alone the practical implications. Together, the chapters comprising part II shed light on what human rights and conflict resolution may bring to one another. Mutual contributions include enhancing analysis and expanding the practical approaches at the disposal of actors, because the fields call attention to different aspects of the same situation and encourage various kinds of action. This suggests that the practice and theory of human rights and conflict esolution have potential to ‘fill gaps’ in one another’s approach to and understanding r

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of reality. Yet the practical examples also show that experiencing the fluidity of human rights and conflict resolution can be confusing, frustrating and challenging for actors working in and across these fields. Tough questions emerge which cannot be avoided. The study finds that working ‘around’ the relationship of human rights and conflict resolution – trying to evade or ignore it – is likely to have unfavourable consequences, as important facets of reality that contribute to rights violations and/or conflict dynamics are not taken into account and relevant strategies are overlooked.

Summary

Part III, consisting of chapters 7 and 8, focuses on the theme of navigating complexity nd points to the importance of moving beyond binary framings, i.e. thinking in ither/or tae erms. Chapter 7 probes four particular challenges that regularly arise for actors working on human rights and/or conflict resolution. Derived from the examples presented previously, they relate to balancing short‐ and long‐term goals, pursuing confrontation or negotiation in contexts marked by structural injustices and power asymmetry, managing tensions between facilitator and advocate roles and referring to human rights violations and concerns in conflict resolution interventions. It explores what these challenges involve and how actors have sought to approach them, so as to shed further light on the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution. The challenges are often positioned and experienced as dilemmas that involve conflicting, yet equally relevant, objectives and imply various courses of action, each of which potentially has adverse effects. Such dilemma‐thinking captures the choices vailable to practitioners in a simplistic binary frame, as if actors are forced to choose

l abetween only two, mutua ly exclusive, options for action. The study shows that organisations and individual practitioners navigate the complexity of the social world in various ways. They seldom allowed themselves to be confined by a dualistic frame of reference. Instead, they look for opportunities to combine the evident options for action or to circumvent them by identifying alternatives. In fact, grappling with a particular challenge may bring out the interdependence of different imperatives, strategies, or roles – even ones that seem utright incompatible, like confrontation and cooperation, or facilitation and oadvocacy. In addition, binary framing risks simplifying the issues at stake and can jeopardise actors’ ability to act effectively. In reality, the practical approaches identified often involved a process of reframing to create space for manoeuvring. Yet such reframing does not necessarily resolve tensions that may arise in particular situations or at specific times. The chapter finds that it appears to be especially useful when actors are willing to come to grips with such tensions, questions and ambiguities rather than ishing them away. As such, it also points to the importance of processes of reflection o help actwt ors in both fields to figure out how to negotiate the challenges they face. Chapter 8 challenges the binary framing that has marked much of the literature on the fields’ relationship to date, which positions them as either contradictory or complementary. Building on the findings of earlier chapters, it argues that human rights and conflict resolution can support and be in tension with one another, depending on context, time and the actions of organisations and practitioners. By calling attention to the variable and dynamic nature of the relationship between the

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Summary

two fields, the chapter reveals the relevance of examining what factors may affect the way they interact in practice. It shows the usefulness of this line of enquiry by considering how the following four specific factors affect the relative convergence of human rights and conflict resolution: the conceptualisations of ‘human rights’ and ‘conflict resolution’ that prevail in a given context; the political and economic context in which human rights and conflict resolution thinking and practices take place; the strategies used to pursue human ights and conflict resolution goals; and finally, the nature and extent of practitioners’ rknowledge of, exposure to and appreciation of ‘the other field’. These four factors highlight that actors working on human rights and conflict resolution do not have unlimited agency in how they deal with the challenges they encounter. For example, while they can chose how to construe the meaning and application of ‘human rights’ and ‘conflict resolution’ (at least to a degree), actors can exert far less influence on how political dynamics interact with such conceptualisations. In some contexts, the human rights and conflict resolution agendas end up being associated with different conflict parties, which will probably undermine the scope for convergence. In the same vein, while actors have a choice in deciding whether to engage or work across the fields, their ability to do so may be ffected by the way funding is allocated, or how the institutional set‐up of their aorganisation separates human rights and conflict resolution oriented activities. Chapter 8 hence serves as a salient addition to chapter 7, which highlights agency on the part of actors by focusing on the possibility of combining approaches and creating space for manoeuvring through reframing and reflection. It establishes that matters of structure cannot be ignored when seeking to grasp the interplay of human rights and conflict resolution. It also builds on the finding that seemingly divergent and conflicting approaches may be interdependent and complementary. It observes that divergence can serve another function: it may generate a sense of unease that can, over time, prompt practitioners to venture outside the familiar and start taking the other field seriously. In that sense, part III points to surprising paradoxes, finding that ontradiction may still be complementary and that divergence may be part of the c

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movement towards convergence. In conclusion, chapter 9 summarises the main findings of the study, reflects on larger insights emanating from it, and discusses its implications for practice and further research. It revisits the notion of the human rights and conflict resolution fields clashing, and suggests that their similarities may be as much of a hindrance to greater synergy as their differences. Their strong normative character and actors’ passionate belief in the applicability and rightness of their respective frames impede openness to other views and approaches. The professionalisation of the fields probably exacerbates this by facilitating tunnel vision, entrenching professional identities and increasing the need to prove their relevance.

Summary

The relationship between the fields can thus be seen to contain its own conflict dynamics, to which core tenets of conflict resolution apply – like the importance of enhancing understanding between proponents of human rights and conflict resolution. Even so, some tension is likely to persist, as substantive differences in interpretations and approaches to social reality will not go away. The chapter argues that these can best be appreciated as different perspectives on the world, specialist frames and vocabularies, each of which is more suitable for some purposes, but less so or others. They can also serve as a warning signal to prevent salient features of reality

r nfand/or alternative courses of action f om bei g overlooked. The conclusion further revisits the notion of reframing, explaining that the study points to the risks involved when practitioners merely act from within their own frame without reflecting on it. It suggests that it is possible to ‘remake’ such existing frames, identifying three different ways to do this. Reframing can occur when one frame gains supremacy, or as the result of a process of reflection. In the second instance, practitioners review their prevailing perspectives and approaches after experiencing trouble with their definition of the problem or solution, or when they have been unable to achieve the desired results. This can prompt an interest in experimenting with new frames or lenses in future. A third route to remaking existing frames opens up when these frames are destabilised by practical problems and unforeseen circumstances. Actors’ perspectives and practices then become subject to renegotiation – at least, if they are able and willing to cope with a degree of confusion nd vulnerability and resist the temptation to ensure the stability of their beliefs by n t

a‘ma aging’ empirical evidence or dismissing cer ain information. An overall insight emerging from the study is that considering the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution reveals the existence of multiple, concurrent realities. Engaging with this relationship thus means recognising that, even if they conflict at times, these realities are simultaneously valid and interdependent. The study thus emphasises the necessity and the challenge of holding, embracing and acting on the concurrent realities presented by human rights and conflict resolution. This is important for organisations working on human rights or conflict resolution, since the study also makes clear that failing to consider the two in conjunction can jeopardise their efforts. There is, however, no blueprint for linking human rights and conflict resolution in practical efforts, because how they interact ill probably look different from case to case. Even so, the study does offer some clues w

as to what behaviour and attitudes it is best to avoid.

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It also has three general implications for future practice: Firstly, actors working in and across these fields need to recognise that, even though they may be mostly impact on one of the two – be it human rights or conflict – they generally work in contexts where the other is present too, and where the other lens is also relevant. Consequently, they need to reflect on the interaction between their own

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efforts and the phenomenon that has traditionally been outside their frame of reference. This is not to shy away from initiatives that may be contentious, but to

pate possible negative effects and critical reactions – and to identify ways of anticiaddressing them as much as possible. Secondly, it is important to adopt a more holistic understanding of human rights and conflict resolution. Narrow, traditional notions of both core concepts fail to do justice to the evolution of thinking and practice in these fields. Furthermore, they do not suit the nature of asymmetric conflict and disregard the close links between human rights, justice, conflict and peace. Instead, it is useful to understand both of these endeavours (and their interface) as having multiple dimensions. Rules, structures and institutions, relationships and processes need to be taken into account when seeking to channel iolent and potentially violent conflict into non‐violent processes of social and vpolitical change and ensure the realisation of human rights. Thirdly, there is great value in learning more about the ‘other’ field and reflecting on the scope, substance and limitations of one’s own frame. This is not to argue that human rights actors should become conflict resolution experts or vice versa, but to recognise that specialisation carries risks which can jeopardize well‐intended efforts to improve rights protection or facilitate durable solutions to conflict. Greater insight into other ways of grasping, being and doing in the world enhances actors’ versatility o probe, observe and act in support of their efforts to improve the human condition tand create a better world. At the core, this study is a call for nuance and for further engagement between people and organisations from different backgrounds concerned with peace, conflict, human rights and justice. It has revealed the relevance and necessity of considering human ights and conflict resolution in conjunction more than has been the case to date, in heory and practice. rt

Samenvatting

(Summary in Dutch)

Samenvatting

Gelijktijdige Werkelijkheden Omarmen: de Relatie tussen sMensenrechten en Conflictoplos ing Heroverwogen

Deze studie richt zich op de interactie tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing zoals die naar voren komt in de praktijk van maatschappelijke, niet‐gouvernementele organisaties (NGOs) en onafhankelijke staatsinstellingen. Het doel hiervan is het begrip van de verhouding tussen deze twee velden te vergroten, en bij te dragen tot een betere aanpak van praktische problemen. De vakgebieden van mensenrechten en onflictoplossing zijn lang vrij gescheiden van elkaar gebleven in theoretische en cpraktische zin. Wetenschappers en beleidsmakers erkennen dat mensenrechten, conflict, vrede en gerechtigheid nauw verbonden zijn, maar in de praktijk blijken organisaties die op deze gebieden werken vaak weinig aandacht te besteden aan de vraag hoe hun verschillende werkzaamheden samenhangen of wat de implicaties zijn van werken in dezelfde context. Er zijn gevallen bekend waarin zulke organisaties elkaars optreden schadelijk vonden voor hun eigen activiteiten. Mensenrechtenactivisten en conflictoplossers kunnen het heftig oneens zijn over de aanpak van bepaalde situaties of de na te streven doeleinden. Zulke spanningen lopen vooral op als ergens ensenrechten op grote schaal geschonden worden, en wanneer de druk hoog is om m

actie te ondernemen. Deze studie gaat uit van het idee dat zulke polarisatie aandacht en middelen afleidt van wat mensen en organisaties die werkzaam zijn op deze terreinen beogen te bereiken. Een aanverwant uitgangspunt is de notie dat het uitblijven van verbinding tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing initiatieven in beide gebieden kan ondermijnen. Mensenrechten en gewelddadige conflicten hangen immers nauw met elkaar samen. Mensenrechtenschendingen kunnen niet alleen symptomen van een gewelddadig conflict zijn, maar ook een oorzaak daarvan; dit suggereert dat escherming van mensenrechten kan bijdragen aan een duurzame aanpak van bconflicten. Door meer begrip te kweken voor de relatie tussen mensenrechtenwerk en conflictoplossing – in theorie en praktijk – wil de studie de manier waarop actoren in deze twee gebieden werken en met elkaar omgaan, helpen verbeteren. Het proefschrift onderzoekt de wisselwerking tussen het denken en handelen vanuit mensenrechten‐perspectief en vanuit conflictoplossingsperspectief, zoals ervaren door specifieke organisaties in Zuid‐Afrika, Noord‐Ierland, Zimbabwe en Nepal in concrete situaties (met soms wat voorbeelden uit andere landen). Het bekijkt ook wat e hiervan kunnen leren over de verhouding tussen de terreinen van mensenrechten w

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en conflictoplossing in algemene zin. Door te focussen op de praktische ervaringen van maatschappelijke organisaties en onafhankelijke staatsinstellingen wijkt de studie af van veel van de bestaande

Summary In Dutch

literatuur. Het onderzoek gaat met name voorbij aan het ‘vrede versus gerechtigheid’‐debat over de uitdaging om beide doeleinden te bevorderen in landen die getroffen zijn door een gewelddadig conflict. Het doet dit omdat ‘conflictoplossing’ meer inhoudt dan het bereiken van een vredesakkoord om een einde aan geweld of onderdrukking te bewerkstelligen, en dat het bevorderen van ‘mensenrechten’ zich niet beperkt tot het nastreven van individuele strafrechtelijke verantwoordelijkheid voor serieuze misdrijven. Bovendien vinden pogingen om conflicten op te lossen of mensenrechten te bevorderen niet alleen plaats in tijden van crisis en grootschalig geweld; vaak zijn daarbij andere organisaties en personen betrokken dan alleen politieke en militaire elites. Een ander inzicht dat ten grondslag ligt aan deze studie is et gegeven dat de verhouding tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing niet

u lk r t heenduidig is: zij k nnen e aa aanvullen maar ook me elkaar botsen. Methodologisch gezien is de studie gebaseerd op ongeveer achttien jaar praktijkervaring van de auteur in verschillende landen en omstandigheden, ook tijdens het onderzoek zelf. Dit is aangevuld met literatuurstudie en 26 interviews. Daarmee is de studie een reflectie op de praktijk geworden, om inzichten, vragen en observaties te verwerken die in de loop der tijd zijn opgekomen; ervaring en onderzoek worden zo met elkaar vermengd. Er is dus gebruik gemaakt van een walitatieve methodologie en empirisch materiaal verzameld door een deelnemer‐kinsider. In theoretische zin stoelt de studie op het constructivisme. Dit legt de nadruk op de sociale constructie van de werkelijkheid. Verder wordt verondersteld dat organisaties en mensen uit de praktijk (hierna vaak ‘actoren’ genoemd) handelend vermogen hebben: zij kunnen situaties definiëren, doelstellingen identificeren, diverse manieren van handelen begrijpen, en ze zijn in staat doelen na te streven op het gebied van mensenrechten en/of conflictoplossing. De begrippen ‘veld’ (ook wel terrein of vakgebied) en ‘frame’ (of kader) komen ook geregeld voor. Het eerste houdt in dat ‘mensenrechten’ en ‘conflictoplossing’ terreinen zijn waarop patronen van activiteit plaatsvinden die beschreven kunnen worden. Het tweede doelt erop dat problemen iet vooraf bepaald zijn maar eerst op een zekere manier geconstrueerd (of begrepen) n

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moeten worden voordat ze aangepakt kunnen worden. De studie bestaat uit negen hoofdstukken en 3 delen. Hoofdstuk 1 zet de focus, het doel, en de motivatie voor de studie uiteen en introduceert het theoretische en methodologische kader. De volgende drie hoofdstukken vormen deel I en geven een algemeen overzicht van beide velden, gevolgd door een vergelijking. Het doel hiervan is tweeledig: enerzijds beoogt het de latere discussie van concrete ervaringen en uitdagingen te verankeren in een gedegen begrip van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing. Anderzijds vult dit overzicht een andere leemte op in de bestaande literatuur: deze beschrijft actoren in de velden van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing vaak op simplistische wijze, en doet weinig moeite om beide vakgebieden werkelijk te begrijpen wat betreft hun oorsprong, ontwikkeling,

Samenvatting

gedachtegoed en methoden. Bovendien presenteert de literatuur de twee velden dikwijls alsof ze gespeend zijn van enige ambiguïteit, terwijl ze elk bepaalde tegenstrijdigheden bevatten. Dat duidt erop dat mensenrechten en conflictoplossing inder rechttoe rechtaan zijn dan op het eerste gezicht lijkt, en dat ze bepaalde eperkingen mb kennen. Hoofdstuk 2 bespreekt het mensenrechtenveld, en wijst erop dat ‘mensenrechten’ de dominante normatieve ‘taal’ is geworden van onze tijd. Het veld heeft een sterk juridisch karakter en geeft voorrang aan internationale mensrechtenstandaarden. Toch zijn mensenrechten meer dan formeel recht; ze dienen ook als morele principes en beïnvloeden sociale en politieke actie omdat ze stoelen op de notie van de inherente menselijke waardigheid. Van oudsher legt het veld sterk de nadruk op het ter verantwoording roepen van macht en bescherming van individuele vrijheden. ‘Mensenrechten’ belichten de mate waarin de staat individuele personen met respect n zonder discriminatie behandelt en hen keuzevrijheid en participatie toekent (of ejuist niet). Het begrip is in de loop der tijd breder geworden. Tegenwoordig besteden mensenrechtenspecialisten meer aandacht aan eerlijkheid en gelijkheid op sociaaleconomisch vlak, en erkennen zij dat groepen ook mensenrechten kunnen hebben, en niet‐statelijke actoren mensenrechtenverplichtingen. Desalniettemin is er een tegenstrijdigheid in de manier waarop veel denken en handelen in het mensenrechtenveld tamelijk beperkt en legalistisch is vergeleken met het uitdijende karakter van het mensenrechtenconcept zelf en de ambities van het veld om de wereld te verbeteren. Andere spanningen zijn er ook binnen dit vakgebied. Mensenrechtenorganisaties zijn geneigd de nadruk te leggen op verhaal halen en individuele verantwoording en minder op structurele hervormingen. Een andere tegenstrijdigheid betreft de ambivalente relatie tussen mensenrechten en macht. Het alanceren van het universele karakter van mensenrechtennormen en het belang van okale toepasbl sing en relevantie is ook lastig. Hoofdstuk 3 beschouwt het conflictoplossingsveld dat ook sinds zijn ontstaan steeds breder is geworden in ambitie en inhoud. Alhoewel het veld behoorlijk heterogeen is, is de kernvraag altijd dezelfde geweest, namelijk hoe conflicten op een constructieve en effectieve manier aan te pakken. Binnen conflictoplossing gaan specialisten uit van de notie dat conflict niet per se gewelddadig is. Zij leggen de nadruk op het voorkomen van geweld en het genereren van oplossingen die acceptabel zijn voor de betrokken partijen. Zulke oplossingen worden geacht de onderliggende belangen van de partijen te balanceren en bereikt te worden door middel van een dialoog. In de loop der tijd is conflictoplossing zich meer gaan bezighouden met asymmetrisch conflict, waarin macht ongelijk verdeeld is. Hierdoor besteedt conflictoplossing thans eel aandacht aan identiteitsgroepen, en hecht dit vakgebied ook meer belang aan ociale rechtvaardigheid en verandering op de lange termijn. vs

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De sterke focus op het beperken van geweld brengt echter risico’s met zich mee: er is een kans dat conflictoplossing gebruikt wordt als een instrument van pacificatie, om mensen koest te houden – waarbij dan meer aandacht uitgaat naar het bestrijden van de symptomen van conflict dan naar de oorzaken ervan, en waarbij partijen en specialisten tekort schieten in het aanpakken van machtsongelijkheid. De meer behoudende en transformerende aspecten van conflictoplossing staan dus met elkaar op gespannen voet; dat geldt eveneens voor haar pragmatische en normatieve kanten. Conflictoplossing kent ook andere tegenstrijdigheden. Zo is er een neiging tot generaliseren maar willen actoren in dit vakgebied ook contextualiseren. Ook geldt at conflictoplossing vaak op zeer beperkte wijze in de praktijk wordt gebracht terwijl et in theoriedh heel breed is. Hoofdstuk 4 vergelijkt de twee velden en betwist de neiging van de bestaande literatuur meer aandacht te besteden aan hun verschillen dan aan hun overeenkomsten. Dit betekent niet dat het bestaande verschillen negeert; in sommige opzichten wijken de velden zoveel van elkaar af in nadruk en gebruikte strategieën dat het lijkt of ze onverenigbaar zijn. Er zijn echter een aantal opvallende overeenkomsten. Zo zijn beide velden erg normatief: mensenrechten en conflictoplossing beogen allebei de levensomstandigheden van mensen te verbeteren, en deze velden delen een rotsvast geloof in de maakbaarheid van de maatschappij. Ook is hun ontwikkeling vergelijkbaar. Beide zijn steeds breder geworden en hebben een grotere reikwijdte gekregen in de loop van enkele tientallen jaren. Een andere, verrassende, overeenkomst betreft de contradicties die de vakgebieden bevatten; eze tonen aan dat het mensenrechtenveld en het terrein van conflictoplossing beide dmoeite hebben hun ambities omtrent ‘goed te doen’ waar te maken. Al met al betoogt deel I dat de twee velden een bepaalde blik – of ‘lens’ – op de wereld verschaffen die bepaalt hoe te zijn en te doen in de wereld. Deze lenzen belichten bepaalde aspecten van de sociale werkelijkheid en bagatelliseren andere aspecten (of kijken erover heen). Ook beïnvloeden zij het handelen van mensen en organisaties, door sommige manieren van actie nemen toe te juichen en andere juist weer af te keuren. Deze lenzen komen tot uiting in bepaalde metaforen, concepten, en terminologieën die behoorlijk ontoegankelijk zijn voor niet‐ingewijden – en die de lenzen op hun beurt ook weer versterken. Beperkingen kennen deze lenzen ook. Het ensenrechtenveld noch conflictoplossing heeft de wijsheid in pacht over hoe m

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problemen op te lossen en de verlangde toekomst te creëren. Verder laat deel I zien dat de twee velden elkaar dichter zijn genaderd ten gevolge van toenemende ambities, bredere concepten en een diversificatie van gebruikte methoden. Daardoor komen de twee velden sneller dan voorheen in elkaars vaarwater – maar is er ook meer kans op synergie en kruisbestuiving. In grote lijnen laat deel I zien dat een beter begrip van de specifieke aard van de twee lenzen verduidelijkt hoe de velden van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing tegelijkertijd wel en niet met elkaar verbonden zijn.

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Deel II, bestaande uit hoofdstukken 5 en 6, verkent hoe de relatie tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing uitpakt in de praktijk. Daartoe komen de praktische ervaringen van twee ‘veld‐specifieke’ organisaties in Zuid‐Afrika aan bod (een mensenrechten NGO en een NGO die zich richt op conflictoplossing) en van een maatschappelijke organisatie die niet gelieerd is aan een van de twee velden (een oecumenisch netwerk van kerken in Zimbabwe). Ook krijgen een paar onafhankelijke staatsinstellingen aandacht, met name enkele Zuid‐Afrikaanse instellingen die gericht ijn op mensenrechten en een Noord‐Iers orgaan dat zich bezighoudt met zconflictoplossing. De discussie in deel II bevestigt het bestaan en de relevantie van de twee lenzen: het is mogelijk om de specifieke referentiekaders en aanpak van problemen te onderscheiden. De discussie laat echter ook zien dat de grenzen tussen ‘mensenrechten’ en ‘conflictoplossing’ veel minder scherp zijn dan de begrippen ‘veld’ en ‘lens’ suggereren. Beschrijvingen van praktische situaties tonen aan dat mensenrechten en conflictoplossing sterk verweven zijn in de dagelijkse praktijk van de diverse actoren. Deze twee terreinen vloeien behoorlijk in elkaar over. Dit blijkt ooral wanneer actoren die mensenrechten willen bevorderen of conflicten willen plossen, reagvo eren op concrete situaties die ze ter plekke tegenkomen. Hoofdstuk 5 bespreekt hoe en waarom juristen van Lawyers for Human Rights (‘Juristen voor Mensenrechten’), een Zuid‐Afrikaanse NGO, gebruik gingen maken van conflictoplossingsmethoden zoals bemiddeling en principieel onderhandelen om de rechten van arbeiders op boerderijen in de West‐Kaapse provincie – een erg kwetsbare groep – te verwerkelijken. Zij realiseerden zich dat meer confronterende tactieken en juridische middelen vaak ontoereikend waren om conflicten over de rechten van deze arbeiders afdoende op te lossen. Later kwamen deze mensenrechtenactivisten erachter dat zulke conflictoplossingsmethoden weliswaar heel handig waren, maar geen wondermiddel zijn. Ze moesten dus leren wanneer elke soort methode het meest geschikt is: methoden die uitgaan van het recht, of w

methoden die gericht zijn op het verenigen van onderliggende belangen. Het hoofdstuk behandelt ook hoe praktijkmensen van een andere Zuid‐Afrikaanse NGO, het Centre for Conflict Resolution (‘Centrum voor Conflictoplossing’) te maken kregen met vragen over mensenrechten toen zij intervenieerden in conflicten in lokale gemeenschappen. Zij waren zelden bekend met mensenrechtenaspecten van conflicten, waardoor ze die vaak over het hoofd zagen of erdoor gefrustreerd raakten – hetgeen hun interventies nadelig kon beïnvloeden. In de loop der tijd begonnen echter sommige conflictoplossers mensenrechten steeds meer te waarderen, zowel in juridische als morele zin; in hun visie scheppen mensenrechten het (juridische en orele) kader waarin conflictoplossing plaatsvindt. Ook bleken deze beoefenaars ensenrechten te gebruiken als een instrument bij het aanpakken van conflicten.

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De ervaringen van deze organisaties tonen aan hoe mensenrechten‐ en conflictoplossingswerk nauw verwant zijn in de praktijk. Mensenrechtenwerk en conflictoplossing vloeien op allerlei wijzen in elkaar over; dit brengt kansen en uitdagingen met zich mee voor de actoren die ermee te maken krijgen. Deze fluïditeit omt waarschijnlijk door het soort werk dat deze actoren doen, het type problemen kdat ze proberen aan te pakken, en de omgeving waarin ze werken. Toch is het zo dat veel initiatieven om mensenrechten te bevorderen of conflicten op te lossen ontplooid worden door actoren die geen professionele NGOs zijn in het ene of andere veld. Daarom bespreekt hoofdstuk 6 de wisselwerking van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing in de praktijk van een aantal andere actoren, die ver uitelkaar liggen op het organisatorische spectrum. Eerst is er aandacht voor een kerkelijk netwerk in de provincie Manicaland in Zimbabwe dat zich bezig ging houden met mensenrechten en conflictoplossing in reactie op toenemend politiek geweld. De betrokken kerken gingen lobbyen voor mensenrechtenbescherming en steun verlenen aan slachtoffers van misdrijven, en probeerden de gevolgen van geweld te verzachten en een dialoog tussen politieke opponenten te vergemakkelijken. Ze probeerden dus p beide terreinen zinnige dingen te doen, ook al zagen ze zichzelf niet in termen van o‘mensenrechten’ of ‘conflictoplossing.’ Daarna bespreekt het hoofdstuk een aantal onafhankelijke staatsinstellingen die de taak hebben mensenrechten te beschermen, de democratie te waarborgen, geschillen te beslechten, of goed bestuur te bewerkstelligen – waaronder de Zuid‐Afrikaanse Mensenrechtencommissie en de Noord‐Ierse Parade Commissie. Deze formele organen moeten zich ook vaak bezighouden met mensenrechten en conflictoplossing n het uitvoeren van hun mandaat, ondanks het feit dat hun formele titel (of mandaat) imogelijk slechts een van de twee vermeldt. Deze verschillende actoren zijn daarom te typeren als werkzaam op het snijvlak van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing; de functies die ze vervullen en de activiteiten die ze ondernemen hebben te maken met beide terreinen. Het is moeilijk te zien waar het ene begint en het andere eindigt. De mate waarin deze organisaties dit inzien – en bewust nadenken over het snijvlak van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing – varieert echter zeer. De kerken in Manicaland begonnen dit langzamerhand te beseffen, en gebruikten dat inzicht om te reflecteren op hun rol en aanpak. De onafhankelijke staatsinstellingen waarnaar verwezen wordt, leken er echter zelden over na te denken oe mensenrechten en conflictoplossing samenkomen in hun werk, laat staan wat de h

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praktische implicaties daarvan zijn. De hoofdstukken van deel II belichten wat de terreinen van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing aan elkaar kunnen bijdragen. Zo kunnen ze elkaars analytisch kader versterken en het arsenaal aan praktische benaderingen die actoren kunnen gebruiken, vergroten. Dit heeft te maken met het feit dat de velden de aandacht vestigen op verschillende aspecten van dezelfde situatie en verschillende

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oplossingsrichtingen suggereren. Dit doet vermoeden dat de praktijk en theorie van ensenrechten en conflictoplossing het potentieel hebben om leemtes op te vullen in m

elkaar’s begrip en benadering van de werkelijkheid. Tegelijkertijd laten de praktische voorbeelden ook zien dat het omgaan met de fluïditeit van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing verwarrend, frustrerend, en moeilijk kan zijn voor de betrokken organisaties en individuele beoefenaars. Moeilijke vragen komen op die niet vermeden kunnen worden. Een bevinding van de studie is dan ook dat pogingen om de relatie van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing te vermijden of te ontkennen – dus ‘eromheen te werken’ – waarschijnlijk nadelige gevolgen hebben. Dit is omdat belangrijke facetten van de realiteit, die bijdragen aan mensenrechtenschendingen of aan spanningen tussen mensen, dan niet worden nderkend. Bovendien worden in dat geval mogelijke manieren om de problemen aan e pakkot en over het hoofd gezien. Deel 3, bestaande uit hoofdstukken 7 en 8, focust op het thema van omgaan met complexiteit. Ook belicht dit deel het belang van het loslaten van zogenaamde ‘binaire’ denkpatronen, dus het denken in termen van ‘of/of.’ Hoofdstuk 7 onderzoekt vier specifieke uitdagingen waar organisaties en beoefenaars van mensenrechten en/of conflictoplossing vaak mee te maken krijgen, ontleend aan de eerder besproken praktische voorbeelden. De eerste betreft het balanceren van korte en lange‐termijndoelen. De tweede gaat over de vraag of het beter is de confrontatie aan te gaan dan wel samenwerking te zoeken in omstandigheden die gekenmerkt zijn door machtsongelijkheid en onrechtvaardigheid. Het derde vraagstuk heeft betrekking op het omgaan met spanningen tussen de rol van lobbyist en bemiddelaar. Het vierde etreft de vraag hoe te verwijzen naar schendingen van mensenrechten (en andere bmensenrechtenkwesties) tijdens processen van conflictoplossing. Dit hoofdstuk verkent wat deze vraagstukken inhouden en hoe verschillende actoren ermee zijn omgegaan, om zo verder licht te werpen op de relatie tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing. Het blijkt dat actoren deze uitdagingen vaak ervaren als dilemma’s tussen twee conflicterende – maar even belangrijke – doeleinden welke een verschillende aanpak vereisen die elk nadelige gevolgen kunnen hebben. Dit denken in dilemma’s vat de keuzes die beoefenaars moeten maken in een implistisch binair kader, alsof actoren moeten kiezen tussen twee s

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handelingsmogelijkheden die elkaar uitsluiten. De studie toont aan dat organisaties en beoefenaars op diverse wijzen hun weg vonden door de complexiteit van de sociale werkelijkheid. Zij lieten zich zelden tegenhouden door een dualistisch denkkader. In plaats daarvan zochten ze naar mogelijkheden om de voor de hand liggende manieren van handelen te combineren, of ze te omzeilen door een alternatieve aanpak te identificeren. Vaak blijkt in feite uit de worsteling met een bepaalde uitdaging dat er een onderlinge afhankelijkheid bestaat tussen verschillende prioriteiten, strategieën, of rollen – zelfs tussen zaken die

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volstrekt onverenigbaar lijken, zoals confrontatie en samenwerking, of lobbyen en bemiddelen. Binair denken is riskant omdat het de problemen die spelen versimpelt; het kan ook het vermogen van actoren om effectief op te treden ondermijnen. In de praktijk herdefinieerden actoren daarom vaak het specifieke vraagstuk waar ze mee te maken hadden, om uit het binaire kader te stappen en meer handelingsruimte voor zichzelf te creëren. Het is echter niet zo dat een dergelijke herformulering de problemen per se oplost. Bepaalde afwegingen en kwesties blijven moeilijk. In dat geval blijkt het vooral zinnig als actoren bereid zijn om de vragen en tegenstrijdigheden tot zich te laten door dringen, in plaats van te hopen dat deze zullen verdwijnen. Deze discussie wijst us op het belang van reflectie voor actoren in beide velden zodat ze kunnen edenken hoedb ze zullen omgaan met de problemen waar ze mee te maken krijgen. Hoofdstuk 8 betwist het binaire kader dat veel literatuur over de relatie tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing kenmerkt. Voorgaande bevindingen onderbouwen de stelling dat mensenrechten en conflictoplossing elkaar zowel kunnen complementeren als op gespannen voet met elkaar kunnen staan, afhankelijk van de specifieke omstandigheden, periode, en/of het optreden van organisaties en praktijkmensen. Het hoofdstuk vestigt zo de nadruk op het variabele en dynamische karakter van de relatie tussen beide vakgebieden. Dit maakt het relevant om uit te oeken welke factoren van invloed zijn op de interactie tussen mensenrechten‐ en zconflictoplossingswerk in the praktijk. Om het nut van deze onderzoeksrichting aan te tonen bespreekt het hoofdstuk hoe vier specifieke factoren de relatieve convergentie van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing beïnvloeden. Dit zijn achtereenvolgens de manier waarop ‘mensenrechten’ en ‘conflictoplossing’ begrepen worden in een bepaalde context; de politieke en economische omgeving waarin het denken en handelen vanuit mensenrechtenperspectief en vanuit conflictoplossingsperspectief plaats vindt; de methoden die gebruikt worden om doelen op het gebied van mensenrechten dan wel conflictoplossing na te streven; en, tenslotte, de mate waarin beoefenaars van ensenrechten en conflictoplossing kennis hebben van elkaars vakgebied en de mate m

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waarin zij het waarderen. Het blijkt dat actoren die zich richten op bevordering van mensenrechten en/of conflictoplossing niet volledig vrij zijn om te bepalen hoe ze met situaties omgaan die ze tegenkomen in de praktijk. Zo kunnen ze bijvoorbeeld wel bepalen hoe ze ‘mensenrechtenwerk’ en ‘conflictoplossing’ opvatten en ten uitvoer brengen, in elk geval tot op zekere hoogte. Ze kunnen echter weinig invloed uitoefenen op de manier waarop deze opvattingen en de lokale politieke dynamiek op elkaar inwerken. In sommige contexten worden de mensenrechten‐ en conflictoplossingsagenda geassocieerd met verschillende partijen in conflict; convergentie tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing wordt dan waarschijnlijk lastig. Op soortgelijke

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wijze kunnen actoren zelf de keuze maken dat zij zich zowel met mensenrechten als met conflictoplossing willen bezighouden, maar de mate waarin zij dit ook daadwerkelijk kunnen doen wordt wellicht bepaald door de toekenning van financiering voor activiteiten – of door de institutionele structuur van hun organisatie die bijvoorbeeld initiatieven op het gebied van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing (gescheiden houdt). Hoofdstuk 8 is daarmee een belangrijke aanvulling op hoofdstuk 7, dat de nadruk legde op het handelend vermogen van actoren om verschillende methoden te combineren en bewegingsruimte te creëren door herformulering en reflectie. Hoofdstuk 8 laat echter zien dat structurele zaken ook van belang zijn als we de wisselwerking tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing willen begrijpen. Ook de bevinding dat ogenschijnlijk uiteenlopende en tegenstrijdige benaderingen elkaar kunnen complementeren (en wederzijds afhankelijk kunnen zijn) wordt aangevuld. Divergentie tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing kan ook een andere functie dienen: beoefenaars in beide velden die ermee te maken krijgen kunnen een dusdanig gevoel van ongemak ervaren dat ze na verloop van tijd buiten de gebaande paden gaan stappen, en de inzichten en benaderingen van ‘het andere veld’ serieus gaan nemen. In dat opzicht komen verrassende paradoxen naar voren in deel III: egenstrijdigheid kan nog steeds complementair zijn, en divergentie kan een

van een bewe e. tonderdeel zijn ging naar convergenti De conclusie, hoofdstuk 9, vat de belangrijkste bevindingen van de studie samen, identificeert overkoepelende inzichten op basis van de studie, en bespreekt de implicaties voor de praktijk en verder onderzoek. Met betrekking tot de notie dat de twee velden botsen, wordt gesuggereerd dat de overeenkomsten tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing wellicht net zo’n obstakel zijn als hun verschillen in het bewerkstelligen van meer synergie. Het sterke normatieve karakter van de velden belemmert ontvankelijkheid voor andere perspectieven en benaderingen; dat geldt ook voor de gedrevenheid van de actoren die in deze vakgebieden werken, en hun hartstochtelijke geloof in de juistheid en toepasselijkheid van hun specifieke referentiekader. De mate waarin beide velden geprofessionaliseerd zijn versterkt dit aarschijnlijk, omdat het tunnelvisie teweeg brengt, beroepsmatige identiteiten w

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verankert en de behoefte vergroot om de eigen relevantie aan te tonen. In dat opzicht bevat de relatie tussen de velden haar eigen conflictdynamiek waarop grondbeginselen van conflictoplossing van toepassing zijn – zoals het belang van begrip vergroten tussen voorstanders van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing. Toch is het belangrijk te onderkennen dat enige spanning waarschijnlijk zal blijven bestaan daar inhoudelijke verschillen in interpretatie en benadering van de sociale werkelijkheid niet zullen verdwijnen. Deze kunnen het beste begrepen worden als verschillende perspectieven op de wereld met specialistische kaders en terminologieën, waarvan elk meer geschikt is voor sommige doeleinden en minder voor andere. Deze perspectieven kunnen ook als waarschuwingssignaal dienen, om te

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voorkomen dat belangrijke aspecten van de werkelijkheid of alternatieve jhandelingswi zen over het hoofd gezien worden.

Het idee van herdefiniëren of herformuleren komt ook terug in de conclusie. Uit de studie blijkt dat het riskant is als actoren slechts handelen op basis van hun eigen referentiekader maar er niet op reflecteren. Het is echter wel mogelijk om bestaande kaders om te vormen of aan te passen. Dit kan op drie manieren: aanpassing kan plaatsvinden als een specifiek kader dominant wordt. Ook kan het een gevolg zijn van reflectie. In dat laatste geval heroverwegen beoefenaars hun bestaande perspectief en aanpak nadat ze problemen hebben ondervonden in hun manier van problemen of oplossingen definiëren of wanneer ze niet de beoogde resultaten hebben bereikt. Het kan dan aantrekkelijk worden om te experimenteren met nieuwe kaders en praktische benaderingen. Een derde manier om bestaande kaders aan te passen komt op wanneer deze gedestabiliseerd raken door praktische complicaties of onvoorziene omstandigheden. Dit kan ertoe leiden dat actoren hun perspectief en benaderingen gaan aanpassen – tenminste, als zij een mate van verwarring en kwetsbaarheid kunnen en willen verdragen, en als zij de verleiding kunnen weerstaan om de tabiliteit van hun overtuigingen zeker te stellen door empirisch bewijs te ‘masseren’

e re sof bepaalde informati te nege n. Een overkoepelend inzicht is dat het beschouwen van de relatie tussen mensenrechten en conflictoplossing het bestaan onthult van meerdere, gelijktijdige, realiteiten. Organisaties en mensen die zich bezighouden met deze relatie moeten daarom erkennen dat deze verschillende realiteiten tegelijkertijd gelden en wederzijds afhankelijk van elkaar zijn, ook al botsen ze soms. De studie benadrukt dus hoe noodzakelijk (en uitdagend) het is om deze gelijktijdige werkelijkheden – zoals naar voren gebracht door de perspectieven van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing – te bevatten en te omarmen, en op basis daarvan actie te nemen. Dat dit belangrijk is voor organisaties en beoefenaars die werkzaam zijn in deze gebieden blijkt duidelijk it dit onderzoek. Voorbij gaan aan de samenhang tussen mensenrechten en uconflictoplossing kan hun werk schaden. Er is geen blauwdruk voor het verbinden van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing in praktische initiatieven, omdat is gebleken dat de interactie tussen deze twee terreinen er elke keer anders uit kan zien. Toch geeft de studie wel enige aanwijzingen omtrent edrag en houding, welke het beste te vermijden zijn. Ook zijn er drie algemene g

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implicaties voor praktisch werk in de toekomst te onderscheiden: Ten eerste is het belangrijk dat actoren die in deze vakgebieden werken erkennen dat hun werk, ook al is het vooral gericht op een van de twee verschijnselen (mensenrechten of conflict), meestal plaatsvindt in een omgeving waar het andere verschijnsel ook aanwezig is – waarmee het andere denkraam ook relevant is. Het is daarom zinnig na te denken over de wisselwerking tussen hun eigen activiteiten en het verschijnsel en perspectief die traditiegetrouw buiten hun referentiekader vielen.

Samenvatting

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Dit betekent niet dat ze zouden moeten afzien van initiatieven die wellicht controversieel zijn; in plaats daarvan is het verstandig als ze van tevoren bedenken of hun activiteiten mogelijke negatieve gevolgen kunnen hebben en kritische reacties unnen oproepen – en zo ja, dan moeten ze vooraf overwegen hoe ze zulke effecten en

ti e cht . kreac es kunnen opvang n en verza en Ten tweede is het belangrijk om een meer geïntegreerde opvatting van mensenrechten en conflictoplossing te hanteren. De beperkte, traditionele manier waarop beide kernbegrippen lang zijn geïnterpreteerd doen geen recht aan de ontwikkeling die beide velden hebben doorgemaakt in theorie en praktijk. Daarnaast zijn deze traditionele opvattingen niet geschikt in het kader van asymmetrisch conflict en ze gaan ook voorbij aan de nauwe relatie tussen mensenrechten, conflict, vrede en rechtvaardigheid. In plaats daarvan is het zinnig om een aantal dimensies te erkennen op beide terreinen (en op hun gezamenlijke snijvlak). Wanneer organisaties en individuele beoefenaars proberen mensenrechten te realiseren en (potentieel) gewelddadig conflict om te buigen in processen van sociale en politieke verandering onder geweld, is het van belang om aandacht te besteden aan regels, structuren en zinstituties, relaties, en processen. Ten derde is het waardevol om meer te leren over het ‘andere’ veld en ook na te denken over de inhoud, reikwijdte en beperkingen van het eigen referentiekader. Dit betekent niet dat mensenrechtenactivisten opeens beoefenaars van conflictoplossing moeten worden en vice versa. Het betekent wel dat erkend moet worden dat specialisatie bepaalde risico’s met zich meebrengt die goedbedoelde pogingen om de bescherming van rechten te vergroten of duurzame oplossingen voor conflict te bewerkstelligen, kan schaden. Meer inzicht in andere manieren om de wereld te begrijpen, en hoe te handelen en te zijn in de wereld, vergroot de veelzijdigheid van ctoren om actie te ondernemen om zowel de levensomstandigheden van mensen als ade wereld zelf, te verbeteren. De kern van deze studie is dus een roep om nuancering en om meer interactie tussen mensen en organisaties die zich met verschillende achtergronden bezighouden met conflict, mensenrechten, vrede en gerechtigheid. Dit onderzoek laat duidelijk zien hoe relevant en noodzakelijk het is om de samenhang tussen mensenrechten en onflictoplossing meer aandacht te geven dan tot nu toe in theorie en praktijk het eval is geweest. cg

Curriculum Vitae

Curriculum Vitae

Michelle Parlevliet (1971) was born in Almelo, the Netherlands. She obtained an MA in Political Science, specialising in International Relations, from the University of Amsterdam in 1996, cum laude. An edited version of her MA thesis, ‘Considering Truth: Dealing with a Legacy of Human Rights Violations’, was published in the Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights. She also obtained an MA in International eace Studies from the Joan B. Kroc Institute at the University of Notre Dame, United PStates, for which she was awarded a full scholarship and tuition waver (1994‐1995). In the beginning of her career, Michelle worked in the Prosecutor’s Office at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in The Hague (1995‐1996; 1998) and as a researcher for the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Cape Town (1997‐1998). In 1999, she helped to establish the Human Rights and Conflict Management Programme at the Cape Town‐based Centre for Conflict Resolution, managing the programme until early 2005. After short stints as Alumni Visiting Fellow at the University of Notre Dame and as a consultant for the World Bank in Aceh, she moved to Nepal to work as senior conflict transformation adviser for the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. She supported the Ministry‐funded Human Rights and Good Governance Programme and several programme partners in the country, and advised the Embassy of Denmark on its support to Nepal’s peace process (2006‐2009). Between 2010 and 2015, she pursued her Ph.D. at the Faculty of Law at the niversity of Amsterdam while still engaging in practical assignments from time to U

time. Over the years, Michelle has published widely on human rights and conflict resolution, national human rights institutions, conflict prevention and transitional justice, and has provided facilitation, training, research and technical assistance to multiple organisations and networks at grassroots and senior policy‐making level. These include civil society organisations in several African countries and Nepal, development organisations in Europe and various bodies of the United Nations. She is a member of the Board of Trustees of Conciliation Resources (an international peacebuilding NGO based in London) and also serves on the International Advisory Board of the Centre on Human Rights in Conflict (University of East London), the Editorial Board of the Journal of Human Rights Practice (Oxford Journals), and on the Steering Committee of the Cultural Emergency Response Programme of the Prince Claus Fund for Culture and Development. She continues to combine practice and scholarship in her work and lives with her partner Philipp Wolff in Bosch & Duin, the Netherlands.

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Stellingen behorend bij het proefschrift

Embracing Concurrent Realities. Revisiting the Relationship between Human Rights and Conflict Resolution

1. A better understanding of the relationship between human rights and conflict

resolution contributes to improved practice in both areas.

2. The ability of human rights and conflict resolution practitioners to act effectively and appropriately is enhanced by learning more about one another’s perspective and approach.

3. The legal reflex that exists in much human rights thinking and practice fails to recognise the limitations of law and legal systems, as well as the importance of social and political processes in ensuring human rights.

4. Conflict resolution’s concern with preventing and limiting (physical) violence runs the risk of turning conflict resolution efforts into means of pacification.

5. The boundaries between human rights and conflict resolution are far less distinct in practice than has been recognised thus far; considerable fluidity exists.

6. The relationship between human rights and conflict resolution is best understood as being dynamic and contingent rather than being exclusively complementary or contradictory and static over time.

7. Much goes missing when the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution is discussed in terms of ‘peace’ and ‘justice’.

8. The current refugee crisis aptly illustrates Einstein’s saying that problems cannot be solved in the same mindset in which they were created.

9. The participant-‐insider perspective adopted in this study offers an opportunity to highlight the interdependence of doing and thinking, and the validity of practice-‐informed theory.

10. The way the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution unfolds in practice contains its own conflict dynamics, in which objective and subjective elements interact over time.

11. While there are dilemmas to navigate and polarities to manage, there is also life to be lived.

Embracing concurrEnt rEalitiEs

Revisiting the Relationship betweenHuman Rights and Conflict Resolution

This study focuses on the interplay of human rights and conflict resolution in the practice of civil society organisations and independent state institutions, so as to enhance understanding of the relationship between these fields and contribute to improved practice. It has been recognised that human rights, justice, conflict and peace are closely linked. Yet for many years these bodies of theory and practice have remained surpris-ingly separate in conceptual and practical terms. Those working on these issues have been known to strongly disagree about the most suitable response in specific instances. At times they may even perceive one another’s actions as hampering their own.

By considering the practical experiences of specific non-governmental organisations and state institutions in South Africa, Northern Ireland, Nepal and Zimbabwe, the study deviates from much of the existing literature; that focuses extensively on the so-called ‘peace versus justice’ debate. As such, it recognises that ‘conflict resolution’ entails more than reaching a settlement to end violence or repression. It also appreciates that efforts to advance ‘human rights’ go beyond pursuing individual criminal accountability for serious abuses. The study is based on some eighteen years of personal practical experience, a review of relevant literature and key informant interviews.

Michelle Parlevliet (MA Political Science, MA International Peace Studies) has worked on the nexus of human rights and conflict resolution in various capacities since 1997. She has published widely on this theme and related topics, and has provided facilitation, training, research and technical assistance to multiple organisations and networks at grassroots and senior policy-making level in Africa, Asia, and Europe. Between 2010 and 2015, she pursued her PhD at the Faculty of Law at the University of Amsterdam. Michelle Parlevliet

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